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THE    WORKS 


OF 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS: 


COMPRISING    THE 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE   JEWS; 

A  HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWISH  WARS; 

AND 

LIFE  OF  FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS,  WRITTEN  BY  HIMSELF. 

TRANSLATED  FROM  THE  ORIGINAL    GREEK, 

By   WILLIAM    WHISTON,  A.M. 

PROFESSOR    OF    MATHEMATICS    IN    THE    UNIVERSITY    OF    CAMBRIDGE. 

TOGETHER  WITH  NUMEROUS  EXPLANATORY  NOTES, 

AND 


CONCERNING 


JESUS   CHRIST,    JOHN    THE   BAPTIST,    JAMES   THE    JUST, 
GOD'S   COMMAND   TO   ABRAHAM,  ETC. 


FROM    THE    LAST  LONDON   EDITION. 


jSMBELLISHED  with  elegant  engravings. 


IN  TWO  VOLUMES.— VOL.  II. 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PUBLISHED    BY   JAS.    B.    SMITH   &   CO., 

NO.  146  CHESTNUT  STREET. 
1857. 


CONTENTS  OF  THE  SECOND  VOLUME. 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS.— (Continued.) 


BOOK  XVI. 

Containing  an  interval  of  twelve  years. 

FROM  THE  FINISHING  OF  THE  TEMPLE  BY  nEROD, 
TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  AND  ARISTOBU- 
LUS. 

PAGE 

Chap.  I.  Herod's  law  concerning  thieves — Sa- 
lome and  Pheroras  calumniate  Alexander 
and  Aristobulus  upon  their  return  from 
Rome 7 

Chap.  II.  Agrippa  visits  Herod — Herod  sails 
after  Agrippa,  who  confirms  the  laws  of  the 
Ionian  Jews S 

Chap.  III.  Disturbances  in  Herod's  family  ou 
his  preferring  Antipater  before  the  rest 11 

Chap.  IV.  Herod  brings  Alexander  and  Aris- 
tobulus before  Caesar — Alexander's  defence, 
and  reconciliation  to  his  father 13 

Chap.  V.  Herod  celebrates  the  games  that 
were  to  return  every  fifth  year,  on  the  build- 
ing of  Caesarea 17 

Chap.  VI.  The  Jews  in  Asia  complain  of  the 
Greeks  to  Caesar IS 

Chap.  VII.  Herod  removes  part  of  the  riches 
from  the  tomb  of  David — sedition  consequent 
thereon 20 

Chap.  VIII.  Continued  dissensions  in  Herod's 
family 23 

Chap.  IX.  The  Trachonites  revolt — Sylleus 
accuses  Herod  before  Ctesar 26 

Chap.  X.  Eurycles  falsely  accuses  Herod's 
son 28 

Chap.  XL  Herod,  by  permission  from  Coesar, 
accuses  his  sons  before  an  assembly  of  judges 
at  Berytus — Death  of  the  young  men,  and 
their  burial  at  Alexandrium 32 

BOOK  XVII. 

Containing  an  interval  of  fourteen  years. 

FROM    ALEXANDER    AND    ARISTOBULUS'S    DEATHS  TO 
THE    BANISHMENT    OF    ARCHELAUS. 

Chap.  I.  Antipater,  hated  by  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, endeavours  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the 
Romans  and  Syrians  by  presents  36 

Chap.  II.  Zamaris,  a  Babylonish  Jew,  as- 
sumes the  government  of  Batanea — his  death 
— Antipater  plots  against  Herod 38 

Chap.  III.  Enmity  between  Herod  and  Phe- 
roras— Herod  sends  Antipater  to  Caesar — 
Death  of  Pheroras 39 

Chap.  IV.  Pheroras's  wife  accused  of  poison- 
ing her  husband — consequences  of  the  accu- 
sation       41 

Chap.  V.  Antipater  returns  from  Rome — ac- 
cused by  Nicolaus  of  Damascus — condemned 
to  die  by  Herod  and  Quintilius  Varus 42 

Chap.  VI.  Illness  of  Herod — the  Jews  raise  a 
sedition  thereon — ??e  discovered  and  pu- 
nished      47 

Chap.  VII.  Herod  contemplates  self-destruc- 
tion—orders Antipater  to  be  slain 50 

Chap.  VIII.  Herod's  death — his  testament — 
burial 51 

Chap.  IX.  The  people  raise  a  sedition  against 
Archelaus,  who  sails  to  Rome 52 

Chap.  X.  Sedition  of  the  Jews  against  Sabi- 
nus 56 


Chap.  XI.     An  Embassy  of  the  Jews  to  Caesar 

— Caesar  confirms  Herod's  testament 60 

chap.  XII.     Concerning  a  spurious  Alexander    62 
Chap.  XIII.     Anhelaus,  upon  a  second  accu- 
sation, banished  to  Vienna 63 

BOOK  XVIII. 

Containing  an  interval  of  thirty-two  years. 

FROM  TnE  BANISHMENT  OF  ARCHELAUS  To  THE  DE- 
PARTURE OF  THE  JEWS  FROM  BABYLON. 

Chap.  I.  Cyrenus  sent  by  Caesar  to  tax  Syria 
and  Judea;  Coponius  sent  as  procurator  of 
Judea — Judas  of  Galilee — sects  among  the 
Jews 65 

Chap.  II.  Herod  and  Philip  build  several  cities 
in  honour  of  Cresar 67 

Chap.  III.  Sedition  of  the  Jews  against  Pon- 
tius Pilate 69 

Chap.  IV.  The  Samaritans  make  a  tumult — 
Pilate  destroys  many  of  them — Pilate  is 
accused 72 

Chap.  V.  Herod  the  tetrarch  makes  war  with 
Aretas,  king  of  Arabia — is  beaten  by  him — 
Death  of  John  the  Baptist 74 

Chap.  VI.  Agrippa  visits  Rome — accused  be- 
fore Tiberius  Coesar — imprisoned — is  set  at 
liberty  by  Caius,  after  the  death  of  Tiberius     76 

Chap.  VII.     Herod  the  tetrarch  banished 83 

Chap.  VIII.  Embassy  of  the  Jews  to  Caius 
— Caius  sends  Petronius  into  Syria,  to  make 
war  against  the  Jews 85 

Chap.  IX.  Sedition  among  the  Babylonish 
Jews 89 


BOOK  XIX. 

Containing  an  interval  of  three  years  and  a  half. 

FROM  THE  JEWS'  DEPARTURE  OUT  OF  BABYLON  TO 
FADUS  THE  ROMAN  PROCURATOR. 

Chap.  I.     Caius  (Caligula)  slain  by  Cherca 95 

Chap.  II.  The  senators  attempt  the  re-es- 
tablishment of  a  democracy — Claudius  chosen 
emperor  by  the  soldiers — Death  of  the  wife 
and  daughter  of  Caius 106 

Chap.  III.  Claudius  seized  on,  and  brought 
to  the  camp — the  senate  sends  an  embassy 
to  him 110 

Chap.  IV.  Claudius  assisted  by  Agrippa,  ob- 
tains the  sovereignty  of  Rome — executes 
the  murderers  of  Caius 112 

Chap.  V.  Claudius  restores  to  Agrippa  his 
grandfather's  kingdom — augments  his  do- 
minions ;  and  publishes  an  edict  in  behalf 
of  the  Jews 114 

Chap.  VI.  Conduct  of  Agrippa — Petronius 
writes  to  the  inhabitants  of  Doris  on  behalf 
of  the  Jews 116 

Chap.  VII.  Silas  imprisoned  by  Agrippa — 
Jerusalem  encompassed  by  a  wall — benefits 
conferred  on  the  inhabitants  of  Berytus  by 
Agrippa 117 

Chap.  VIII.     Death  of  Agrippa 119 

Chap.  IX.     The   Emperor    Claudius   appoints 

Cuspius  Fadus  procurator  of  Judea 120 

3 


CONTENTS. 


BOOK  XX. 

Containing  an  interval  of  twenty-two  years. 

PROM  KADIS  THE  PROCURATOR  TO  FLORUS. 

Chap.  I.  Sedition  of  the  Philadelphians 
against  the  Jews 121 

Chap.  II.  Helena,  queen  of  Adiabene,  and  her 
son  Izates,  embrace  the  Jewish  religion — 
Helena  supplies  the  poor  with  corn  during  a 
great  famine  at  Jerusalem 122 

Chap.  III.  Artabanus,  king  of  Parthia,re-in- 
Btated  in  his  government  by  Izates — Barda- 
nes  denounces  war  against  Izates 125 

Chap.  IV.  Izates  betrayed  by  his  subjects, 
ami  is  attacked  by  the  Arabians,  but  eventu- 
ally subdues  them 126 

Chap.  V.     Concerning  Theudas  and  the  sons 


of  Judas  the  Galilean — calamity  of  the  Jews 

on  the  day  of  the  Passover 128 

Chap.  VI.  A  quarrel  between  the  Jews  and 
the  Samaritans — Claudius  puts  an  end  to 
their  differences 129 

Chap.  VII.  Felix  made  procurator  of  Jndea 
— concerning  the  younger  Agrippa  and  his 
sisters 130 

Chap.  VIII.  Nero  succeeds  to  the  Roman 
government — his  cruelties — Felix  and  Fes- 
tus  procurators  of  Judea 131 

Chap.  IX.  Albinus  procurator  of  Judea — the 
Apostle  James  slain — Edifices  built  by  Agrippa  135 

Chap.  X.     Enumeration  of  the  high  priests...   137 

Chap.  XL  Florus  the  procurator  compels  the 
Jews  to  take  up  arms  against  the  Romans — 
conclusion 138 


WARS  OF  THE  JEWS. 


Preface, 


141 


BOOK  I. 

Containing  an  interval  of  167  years. 

PROM  THE  TAKING  OF  JERUSALEM  BY  ANTIOCHUS 
EPIPHANES  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  HEROD  THE  GREAT. 

Chap.  I.  Jerusalem  taken,  and  the  temple  pil- 
laged [by  Antiochus  Epiphanes] — actions  of 
the  Maccabees,  Matthias  and  Judas — death 
of  Judas 144 

Chap.  II.  Jonathan,  Simeon,  and  John  Hyr- 
canus  succeed  Judas  Maccabeus 145 

Chap.  III.  Aristobulus  changes  the  govern- 
ment into  a  kingdom — destroys  his  mother 
■■mil  brother — -reigns  one  year 147 

Chap.  IV.  Alexander  Janneus  succeeds  to  the 
crown,  and  reigns  27  years 149 

Chap.  V.     Alexander  reigns  nine  years 150 

Chap.  VI.  Hyrcanus  resigns  the  kingdom  in 
favour  of  his  brother  Aristobulus — is  induced 
to  reclaim  it — Pompey  arbitrates  between  the 
two  brothers 151 

Chap.  VII.  Jerusalem  surrendered  to  Pom- 
pey, who  seizes  on  the  Temple  by  force 153 

Chap.  VIII.  Alexander,  son  of  Aristobulus, 
makes  an  expedition  against  Hyrcanus — is 
defeated  by  Gabinius — Aristobulus  escapes 
from  Rome,  is  beaten  by  the  Romans,  and 
sent  back  again 155 

Chap.  IX.  Aristobulus  poisoned  by  Pompey's 
party — Scipio  beheads  Alexander — Antipa- 
ter  cultivates  a  friendship  with  Caosar,  after 

Pom] ley's  death 157 

Chap.  X.  Antipater,  procurator  of  Judea — 
appoints  Phasaelus  governor  of  Jerusalem, 
ami  Herod  of  Galilee — Sextus  Ca;sar  mur- 
dered by  Bassns 158 

Chap.  XL  Herod  made  procurator  of  all 
Syria 160 

Chap.  XII.  Phasaelus  too  hard  for  Felix — 
Herod  overcomes  Antigonus — the  Jews  ac- 
cuse Herod  and  Phasaelus — Antonius  acquits 
them,  and  makes  them  tetrarchs 162 

Chap.  XIII.  The  Parthians  bring  Antigonus 
back  —  Hyrcanus  and  Phasaelus  imprisoned 
— flight  of  Herod — the  Parthians  obtain  pos- 
sesion  of  Jerusalem — death  of  Phasaelus...  163 

Chap.  XIV.  Herod  rejected  in  Arabia — makes 
hasteto  Rome — Antony  and  Caesar  unite  their 
interest  to  make  him  king  of  the  Jews 166 


Chap.  XV.  Antigonus  besieges  Massada — He- 
rod compels  him  to  raise  the  siege,  and  then 
marches  to  Jerusalem 167 

Chap.  XVI.  Herod  takes  Sepphoris — subdues 
the  robbers — avenges  himself  on  Macheras 
— joins  Antony  at  Samosata 168 

Chap.  XVII.  Death  of  Joseph — Herod's  pre- 
servation— beheads  the  slayer  of  his  brother 
— besieges  Jerusalem  and  marries  Mariamne  170 

Chap.  XVIII.  Herod  and  Sosius  take  Jerusa- 
lem by  force— death  of  Antigonus — Cleopa- 
tra's avarice 172 

Chap.  XIX.  Antony,  at  the  persuasion  of 
Cleopatra,  sends  Herod  to  fight  against  the 
Arabians — great  earthquake 174 

Chap.  XX.  Herod  is  confirmed  in  his  king- 
dom by  Casar — cultivates  a  friendship  with 
the  emperor  by  magnificent  presents — Cae- 
sar returns  Herod's  kindness  by  enlarging 
his  territories 176 

Chap.  XXI.  Of  the  [temple  and]  cities  built 
by  Herod — his  magnificence  to  foreigners...   178 

Chap.  XXII.  Murder  of  Aristobulus  and 
Hyrcanus  the  high  priests,  and  of  Mariamne 
the  queen 180 

Chap.  XXIII.  Calumnies  against  the  sons  of 
Mariamne — Antipater  preferred  before  them 
— they  are  accused  before  Cfesar,  and  Herod 
is  reconciled  to  them 182 

Chap.  XXIV.  Malice  of  Antipater  and  Doris 
— Herod  pardons  Pheroras  and  Salome — He- 
rod's eunuchs  tortured — Alexander  impri- 
soned    184 

Chap.  XXV.  Archelaus  procures  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  Alexander,  Pheroras,  and  He- 
rod   187 

Chap.  XXVI.  Eurycles  calumniates  the  sons 
of  Mariamne — Euratus's  apology  has  no  ef- 
fect    1S8 

Chap.  XXVII.  Herod,  by  Cassar's  directions, 
accuses  his  sons  at  Berytus — they  are  con- 
demned and  sent  to  Sebaste,  and  strangled 
shortly  afterward 191 

Chap.  XXVIII.  Antipater  hated  by  all — the 
king  espouses  the  sons  of  those  that  had 
been  slain  to  his  kindred — Antipater  induces 
him  to  change  them  for  other  women — He- 
rod's marriages  and  children 192 

Chap.  XXIX.  Intolerance  of  Antipater — he 
is  sent  to  Rome — Pheroras  refuses  to  divorce 
his  wife , 194 


CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Chap.  XXX.  Herod  inquires  into  the  death 
of  Pheroras — consequences  thereof 195 

Chap.  XXXI.  Antipater,  convicted  by  Ba- 
thyllus,  returns  from  Rome,  and  is  brought 
to  trial  by  Herod 197 

Chap.  XXXII.  Antipater  accused  before  Va- 
rus— is  convicted — his  punishment  postponed 
till  the  recovery  of  his  father 199 

Chap.  XXXIII.  The  golden  eagle  cut  to  pieces 
— Herod's  barbarity — attempts  to  kill  him- 
self— commands  Antipater  to  be  slain — sur- 
vives him  five  days 201 

BOOK  II. 

Containing  an  interval  of  sixty-nine  years. 

FROM  THE    DEATH  OF    HEROD    TILL   VESPASIAN  WAS 
SENT   TO    SUBDUE    THE    JEWS    BY   NERO. 

Chap.  I.  Archelaus  makes  a  funeral  feast — 
a  great  tumult  raised  by  the  multitude — the 
soldiers  destroy  about  3000  of  them 204 

Chap.  II.  Archelaus  accused  before  Ciesar  by 
Autipater — is  successfully  defended  by  Nico- 
laus 205 

Cb.ap.  III.     Revolt  of  the  Jews 207 

Chap.  IV.  Herod's  veteran  soldiers  become 
tumultuous — robberies  of  Judas — Simon  and 
Athrongeus  assume  the  name  of  king 208 

Chap.  V.  Varus  quells  the  tumults  in  Judea 
— crucifies  about  two  thousand  of  the  sedi- 
tious   209 

Chap.  VI.  The  Jews  complain  of  Archelaus, 
and  desire  that  they  may  be  made  subject 
to  Roman  governors 210 

Chap.  VII.  History  of  the  spurious  Alexan- 
der— banishment  of  Archelaus,  and  death 
of  Glaphyra 211 

Chap.  VIII.  Archelaus's  ethuarehy  reduced 
to  a  [Roman]  province — sedition  of  Judas 
of  Galilee — the  three  sects  of  the  Jews 212 

Chap.  IX.  Death  of  Salome — Pilate  occasions 
disturbances — Tiberius  puts  Agrippa  into 
bonds — Caius  frees  him,  and  makes  him  king 
— Herod  Antipas  banished 216 

Chap.  X.  Caius  commands  that  his  statue 
should  be  set  up  in  the  temple 217 

Chap.  XI.  The  government  of  Claudius,  and 
the  reign  of  Agrippa — Death  of  Agrippa  and 
Herod 218 

Chap.  XII.  Tumults  under  Cumanus — sup- 
pressed by  Quadratus — Felix  procurator  of 
Judea — Agrippa  advanced  from  Chalcis  to 
a  larger  kingdom 220 

Chap.  XIII.  Nero  adds  four  cities  to  Agrip- 
pa's  kingdom — disturbances  raised  by  the 
Sicarii,  the  magicians,  and  an  Egyptian  false 
prophet 222 

Chap.  XIV.  Festus,  Albinus,  and  Florus  suc- 
cessively procurators  of  Judea — the  Jews 
resist  the  cruelties  of  Florus 223 

Chap.  XV.  Bernice  petitions  Florus  to  spare 
the  Jews — cruelties  and  avarice  of  Florus...  226 

Chap.  XVI.  Florus  accuses  the  Jews  of  re- 
volting from  the  Roman  government — Agrip- 
pa's  speech  to  the  Jews  on  their  intended 
war  agiiinst  the  Romans 228 

Chap.  XVII.  Commencement  of  the  Jewish 
war  with  the  Romans — Manahem  heads  the 
Jewish  insurgents,  who  are  defeated  with 
great  slvughter 233 

Chap.  XV III.  Dreadful  slaughters  and  suf- 
ferings of  the  Jews 237 

Chap.  XIX.  Cestius  besieges  Jerusalem  -re- 
treats from  the  city — the  Jews  pursue  nim, 
and  defeat  him  with  great  slaughter 241 

Chap.  XX.     Cestius  sends  ambassadors  to  Ne- 
21 


PAQl 

ro — the  Damascenes  destroy  the  Jews  in 
their  cities — Jerusalem  put  in  a  state  of  de- 
fence—Josephus  made  a  general  of  the  Jew- 
ish forces 244 

Chap.  XXI.  Josephus  defeats  tho  plots  of 
John  of  Uischala,  and  recovers  the  revolted 
cities 246 

Chap.  XXII.     The  Jews  prepare  for  war 250 

BOOK  III. 

Containing  an  interval  of  about  one  year. 

from  'Vespasian's  coming  to  subdue  the  jews 
TO  the  taking  of  gamala. 

Chap.  I.  Vespasian  sent  into  Syria  by  Nero, 
to  make  war  with  the  Jews. 251 

Chap.  II.  Slaughter  of  the  Jews  about  Asca- 
lon — Vespasian  arrives  at  Ptolemais 252 

Chap.  III.  Description  of  Galilee,  Samaria, 
and  Judea 253 

Chap.  IV.  Josephus  makes  an  attempt  upon 
Sepphoris,  but  is  repelled — Titus  joins  Ves- 
pasian at  Ptolemais 254 

Chap.  V.  Description  of  tho  Roman  armies 
and  camps 255 

Chap.  VI.  Placidus  attempts  to  take  Jolapa- 
ta,  but  is  repulsed — Vespasian  marches  into 
Galilee 257 

Chap.  VII.  Vespasian  takes  Gadara,  and 
marches  to  Jotapata,  which  is  betrayed  by  a 
deserter 258 

Chap.  VIII.  Josephus  discovered  in  a  cave 
— he  delivers  himself  up  to  the  Romans, 
who  bring  him  before  Vespasian 270 

Chap.  IX.  Joppa  taken,  and  Tiberias  deliver- 
ed up. 273 

Chap.  X.  Tarichea  taken — a  description  of 
the  river  Jordan,  and  of  Geuesareth 276 

BOOK  IV. 

Containing  an  interval  of  about  one  year. 

FROM   THE     SIEGE    OF    GAMALA    TO   THE    COMING    Of 
TITUS    TO    BESIEGE    JERUSALEM. 

Chap.  I.     The  siege  and  taking  of  Gamala....  280 

Chap.  II.  The  surrender  of  tho  small  city  of 
Gischala — John  of  Gischala  flies  to  Jerusa- 
lem    285 

Chap.  III.  Concerning  John  of  Gischala — the 
Zealots  and  the  high  priest  Ananus — the 
Jews  raise  seditions  one  against  another 287 

Chap.  IV.  The  Idumeans  being  sent  for  by 
the  Zealots,  come  immediately  to  Jerusalem  293 

Chap.  V.  Cruelty  of  the  Idumeans  and  the 
Zealots — slaughter  of  Ananus,  Jesus,  and 
Zacharias 297 

Chap.  VI.  The  Idumeans  return  home — 
the  Zealots  continue  their  slaughter  of  the 
citizens — Vespasian  dissuades  the  Romans 
from  proceeding  in  tho  Jewish  war 300 

Chap.  VII.  Tyranny  of  John— Massada  plun- 
dered by  the  Zealots — Vespasian  takes  Ga- 
dara    302 

Chap.  VIII.  Commotions  in  Gall  [Galatia] — 
Vespasian  hastens  to  terminato  the  Jewish 
war — description  of  Jericho,  the  Great  Plain, 
and  the  Lake  Asphaltitis 305 

Chap.  IX.  Vespasian  makes  preparations  to 
besiege  Jerusalem — Death  of  Nero — an  ac- 
count of  Simon  of  Gerasa 307 

Chap.  X.  Vespasian  proclaimed  emperor  by 
the  soldiers  in  Judea  and  Egypt — he  libe- 
rates Josephus 312 

Chap.  XI.  Upon  the  conquest  and  slaughter 
of  Vitellius,  Vespasian  hastens  to  Rome,  and 
Titus  returns  to  Jerusalem 315 


CONTENTS. 


PAOl 

BOOK  V. 

Containing  an  interval  of  near  six  months. 

FROM  THE  COMING  OF  TITUS  TO  BESIEGE  JERUSA- 
LKM.  TO  Tin:  GREAT  EXTREMITY  TO  WHICH  THE 
JEWS    WEBB    REDUCED. 

Chap.  I.  Seditions  at  Jerusalem,  and  mise- 
ries consequent  thereon 317 

Chap.  II.     Titus  inarches  to  Jerusalem 320 

Chap.  III.  The  sedition  again  revived  within 
Jerusalem — the  Jews  contrive  snares  for  the 
Romans — Titus  threatens  his  soldiers  for 
their  ungovernable  rashness 323 

Chap.  IV.     Description  of  Jerusalem 325 

Chap.  V.     Description  of  the  Temple 328 

Chap.  VI.  Titus  continues  the  siege  vigorously  332 

Chap.  VII.  The  Remans,  after  great  slaugh- 
ter, obtain  possession  of  the  first  wall — trea- 
cherous snares  of  the  Jews..- 334 

Chap.  VIII.  The  Romans  possess  themselves 
of  the  second  wall 337 

Chap.  IX.  Temporary  cessation  of  the  siege 
— renewal  of  hostilities — Josephus  sent  to 
offer  peace 338 

Chap.  X.  Many  of  the  Jews  endeavour  to  de- 
sert to  the  Romans — severe  famine  in  the 
city 342 

Chap.  XI.  The  Jews  crucified  before  the  walls 
of  the  city — Antiochus  Epiphanes — the  Jews 
overthrow  the  banks  raised  by  the  Romans  344 

Chap.  XII.  Titus  encompasses  the  city  round 
with  a  wall — -the  famine  consumes  the  peo- 
ple by  whole  houses  and  families 347 

Chap.  XIII.  Great  slaughter  and  sacrilege  in 
Jerusalem 349 


BOOK  VI. 

Containing  an  interval  of  a'ljout  one  month. 

FROM  THE  GREAT  EXTREMITY  TO  WHICH  THE  JV.WS 
WERE  REDUCED  TO  THE  TAKING  OF  JERUSALEM 
BY    TITUS. 

Chap.  I.  The  miseries  of  the  Jews  increase 
. — the  Romans  make  an  assault  upon  the 
tower  of  Antonia 352 

Chap.  II.  Titus  orders  the  tower  of  Antonia 
to  bo  destroyed — Josephus  exhorts  the  Jews 
to  surrender 358 

Chap.  III.     Stratagems  of  the   Jews   against 


the  Romans — further  account  of  the  famine 
within  the  city 363 

Chap.  IV.     Destruction  of  the  Temple 365 

Chap.  V.  Distress  of  the  Jews  upon  the  de- 
struction of  the  Temple 368 

Chap.  VI.  The  Romans  continue  to  plunder 
and  burn  the  city 371 

Chap.  VII.  The  seditious  continue  to  resist 
the  Romans 374 

Chap.  VIII.  Titus  gains  possession  of  the 
whole  city 375 

Chap.  IX.  Titus  examines  the  city — number 
of  captives  and  of  the  slain — the  Romans 
entirely  destroy  the  walls 377 

Chap.  X.  History  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  its  va- 
rious sieges 378 


BOOK  VII. 

Containing  an  interval  of  about  three  years. 

FROM    THE    TAKING    OF    JERUSALEM    BY    TITUS,    TO 

THE    SEDITION    OF    THE   JEWS    AT    CYRENE. 

Chap.  I.  Entire  destruction  of  Jerusalem — 
Titus  rewards  his  soldiers,  and  dismisses 
many  of  them 379 

Chap.  II.  Titus  exhibits  shows  at  Cassarea 
Philippi — capture  of  Simon 380 

Chap.  III.  Titus  celebrates  his  father's  and 
brother's  birthday  by  slaughtering  many  of 
the  Jewish  captives — the  people  of  Antioch 
accuse   the  Jews  of  sedition 381 

Chap.  IV.  Vespasian's  reception  at  Rome — 
revolt  of  the  German  legion— the  Samari- 
tans overrun  Myria,  but  are  defeated 382 

Chap.  V.  An  account  of  the  Sabbatic  river 
— the  Antiochians  petition  Titus  against  the 
Jews,  but  are  rejected — description  of  the 
triumphal  shows  of  Vespasian  and  Titus...  3S4 

Chap.  VI.  The  city  Macherus — Lucilius  Bas- 
sus  takes  the  citadel,  and  other  places 387 

Chap.  VII.  Misfortunes  of  Antiochus,  king 
of  Commagene — clemency  of  Vespasian — 
the  Alans  ravage  the  countries  of  the  Medes 
and  Armenians 391 

Chap.  VIII.  Massada  besieged  by  Flavius 
Silva 392 

Chap.  IX.  The  inhabitants  of  the  fortress,  at 
the  instigation  of  Eleazar,  destroy  each  other  399 

Chap.  X.  The  Siearii  flee  to  Alexandria — de- 
struction of  the  Jewish  temple  built  by  Onias  401 

Chap.  XL     Conclusion 402 


ADDENDA. 


Flavins  Josephus  against  Apion 404 

An  Extract  out  of  Josephus's  Discourse  to  the 
Greeks  concerning  Hades 449 

Dissertation  I.  The  Testimonies  concerning 
Ju.mi^  Christ,  John  the  Baptist,  and  James 
the  Just,  vindicated   452 

The  ancient  citations  of  the  testimonies  of  Jo- 
sephus from  his  own  time  till  the  end  of  the 
fifteenth  century 452 

Observations  from  the  foregoing  evidence  and 
citations 459 

Dissertation  II.  Concerning  God's  com- 
mand to  Abraham  to  offer  up  Isaac  his  son 
for  a  sacrifice 464 


Dissertation  III.  Tacitus's  accounts  of  the 
origin  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  of  the 
particulars  of  the  last  Jewish  War — that 
the  former  was  probably  written  in  opposi- 
tion to  Josephus's  Antiquities,  and  that  the 
latter  was  for  certain  almost  all  directly 
taken  from  Josephus's  History  of  the  Jewish 

War 473 

Pliny's  Epistle  to  Trajan 482 

Trajan's  Epistle  to  Pliny 484 

Observations  upon  the  passages  taken  out  of 

Tacitus 484 

Table  of  Jewish  Weights  and  Measures 486 


°io 


■  -  . 
ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 


BOOK  XVI. 

CONTAINING  AN  INTERVAL  OF  TWELVE  YEARS,  FROM  THE  FINISHING 
OF  THE  TEMPLE  BY  HEROD  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  ALEXANDER  AND 
ARISTOBULUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Herod's  law  concerning  Thieves — Salome  and  Phe- 
roras  calumniate  Alexander  and  Aristobulus  upon 
their  return  from  Rome. 

As  King  Herod  was  very  zealous  in  the 
administration  of  his  entire  government, 
and  desirous  to  put  a  stop  to  particular 
acts  of  injustice  which  were  done  by 
criminals  about  the  city  and  country,  he 
made  a  law,  noway  like  our  original 
laws,  and  which  he  enacted  of  himself,  to 
expose  housebreakers  to  be  ejected  out  of 
his  kingdom;  which  punishment  was  not 
only  grievous  to  be  borne  by  the  offenders, 
but  contained  in  it  a  dissolution  of  the 
customs  of  our  forefathers ;  for  this  slavery 
to  foreigners,  and  such  as  did  not  live  after 
the  manner  of  Jews,  and  this  necessity  that 
they  were  under  to  do  whatsoever  such 
men  should  command,  was  an  offence 
against  our  religious  settlement,  rather 
than  a  punishment  to  such  as  were  found 
to  have  offended,  such  a  punishment 
being  avoided  in  our  original  laws;  for 
those  laws  ordain,  that  the  thief  shall  re- 
store fourfold ;  and  that  if  he  have  not  so 
much,  he  shall  be  sold,  indeed,  but  not  to 
foreigners,  nor  so  that  he  be  under  per- 
petual slavery,  for  he  must  have  been  re- 
leased after  six  years.  But  this  law,  thus 
enacted,  in  order  to  introduce  a  severe 
and  illegal  punishment,  seemed  to  be  a 
piece  of  insolence  in  Herod,  when  he  did 
not  act  as  a  king  but  as  a  tyrant,  and  thus 
contemptuously,  and  without  any  regard 
to  his  subjects,  venture  to  introduce  such 
a  punishment.  Now,  this  penalty  thus 
brought  into  practice,  was  like  Herod's 
other  actions,  and  became  a  part  of  his 
accusation,  and  an  occasion  of  the  hatred 
he  lay  under. 


Now,  at  this  time  it  was  that  he  sailed 
to  Italy,  as  very  desirous  to  meet  with 
Ca3sar,  and  to  see  his  sons,  who  lived  at 
Rome :  and  Cfesar  was  not  only  very 
obliging  to  him  in  other  respects,  but 
delivered  him  his  sons  again,  that  he 
might  take  them  home  with  him,  as  hav- 
ing already  completed  themselves  in  the 
sciences;  but  as  soon  as  the  young  men 
were  come  from  Italy,  the  multitude  were 
very  desirous  to  see  them,  and  they  be- 
came conspicuous  among  them  all,  as 
adorned  with  great  blessings  of  fortune, 
and  having  the  countenances  of  persons 
of  royal  dignity.  So  they  soon  appeared 
to  be  the  objects  of  envy  to  Salome,  the 
king's  sister,  and  to  such  as  had  raised 
calumnies  against  Mariamne ;  for  they 
were  suspicious  that  when  these  came  to 
the  government,  they  should  be  punished 
for  the  wickedness  they  had  been  guilty 
of  against  their  mother;  so  they  made 
this  very  fear  of  theirs  a  motive  to  raise 
calumnies  against  them  also.  They  gave 
it  out  that  they  were  not  pleased  with 
their  father's  company,  because  he  had 
put  their  mother  to  death,  as  if  it  were 
not  agreeable  to  piety  to  appear  to  con- 
verse with  their  mother's  murderer.  Now, 
by  carrying  these  stories,  that  had  indeed 
a  true  foundation  [in  the  fact,]  but  were 
only  built  on  probabilities  as  to  the  pre- 
sent accusation,  they  were  able  to  do  them 
mischief,  and  to  make  Herod  take  away 
that  kindness  from  his  sons  which  he  had 
before  borne  to  them,  for  they  did  not  say 
these  things  to  him  openly,  but  scattered 
abroad  such  words  among  the  rest  of  the 
multitude;  from  which  words  when  carried 
to  Herod,  he  was  induced  [at  last]  to  hate 
them,  and  which  natural  affection   itself, 

7 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI 


even  in  length  of  time,  was  not  able  to 
overcome;  jet  was  the  king  at  that  time 
in  a  condition  to  prefer  the  natural  affec- 
tion of  a  father  before  all  the  suspicions 
and  calumnies  his  sons  lay  under;  so  he 
respected  them  as  he  ought  to  do,  and 
married  them  to  wives,  now  they  were  of 
an  age  suitable  thereto.  To  Aristobulus 
he  gave  for  a  wife  Bernice,  Salome's 
daughter;  and  to  Alexander,  Glaphyra, 
the  daughter  of  Archelaus,  king  of  Cap- 
padocia. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Agrippa  visits  Herod — Herod  sails  after  Agrippa, 
who  confirms  the  laws  of  the  Ionian  Jews. 

When  Herod  had  despatched  these 
affairs,  and  he  understood  that  Marcus 
Agrippa  had  sailed  again  out  of  Italy  into 
Asia,  he  made  haste  to  him,  and  besought 
him  to  come  to  him  into  his  kingdom,  and 
to  partake  of  what  he  might  justly  expect 
from  one  that  had  been  his  guest,  and 
was  his  friend.  This  request  he  greatly 
pressed,  and  to  it  Agrippa  agreed,  and 
came  into  Judea :  whereupon  Herod 
omitted  nothing  that  might  please  him. 
He  entertained  him  in  his  newly  built 
cities,  and  showed  him  the  edifices  he 
had  built,  and  provided  all  sorts  of  the 
best  and  most  costly  dainties  for  him  and 
his  friends,  and  that  at  Sebaste  and 
Csesarea,  about  that  port  that  he  had 
built,  and  at  the  fortresses  which  he  had 
erected  at  great  expenses,  Alexandrium, 
and  Herodium,  and  Hyrcania.  He  also 
conducted  him  to  the  city  Jerusalem, 
where  all  the  people  met  him  in  their 
festival  garments,  and  received  him  with 
acclamations.  Agrippa,  also,  offered  a 
hecatomb  of  sacrifices  to  God;  and  feasted 
the  people,  without  omitting  any  of  the 
greatest  dainties  that  could  be  gotten. 
He  also  took  so  much  pleasure  there,  that 
he  abode  many  days  with  them,  and  would 
williugly  have  stayed  longer,  but  that  the 
season  of  the  year  made  him  haste  away; 
for,  as  winter  was  coming  on,  he  thought 
it  not  safe  to  go  to  sea  later,  and  yet  he 
was  of  necessity  to  return  again  to  Ionia. 

So  Agrippu  went  away,  when  Herod 
had  bestowed  on  him,  and  on  the  prin- 
cipal of  those  that  were  with  him,  many 
presents;  but  King  Herod,  when  he  had 
passud  the  winter  in  his  own  dominions, 
made  haste  to  get  to  him  again  in  the 
spring,  when  he  knew  he  designed  to  go  a 
campaign  at  the  Bosphorus.     So  when  he 


had  sailed  by  Rhodes  and  by  Cos,  he 
touched  at  Lesbos,  as  thinking  he  should 
have  overtaken  Agrippa  there ;  but  he 
was  taken  short  here  by  a  north  wind, 
which  hindered  his  ship  from  going  to 
the  shore ;  so  he  continued  many  days  at 
Chius,  and  there  he  kindly  treated  a  great 
many  that  came  to  him,  and  obliged  them 
by  giving  them  royal  gifts.  And  when 
he  saw  that  the  portico  of  the  city  had 
fallen  down,  which  as  it  was  overthrown 
in  the  Mithridatic  war,  and  was  a  very 
large  and  fine  building,  so  was  it  not  so 
easy  to  rebuild  that  as  it  was  the  rest,  yet 
did  he  furnish  a  sum  not  only  large 
enough  ■  for  that  purpose,  but  what  was 
more  than  sufficient  to  finish  the  building; 
and  ordered  them  not  to  overlook  that 
portico,  but  to  rebuild  it  quickly,  that  so 
the  city  might  recover  its  proper  orna- 
ments. And  when  the  high  wimls  were 
laid,  he  sailed  to  Mitylene,  and  thence  to 
Byzantium ;  and  when  he  heard  that 
Agrippa  had  sailed  beyond  the  Cyanean 
rocks,  he  made  all  the  haste  possible  to 
overtake  him,  and  came  up  with  him 
about  Sinope,  in  Pontus.  He  was  seen 
sailing  by  the  shipmen  most  unexpectedly, 
but  appeared  to  their  great  joy;  and  many 
friendly  salutations  there  were  between 
them,  insomuch  that  Agrippa  thought  he 
had  received  the  greatest  marks  of  the 
king's  kindness  and  humanity  toward  him 
possible,  since  the  king  had  come  so  long 
a  voyage,  and  at  a  very  proper  season  for 
his  assistance,  and  had  left  the  govern- 
ment of  his  own  dominions,  and  thought 
it  more  worth  his  while  to  come  to  him. 
Accordingly,  Herod  was  all  in  all  to 
Agrippa,  in  the  management  of  the  war, 
and  a  great  assistant  in  civil  affairs,  and 
in  giving  him  counsel  as  to  particular 
matters.  He  was  also  a  pleasant  com- 
panion for  him  when  he  relaxed  himself, 
and  a  joint  partaker  with  him  in  all 
things ;  in  troubles,  because  of  his  kind- 
ness; and  in  prosperity,  because  of  the 
respect  Agrippa  had  for  him.  Now,  as 
soon  as  those  affairs  of  Pontus  were 
finished,  for  whose  sake  Agrippa  was  sent 
thither,  they  did  not  think  fit  to  return 
by  sea,  but  passed  through  Paphlagonia 
and  Cappadocia;  they  then  travelled 
thence  over  great  Phrygia,  and  came  to 
Ephesus,  and  then  they  sailed  from 
Ephesus  to  Samos.  And,  indeed,  the 
king  bestowed  a  great  many  benefits  on 
every  city  that  he  came  to,  according  as 
they  stood  in  need  of  them;  for,  as  for 


Chap.  II.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


those  that  wanted  either  money  or  kind 
treatment,  lie  was  not  wanting  to  them  ; 
but  he  supplied  the  former  himself  out  of 
his  own  expenses :  he  also  became  an 
intercessor  with  Agrippa  for  all  such  as 
sought  after  his  favour,  and  he  brought 
things  so  about,  that  the  petitioners  failed 
in  none  of  their  suits  to  him,  Agrippa 
being  himself  of  a  good  disposition,  and 
of  great  generosity,  and  ready  to  grant  all 
such  requests  as  might  be  advantageous  to 
the  petitioners,  provided  they  were  not  to 
the  detriment  of  others.  The  inclination 
of  the  king  was  of  great  weight  also,  and 
still  excited  Agrippa,  who  was  himself 
ready  to  do  good ;  for  he  made  a  recon- 
ciliation between  the  people  of  Ilium",  at 
whom  he  was  angry,  and  paid  what 
money  the  people  of  Chius  owed  Caesar's 
procurators,  and  discharged  them  of  their 
tributes;  and  helped  all  others,  according 
as  their  several  necessities  required. 

But  now,  when  Agrippa  and  Herod 
were  in  Ionia,  a  great  multitude  of  Jews, 
who  dwelt  in  their  cities,  came  to  them, 
and  laying  hold  of  the  opportunity  and 
the  liberty  now  given  them,  laid  before 
them  the  injuries  which  they  suffered, 
while  they  were  not  permitted  to  use  their 
own  laws,  but  were  compelled  to  prosecute 
their  lawsuits,  by  the  ill  usuage  of  the 
judges,  upon  their  holy  days,  and  were 
deprived  of  the  money  they  used  to  lay 
up  at  Jerusalem,  and  were  forced  into  the 
army,  and  upon  such  other  offices  as 
obliged  them  to  spend  their  sacred  money  ; 
from  which  burdens  they  always  used  to 
be  freed  by  Romans,  who  had  still  per- 
mitted them  to  live  according  to  their  own 
laws.  When  this  clamour  was  made,  the 
king  desired  of  Agrippa  that  he  would 
hear  their  cause,  and  assigned  Nicolaus, 
one  of  his  friends,  to  plead  for  those  their 
privileges.  Accordingly,  when  Agrippa 
had  called  the  principal  of  the  Romans, 
and  such  of  the  kings  and  rulers  as  were 
there,  to  be  his  assessors,  Nicolaus  stood 
up,  and  pleaded  for  the  Jews,  as  follows : — 
It  is  of  necessity  incumbent  on  such  as 
are  in  distress  to  have  recourse  to  those 
that  have  it  in  their  power  to  free  them 
from  those  injuries  they  lie  under;  and  for 
those  that  now  are  complainants,  they  ap- 
proach you  with  great  assurance;  for  as 
they  have  formerly  often  obtained  your 
favour,  so  far  as  they  have  even  wished  to 
have  it,  they  now  only  entreat  that  you, 
who  have  been  the  donors,  will  take  care 
that  those  favours  you  have  already  granted 


them  may  not  he  taken  awa}'  from  them. 
We  have  received  these  favours  from  you, 
who  alone  have  power  to  grant  them,  but 
have  them  taken  from  us  by  such  as  are 
no  greater  than  ourselves,  and  by  such  as 
we  know  are  as  much  subjects  as  we  are  ; 
and  certainly,  if  we  have  been  vouchsafed 
great  favours,  it  is  to  our  commendation 
who  have  obtained  them,  as  having  been 
found  deserving  of  such  great  favours; 
and  if  those  favours  be  but  small  ones,  it 
would  he  barbarous  for  the  donors  not  to 
confirm  them  to  us;  and  for  those  that  are 
the  hinderance  of  the  Jews,  and  use  them 
reproachfully,  it  is  evident  that  they  affront 
both  the  receivers,  while  they  will  not 
allow  those  to  be  worthy  men  to  whom 
their  excellent  rulers  themselves  have 
borne  their  testimony,  and  the  donors, 
while  they  desire  those  favors  already 
granted  may  be  abrogated.  Now  if  any 
one  should  ask  these  Gentiles  themselves, 
which  of  the  two  things  they  would  choose 
to  part  with,  their  lives,  or  the  customs  of 
their  forefathers,  their  solemnities,  their 
sacrifices,  their  festivals,  which  they  cele- 
brate in  honor  of  those  they  suppose  to  be 
gods,  I  know  very  well  that  they  would 
choose  to  suffer  any  thing  whatsoever  rather 
than  a  dissolution  of  any  of  the  customs 
of  their  forefathers;  for  a  great  many  of 
them  have  rather  chosen  to  go  to  war  on 
that  account,  as  very  solicitous  not  to 
transgress  in  those  matters  :  and,  indeed, 
we  take  an  estimate  of  that  happiness 
which  all  mankind  do  now  enjoy  by  your 
means  from  this  very  thing,  that  we  are 
allowed  every  one  to  worship  as  our  own 
institutions  require,  and  yet  to  live  [in 
peace];  and  although  they  would  not  be 
thus  treated  themselves,  yet  do  they  en- 
deavour to  compel  others  to  comply  with 
them,  as  if  it  were  not  as  great  an  instance 
of  impiety,  profanely  to  dissolve  the  reli- 
gious solemnities  of  any  others,  as  to  be 
negligent  in  the  observation  of  their  own 
toward  their  gods.  And  let  us  now  con- 
sider the  one  of  these  practices :  is  there 
any  people,  or  city,  or  community  of  men, 
to  whom  your  government  and  the  Roman 
power  does  not  appear  to  be  the  greatest 
blessing?  Is  there  any  one  that  can  de- 
sire to  make  void  the  favours  they  have 
granted  ?  No  one,  certainly,  is  so  mad  ; 
for  there  are  no  men  but  such  as  have 
been  made  partakers  of  their  favours,  both 
public  and  private;  and,  indeed,  those  that 
take  away  what  you  have  granted,  can  have 
no  assurance,  but  every  one   )f  their  own 


10 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI. 


grants  made  them  by  you  may  be  taken 
from  them  also;  which  grants  of  yours 
can  never  be  sufficiently  valued ;  for  if 
they  consider  the  old  governments  under 
kings,  together  with  your  present  govern- 
ment, besides  the  great  number  of  benefits 
which  this  government  hath  bestowed  on 
them,  in  order  to  their  happiness,  this  is 
instead  of  all  the  rest,  that  they  appear  to 
be  no  longer  in  a  state  of  slavery,  but  of 
freedom.  Now,  the  privileges  we  desire, 
even  when  we  are  in  the  best  circum- 
stances, are  not  such  as  deserve  to  be  en- 
vied, for  we  are,  indeed,  in  a  prosperous 
state  by  your  means,  but  this  is  only  in 
common  with  others;  and  it  is  no  more 
than  this  which  we  desire,  to  preserve  our 
religion  without  any  prohibition,  which, 
as  it  appears  not  in  itself  a  privilege  to  be 
envied  us,  so  it  is  for  the  advantage  of 
those  that  grant  it  to  us;  for  if  the  Di- 
vinity delights  in  being  honoured,  he  must 
delight  in  those  that  permit  him  to  be 
honoured.  And  there  are  none  of  our 
customs  which  are  inhuman,  but  all  tend- 
ing to  piety,  and  devoted  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  justice;  nor  do  we  conceal  those 
injunctions  of  ours  by  which  we  govern 
our  lives,  they  being  memorials  of  piety, 
and  of  a  friendly  conversation  among  men. 
And  the  seventh  day  we  set  apart  from 
labour;  and  it  is  dedicated  to  the  learning 
of  our  customs  and  laws,  we  think  it  pro- 
per to  reflect  on  them,  as  well  as  on  any 
[good]  thing  else,  in  order  to  our  avoid- 
ing of  sin.  If  any  one,  therefore,  examine 
into  our  observances,  he  will  find  they  are 
good  in  themselves,  and  that  they  are  an- 
cient also,  though  some  think  otherwise, 
insomuch  that  those  who  have  received 
them  cannot  easily  be  brought  to  depart 
from  them,  out  of  that  honour  they  pay  to 
the  length  of  time  they  have  religiously 
enjoyed  them  and  observed  them.  Now, 
our  adversaries  take  these  our  privileges 
away  in  the  way  of  injustice;  they  vio- 
lently seize  upon  that  money  of  ours  which 
is  offered  to  God,  and  called  sacred  money, 
and  this  openly,  after  a  sacrilegious  man- 
ner; and  they  impose  tributes  upon  us, 
and  bring  us  before  tribunals  on  holy  days, 
and  then  require  other  like  debts  of  us, 
not  because  the  contracts  require  it,  and 
for  their  own  advantage,  but  because  they 
would  put  an  affront  ou  our  religion,  of 
which  they  are  conscious  as  well  as  we, 
and  have  indulged  themselves  in  an  unjust, 
and  to  them  involuntary  hatred;  for  your 
government  over  all  is  one,  tending  to  the  . 


establishing  of  benevolence,  and  abolish- 
ing of  ill-will  among  such  as  are  disposed 
to  it.  This  is,  therefore,  what  we  implore 
from  thee,  most  excellent  Agrippa,  that 
we  may  not  be  ill  treated ;  that  we  may 
not  be  abused;  that  we  may  not  be  hin- 
dered from  making  use  of  our  own  cus- 
toms, nor  be  despoiled  of  our  goods;  nor 
be  forced  by  these  men  to  do  what  we 
ourselves  force  nobody  to  do :  for  these 
privileges  of  ours  are  not  only  according 
to  justice,  but  have  formerly  been  granted 
us  by  you ;  and  we  are  able  to  read  to 
you  many  decrees  of  the  seuate,  and  the 
tables  that  contain  them,  which  are  still 
extant  in  the  capitol,  concerning  these 
things,  which  it  is  evident  were  granted 
after  you  had  experience  of  our  fidelity 
toward  you,  which  ought  to  be  valued, 
though  no  such  fidelity  had  been  ;  for  you 
have  hitherto  preserved  what  people  were 
in  possession  of,  not  to  us  only,  but  almost 
to  all  men,  and  have  added  greater  advan- 
tages than  they  could  have  hoped  for,  and 
thereby  your  government  has  become  a 
greater  advantage  to  them.  And  if  any 
one  were  able  to  enumerate  the  prosperity 
you  have  conferred  on  every  nation,  which 
they  possess  by  your  means,  he  could  never 
put  an  end  to  his  discourse;  but  that  we 
may  demonstrate  that  we  are  not  unworthy 
of  all  those  advantages  we  have  obtained, 
it  will  be  sufficient  for  us  to  say  nothing 
of  other  things,  but  to  speak  freely  of  this 
king  who  now  governs  us,  and  is  now  one 
of  thy  assessors;  aud,  indeed,  in  what  in- 
stance of  good-will  hath  he  been  deficient? 
What  mark  of  fidelity  to  it  hath  he  omit- 
ted ?  What  token  of  honour  hath  he  not 
devised?  What  occasion  for  his  assistance 
of  you  hath  he  not  regarded  at  the  very 
first?  What  hiudereth,  therefore,  but  that 
your  kindnesses  may  be  as  numerous  as 
his  so  great  benefits  to  you  have  been? 
It  may  also,  perhaps,  be  fit  not  here  to 
pass  over  in  silence  the  valour  of  his  father, 
Antipater,  who,  when  Caesar  made  an  ex- 
pedition into  Egypt,  assisted  him  with 
2000  armed  men,  and  proved  inferior  to 
none,  neither  in  the  battles  on  land,  nor 
in  the  management  of  the  navy  ;  and  what 
need  we  say  any  thing  of  how  great  weight 
those  soldiers  were  at  that  juncture;  or 
how  many,  and  how  great  presents  they 
were  vouchsafed  by  Caesar  ?  And  truly, 
we  ought  before  now  to  have  mentioned 
the  epistles  which  Caesar  wrote  to  the 
senate ;  and  how  Antipater  had  honours, 
and  the  freedom  of  the  city  of  Rome,  be- 


■nl 


Chap.  III.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


11 


stowed  upon  him ;  for  these  are  demon- 
strations both  that  we  have  received  these 
favours  by  our  own  deserts,  and  do  on 
that  account  petition  thee  for  thy  con- 
firmation of  them,  from  whom  we  had 
reason  to  hope  for  them,  though  they  had 
not  been  given  us  before,  both  out  of  re- 
gard to  our  king's  disposition  toward  you, 
and  your  disposition  toward  him;  and 
further,  we  have  been  informed  by  those 
Jews  that  were  there,  with  what  kindness 
thou  earnest  into  our  country,  and  how 
thou  didst  offer  the  most  perfect  sacrifices 
to  God,  and  didst  honour  him  with  re- 
markable vows,  and  how  thou  gavest  the 
people  a  feast,  and  didst  accept  of  their 
own  hospitable  presents  to  thee.  We  ought 
to  esteem  all  these  kind  entertainments 
made  both  by  our  nation  aud  our  city,  to 
a  man  who  is  the  ruler  and  manager  of  so 
much  of  the  public  affairs,  as  indications 
of  that  friendship  which  thou  hast  re- 
turned to  the  Jewish  nation,  and  which 
hath  been  procured  them  by  the  family  of 
Herod.  So  we  put  thee  in  mind  of  these 
things  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  now 
sitting  by  thee,  and  make  our  request  for 
no  more  but  this,  that  what  you  have  given 
us  yourselves,  you  will  not  see  taken 
away  by  others  from  us." 

When  Nicolaus  had  made  this  speech, 
there  was  no  opposition  made  to  it  by  the 
Greeks,  for  this  was  not  an  inquiry  made, 
as  in  a  court  of  justice,  but  au  interces- 
sion to  prevent  violence  to  be  offered  to 
the  Jews  any  longer;  nor  did  the  Greeks 
make  any  defence  of  themselves,  or  deny 
what  it  was  supposed  they  had  done. 
Their  pretence  was  no  more  than  this,  that 
while  the  Jews  inhabited  in  their  country, 
they  were  entirely  unjust  to  them  [in  not 
joining  in  their  worship]  ;  but  they  de- 
monstrated their  generosity  in  this,  that 
though  they  worshipped  according  to  their 
own  institutions,  they  did  nothing  that 
ought  to  grieve  them.  So,  when  Agrippa 
perceived  that  they  had  beeu  oppressed  by 
violence,  he  made  this  answer:  that,  on 
account  of  Herod's  good-will  aud  friend- 
ship, he  was  ready  to  grant  the  Jews  what- 
soever they  should  ask  him,  aud  that  their 
requests  seemed  to  him  in  themselves  just; 
and  that  if  they  requested  any  thing  fur- 
ther, he  should  not  scruple  to  graut  it 
them,  provided  they  were  noway  to  the 
detriment  of  the  Roman  government;  but 
that,  while  their  request  was  no  more  than 
this,  that  what  privileges  they  had  already 
given  them  might   not  be  abrogated,  he 


confirmed  this  to  them,  that  they  might 
continue  in  the  observation  of  their  own 
customs,  without  any  one  offering  them 
the  least  injury;  and  when  he  had  said 
thus,  he  dissolved  the  assembly;  upon 
which  Herod  stood  up  and  saluted  him, 
and  gave  him  thanks  for  the  kind  dispo- 
sition he  showed  to  them.  Agrippa,  also, 
took  this  in  a  very  obliging  manner,  and 
saluted  him  again,  aud  embraced  him  in 
his  arms;  after  which  he  went  away  from 
Lesbos;  but  the  king  determined  to  sail 
from  Samos  to  his  own  country  ;  and  when 
he  had  taken  his  leave  of  Agrippa,  he 
pursued  his  voyage,  and  landed  at  Oaisarea 
in  a  few  days'  time,  as  having  favourable 
winds;  from  whence  he  went  to  Jerusa- 
lem, aud  there  gathered  all  the  people  to- 
gether to  au  assembly,  not  a  few  being 
there  out  of  the  country  also.  So  he 
came  to  them,  and  gave  them  a  par- 
ticular account  of  all  his  journey,  aud  of 
the  affairs  of  all  the  Jews  in  Asia,  how 
by  his  means  they  would  live  without  in- 
jurious treatment  for  the  time  to  come. 
He  also  told  them  of  the  entire  good  for- 
tune he  had  met  with,  aud  how  he  had 
administered  the  government,  and  had  not 
neglected  any  thing  which  was  for  their 
advantage;  aud,  as  he  was  very  joyful, 
he  now  remitted  to  them  the  fourth  part 
of  their  taxes  for  the  last  year.  Accord- 
ingly, the}'  were  so  pleased  with  his  favour 
and  speech  to  them,  that  they  went  their 
ways  with  great  gladness,  and  wished  the 
king  all  manuer  of  happiness. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Disturbances  in  Herod's  family  on  his  preferring 
Antipater  before  the  rest. 

But  now  the  affairs  in  Herod's  family 
were  in  more  and  more  disorder,  and 
became  more  severe  upon  him,  by  the 
hatred  of  Salome  to  the  young  men 
[Alexander  and  Aristobulus],  which  de- 
scended as  it  were  by  inheritance  [from 
their  mother  Mariamne]  :  and  as  she  bad 
fully  succeeded  against  their  mother,  so 
she  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  madness 
and  insolence,  as  to  endeavour  that  none 
of  her  posterity  might  be  left  alive,  who 
might  have  it  in  their  power  to  revenge 
her  death.  The  young  men  bad  also 
somewhat  of  a  bold  and  uneasy  disposition 
toward  their  father,  occasioned  by  the  re- 
membrance of  what  their  mother  had  un- 
justly suffered,  aud  by  their  own  affec- 
tation of  dominion.     The  old  grudge  was 


12 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVl. 


also  renewed ;  and  they  cast  reproaches 
on  Salome  and  Pheroras,  who  requited  the 
young  men  with  malicious  designs,  and 
actually  laid  treacherous  snares  for  them. 
Now,  as  for  this  hatred,  it  was  equal  on 
both  sides,  but  the  manner  of  exerting 
that  hatred  was  different;  for,  as  for  the 
young  men,  they  were  rash,  reproaching 
and  affronting  the  others  openly,  and 
were  inexperienced  enough  to  think  it  the 
most  generous  to  declare  their  minds  in 
that  undaunted  manner;  but  the  others 
did  not  take  that  method,  but  made  use 
of  calumnies,  after  a  subtile  and  a  spiteful 
manner,  still  provoking  the  young  men, 
and  imagining  that  their  boldness  might 
in  time  turn  to  the  offering  violence  to 
their  father;  for,  inasmuch  as  they  were 
not  ashamed  of  the  pretended  crimes  of 
their  mother,  nor  thought  she  suffered 
justly,  these  supposed  that  they  might  at 
length  exceed  all  bounds,  and  induce  them 
to  think  they  ought  to  be  avenged  on  their 
father,  though  it  were  by  despatching 
him  with  their  own  hands.  At  length  it 
came  to  this,  that  the  whole  city  was  full 
of  their  discourses,  and,  as  is  usual  in 
such  contests,  the  unskilfulness  of  the 
young  men  was  pitied ;  but  the  con- 
trivance of  Salome  was  too  hard  for  them, 
and  what  imputations  she  laid  upon  them 
came  to  be  believed,  by  means  of  their 
own  conduct;  for  they  were  so  deeply 
affected  with  the  death  of  their  mother, 
that  while  they  said  both  she  and  them- 
selves were  in  a  miserable  case,  they 
vehemently  complained  of  her  pitiable 
end,  which  indeed  was  truly  such,  and 
said  that  they  were  themselves  in  a  piti- 
able case  also,  because  they  were  forced  to 
live  with  those  that  had  been  her  mur- 
derers, and  to  be  partakers  with  them. 

These  disorders  increased  greatly,  and 
the  king's  absence  abroad  had  afforded  a 
fit  opportunity  for  that  increase;  but  as 
soon  as  Herod  had  returned,  and  had 
made  the  foremen tioned  speech  to  the 
multitude,  Pheroras  and  Salome  let  fall 
words  immediately,  as  if  he  were  in  great 
danger,  and  as  if  the  youug  men  openly 
threatened  that  they  would  not  spare  him 
any  longer,  but  revenge  their  mother's 
death  upon  him.  They  also  added  another 
circumstance,  that  their  hopes  were  iixed 
on  Archelaus,  the  king  of  Cappadocia, 
that  they  should  be  able  by  his  means  to 
come  to  Caesar  and  accuse  their  father. 
Upon  hearing  such  things,  Herod  was 
immediately  disturbed ;  and,  indeed,  was 


the  more  astonished,  because  the  same- 
things  were  related  to  him  by  some  others 
also.  He  then  called  to  mind  his  former 
calamity,  and  considered  that  the  dis- 
orders in  his  family  had  hindered  him 
from  enjoying  any  comfort  from  those 
that  were  dearest  to  him,  or  from  his 
wife,  whom  he  loved  so  well ;  aud  sus- 
pecting that  his  future  troubles  would 
soon  be  heavier  and  greater  than  those 
that  were  past,  he  was  in  great  confusion 
of  mind,  for  Divine  Providence  had,  in 
reality,  conferred  upon  him  a  great  many 
outward  advantages  for  his  happiness, 
even  beyond  his  hopes,  but  the  troubles 
he  had  at  home  were  such  as  he  never 
expected  to  have  met  with,  and  rendered 
him  unfortunate;  nay,  both  sorts  came 
upon  him  to  such  a  degree  as  no  one  could 
imagine,  and  made  it  a  doubtful  question, 
whether,  upon  the  comparison  of  both,  he 
ought  to  have  exchanged  so  great  a  success 
of  outward  good  things  for  so  great  mis- 
fortune at  home,  or  whether  he  ought  not 
to  have  chosen  to  avoid  the  calamities  re- 
lating to  his  family,  though  he  had,  for  a 
compensation,  never  been  possessed  of  the 
admired  grandeur  of  a  kingdom. 

As  he  was  thus  disturbed  and  afflicted, 
in  order  to  depress  these  youug  men,  he 
brought  to  court  another  of  his  sons,  that 
was  born  to  him  when  he  was  a  private 
man;  his  name  was  Antipater;  yet  did 
he  not  then  indulge  him  as  he  did  after- 
ward, when  he  was  quite  overcome  by 
him,  and  let  him  do  every  thing  as  he 
pleased,  but  rather  with  a  design  of  de- 
pressing the  insolence  of  the  sons  of 
Mariamne,  and  managing  this  elevation 
of  his  son  that  it  might  be  a  warning  to 
them;  for  this  bold  behaviour  of  theirs 
[he  thought]  would  not  be  so  great,  if 
they  were  once  persuaded  that  the  suc- 
cession to  the  kingdom  did  not  appertain 
to  them  alone,  or  must  of  necessity  come 
to  them.  So  he  introduced  Antipater  as 
their  antagonist,  and  imagined  that  he 
had  made  a  good  provision  for  discou- 
raging their  pride,  and  that  after  this  was 
done  to  the  young  men,  there  might  be  a 
proper  season  for  expecting  these  to  be  of 
a  better  disposition  :  but  the  event  proved 
otherwise  than  he  intended,  for  the  young 
men  thought  he  did  them  a  very  great 
injury;  and  as  Antipater  was  a  shrewd 
man,  when  he  had  once  obtained  this  de- 
gree of  freedom,  and  began  to  expect 
greater  things  than  he  had  before  hoped 
for,  he  had  but  one  single  design  in  his 


Chap.  IV. J 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWb. 


;: 


head,  and  that  was  to  distress  his  brethren, 
and  not  at  all  to  yield  to  them  the  pre- 
eminence, but  to  keep  close  to  his  father, 
who  was  already  alienated  from  them  by 
the  calumnies  he  had  heard  about  them, 
and  ready  to  be  wrought  upon  in  any  way 
his  zeal  against  them  should  advise  him  to 
pursue,  that  he  might  be  continually  more 
and  more  -severe  against  them.  Accord- 
ingly, all  the  reports  that  were  spread 
abroad  came  from  him,  while  he  avoided 
himself  the  suspicion,  as  if  those  dis- 
coveries proceeded  from  him  :  but  he 
rather  chose  to  make  use  of  those  persons 
for  his  assistants  that  were  unsuspected, 
and  such  as  might  be  believed  to  speak 
truth  by  reason  of  the  good-will  they  bore 
to  the  king;  and,  indeed,  there  were 
already  not  a  few  who  cultivated  a  friend- 
ship with  An ti pater,  in  hopes  of  gaining 
somewhat  by  him,  and  these  were  the  men 
who  most  of  all  persuaded  Herod,  because 
they  appeared  to  speak  thus  out.  of  their 
good-will  to  him  :  and  while  these  joint 
accusations,  which,  from  various  founda- 
tions, supported  one  another's  veracity, 
the  young  men  themselves  afforded  fur- 
ther occasions  to  Antipater  also;  for  they 
were  observed  to  shed  tears  often,  on 
account  of  the  injury  that  was  offered 
them,  and  had  their  mother  in  their 
mouths;  and  among  their  friends  they 
ventured  to  reproach  their  father,  as  not 
acting  justly  by  them  ;  all  which  things 
were,  with  an  evil  intention,  reserved  in 
memory  by  Antipater  against  a  proper 
opportunity;  and  when  they  were  told  to 
Herod,  with  aggravations,  the  disorder 
increased  so  much,  that  it  brought  a  great 
tumult  into  the  family;  for  while  the 
king  was  very  angry  at  imputations  that 
were  laid  upon  the  sous  of  Mariamne,  and 
was  desirous  to  humble  them,  he  still 
increased  the  honour  that,  he  had  bestowed 
on  Antipater,  and  was  at  last  so  overcome 
by  his  persuasions,  that  he  brought  his 
mother  to  court  also.  He  also  wrote  fre- 
quently to  Caesar  iu  favour  of  him,  and 
more  earnestly  recommended  him  to  his 
care  particularly.  And  when  Agrippa 
had  returned  to  Rome,  after  he  had 
finished  his  ten  year's  government  in 
Asia,*  Herod  sailed  from  Judea;  and 
when  he  had  met  with  him,  he  had  none 
with    him  but  Antipater,   whom   he  de- 

*  This  interval  of  ten  years  for  the  duration  of 
Marcus  Agrippa'a  government  in  Asia,  seems  to  be 
true,  and  agreeable  to  the  Roman  history.  See 
Usher's  Annals  at  A.  M.  3392. 


livcred  to  Agrippa,  that  he  might  take 
him  along  with  him,  together  with  many 
presents,  that  so  he  might  become  Caesar's 
friend,  insomuch  that  things  already 
looked  as  if  he  had  all  his  father's  favour, 
and  that  the  young  men  were  already  en- 
tirely rejected  from  any  hopes  of  the 
kingdom. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Herod   brings  Alexander   and    Ari.-tobulus   before 
Cassar — Alexander's  defence,  and  reconciliation 

to  his  father. 

And  now  what  happened  during  Anti- 
pater's  absence  augmented  the  honour  to 
which  he  had  been  promoted,  and  his 
apparent  eminence  above  his  brethren ; 
for  he  had  made  a  great  figure  iu  Eome, 
because  Herod  had  sent  recommendations 
of  him  to  all  his  friends  there ;  only  he 
was  grieved  that  he  was  not  at  home,  nor 
had  proper  opportunities  of  perpetually 
calumniating  his  brethren  ;  and  his  chief 
fear  was,  lest  his  father  should  alter  his 
mind,  and  entertain  a  more  favourable 
opinion  of  the  sons  of  Mariamne;  and  as 
he  had  this  in  his  mind,  he  did  not  desist 
from  his  purpose,  but  continually  sent 
from  Rome  any  such  stories  as  he 
hoped  might  grieve  and  irritate  his  father 
against  his  brethren,  under  pretence,  in- 
deed, of  a  deep  concern  for  his  preserva- 
tion, but  in  truth,  such  as  his  malicious 
mind  dictated,  in  order  to  purchase  a 
greater  hope  of  the  succession,  which  yet 
was  already  great  in  itself:  and  thus  he 
did  till  he  had  excited  such  a  degree  of 
auger  in  Herod,  that  he  had  already  be- 
come very  ill  disposed  toward  the  young 
men ;  but  still  while  he  delayed  to  ex- 
ercise so  violent  a  disgust  against  them, 
and  that  he  might  not  either  be  too  re- 
miss or  too  rash,  and  so  offend,  he  thought 
it  best  to  sail  to  Rome,  and  there  accuse 
his  sons  before  Ctcsar,  and  not  indulge 
himself  in  any  such  crime  as  might  be 
heinous  enough  to  be  suspected  of  im- 
piety. But,  as  he  was  going  up  to  Rome, 
it  happened  that  he  made  such  haste  as  to 
meet  Cscsar  at  the  city  of  Aquilei ;  so 
when  he  came  to  the  speech  of  Ca>sar,  he 
asked  for  a  time  for  hearing  this  great 
cause,  wherein "  he  thought  himself  very 
miserable,  and  presented  his  sons  there, 
and  accused  them  of  their  mad  actions, 
and  of  their  attempts  against  him;  that 
they  were  enemies  to  him  ;  and,  by  all  the 
means   they  were   able,  did   their  endea« 


14 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Hoof  XVI. 


vours  to  show  their  hatred  to  their  own 
father,  and  would  take  away  his  life,  ami 
bo  obtain  his  kingdom,  after  the  most 
barbarous  manner:  that  ho  had  power 
from  Caesar  to  dispose  of  it,  not  by  neces- 
sity, but  by  choice,  to  him  who  shall  ex- 
eroise  the  greatest  piety  toward  him; 
while  these  his  sons  are  not  so  desirous  of 
ruling,  as  they  are,  upon  a  disappointment 
:'.  to  expose  their  own  life,  if  so 
be  they  may  but  deprive  their  father  of 
his  life;  so  wild  and  polluted  has  their 
mind  by  time  become,  out  of  their  hatred 
to  him  :  that  whereas  he  had  a  long  time 
borne  this  his  misfortune,  he  was  now 
compelled  to  lay  it  before  Caasar,  and  to 
pollute  his  ears  with  such  language,  while 
he  himself  wanted  to  know  what  severity 
they  have  ever  Buffered  from  him,  or  what 
hardships  he  had  ever  laid  upon  them  to 
make  them  complain  of  him;  aud  how 
they  can  think  it  just  that  he  should  not 
be  lord  of  that  kingdom  which  he,  iu  a 
long  time,  and  with  great  danger,  had 
gained,  and  n<  t  allow  him  to  keep  it  aud 
dispose  of  it  to  him  who  should  deserve 
best  ;  and  this,  with  other  advantages,  he 
prop,  aes  as  a  reward  for  the  piety  of  such 
an  one  as  will  hereafter  imitate  the  care 
he  had  taken  of  it.  and  that  such  an  one 
may  gain  so  great  a  requital  as  that  is: 
and  that  it  is  an  impious  thing  for  them 
to  pretend  to  meddle  with-it  beforehand, 
for  he  who  hath  ever  the  kingdom  iu  his 
view,  at  the  same  time  reckons  upon  pro- 
curing the  death  of  his  father,  because 
otherwise  he  cannot  come  at  the  govern- 
ment :  that  as  for  himself,  he  had  hitherto 
given  them  all  that  he  was  able,  aud  what 
was  agreeable  to  such  as  are  subject  to  the 
royal  authority,  and  the  sons  of  a  kiug; 
what  ornaments  they  wanted,  with  ser- 
vants and  delicate  fare ;  and  had  married 
them  into  the  most  illustrious  families, 
the  one  [Aristobulus]  to  his  Bister's 
daughter,  but  Alexander  to  the  daughter 
of  King  Arehelaus  ;  aud,  what  was  the 
greatest  favour  ol'  all,  when  their  crimes 
-  i  wry  bad,  and  he  had  authority  to 
punish  them,  yet  had  he  not  made  use  oi 
_  .  in.-t  them,  but  had  brought  them 
Caesar,  their  common  benefactor, 
and  had  not  used  the  seventy  which 
either  as  a  rather  who  had  been  impiously 
abused,  or  as  a  king  who  had  been  as- 
saulted treacherously,  he  might  have 
done,  but  made  them  staud  upon  the 
level  with  him  in  judgment  ;  that,  how- 
9vcr,  it  was  necessary  that  all  this  should 


not  be  passed  over  without  punishment, 
nor  himself  live  in  the  greatest  fears; 
nay,  that  it  was  not  for  their  own  ad- 
vantage tii  see  the  light  of  the  sun  after 
what  they  had  done,  although  they  should 
escape  at  this  time,  since  they  had  done 
the  vilest  things,  and  would  certainly 
sutler  the  greatest  punishments  that  ever 
were  known  among  mankind. 

These  were  the  accusations  which  Herod 
laid  with  great  vehemeney  against  his 
sons  before  Caesar.  Now  the  young  men, 
both  while  he  was  speaking,  and  chiefly 
at  his  concluding,  wept,  ami  were  in  eon- 
fusion.  Now  as  to  themselves,  they  knew 
in  their  own  consciences  they  were  inno- 
cent, but  because  they  were  accused  by 
their  father,  they  were  sensible,  as  the 
truth  was,  that  it  was  hard  for  them  to 
make  their  apology,  since,  though  they 
were  at  liberty  to  speak  their  minds  freely, 
as  the  occasion  required,  and  might  with 
force  and  earnestness  refute  the  accusation, 
yet  was  it  not  now  decent  so  to  do.  There 
was,  therefore,  a  difficulty  how  they  should 
be  able  to  speak  ;  and  tears,  and  at  leugtb 
a  deep  groan  followed,  while  they  were 
afraid,  that  if  they  said  nothing,  they 
should  seem  to  be  iu  this  difficulty  from  a 
consciousness  of  guilt,  nor  had  they  any 
defence  ready,  by  reason  of  their  youth, 
and  the  disorder  they  were  under j  yet 
was  not  Caesar  unapprised,  when  he  looked 
upon  them  in  the  confusion  they  were  in, 
that  their  delay  to  make  their  defence  did 
not  arise  from  any  consciousness  of  their 
great  enormities,   but  from    their  uuskil- 

I  fulness  and  modest}-.  They  were  also 
commiserated  by  those  that  were  there  iu 
particular;  aud  they  moved  their  father's 
affections  in  earnest,  till  he  had  much  ado 
to  conceal  them. 

But    when  they  saw  there  was  a  kind 

.  disposition  arisen  both  iu  him  aud  in  Caesar, 
and  that  every  one  of  the  rest  did  either 
shed  Ufirs,  or  at  least  did  all  grieve  with 
them,  the  one  of  them,  whose  name  was 
Alexander,  called  to  his  father,  and,  at- 
tempted to  answer  his  accusation,  and  said, 
"0  father,  the  benevolence  thou  hast 
showed  to  us  is  evident,  even  in  this  very 
judicial  procedure,  for  hadst  thou  any 
pernicious  intentions  about  us,  thou  hadst 
not  produced  us  here  before  the  common 
saviour  of  all,  for  it  was  in  thy  power, 
both  as  a  king  and  as  a  father,  to  punish 
t lie  guilty  ;  but  by  thus  bringing  us  to 
Rome,  and  making  Ciesar  himself  a  wit- 
ness to  what  is  done,  thou  intiinatest  that 


Chap.  IV.] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 


15 


thou  intendest  to  Bare  us;  for  no  one  that 
hatli  a  design  to  alay  B  man  will  bring  him 
to  the  templet,  and  to  the  altars;  yet  are 
our  circumstances  still  worse,  for  we  can- 
not endure  to  live  ourselves  any  longer,  if 
it  he  believed  that  we  have  injured  such  a 
father;  nay,  perhaps  it  would  be  worse 
for  us  to  live  with  this  suspicion  upon  us, 
that  we  have  injured  him,  than  to  die 
without  such  guilt:  and  if  our  open  de- 
fence may  be  taken  to  be  true,  we  shall 
be  happy,  both  in  pacifying  thee,  and  in 
escaping  the  danger  we  are  in ;  but  if 
this  calamity  so  prevails,  it  is  more  than 
enough  that  we  have  seen  the  sun  this 
day;  which,  why  should  we  see,  if  this 
suspicion  he  fixed  upon  us?  Now  it  is 
easy  to  say  of  young  men,  that  they  desired 
to  reign;  and  to  say  further,  that  this  evil 
proceeds  from  the  case  of  our  unhappy 
mother.  This  is  abundantly  sufficient  to 
produce  our  present  misfortune  out  of  the 
former;  but  consider  well,  whether  such 
an  accusation  does  not  suit  all  such  young 
men,  and  may  not  be  said  of  them  all 
promiscuously;  for  nothing  can  hinder 
him  that  reigns,  if  he  have  children,  and 
their  mother  be  dead,  but  the  father  may 
have  a  suspicion  upon  all  his  sons,  as  in- 
tending some  treachery  to  him :  but  a 
suspicion  is  not  sufficient  to  prove  such  an 
impious  practice.  Now  let  any  man  say, 
whether  we  have  actually  and  insolently 
attempted  any  such  thing,  whereby  actions 
otherwise  incredible  used  to  be  made  credi- 
ble ?  Can  anybody  prove  that  poison 
hath  been  prepared ?  or  prove  a  conspi- 
racy of  our  equals,  or  the  corruption  of 
servants,  or  letters  written  against  thee  ? 
though,  indeed,  there  are  none  of  those 
things  hut  have  sometimes  been  pretended 
by  way  of  calumny,  when  they  were  never 
done;  for  a  royal  family  that  is  at  variance 
with  itself  is  a  terrible  thing;  and  that 
which  thou  callest  a  reward  of  piety,  often 
becomes,  among  very  wicked  men,  such  a 
foundation  of  hope,  as  makes  them  leave 
no  sort  of  mischief  untried.  Nor  does 
any  one  lay  any  wicked  practices  to  our 
charge ;  but  as  to  calumnies  by  hearsay, 
how  can  he  put  an  end  to  them,  who  will 
not  hear  what  we  have  to  say?  have  we 
talked  with  too  great  freedom;  yes,  but 
not  against  thee,  for  that  would  be  unjust, 
but  against  those  that  never  conceal  any 
thing  that  is  spoken  to  them.  Hath 
either  of  us  lamented  our  mother?  yes; 
but  not  because  she  is  dead,  but  because 
she  was  evil  spoken  of  by  those  that  had 


do  reason  so  to  do.     Are  we  desii 

that  dominion  which  we  know  our  I 

i-  possessed  off     For  wbal  reason  can  we 

do  so?  If  we  already  have  royal  ho- 
nours, as  we  have,  should  not  we  labour  in 
vain  ?  And  if  we  have  them  not,  vet  are 
not  we  in  hopes  of  them  ?  Or,  Bnpposing 
that  we  had  killed  thee,  could  we  expect 
toohtain  thy  kingdom?  while  neither  the 
earth  would  let  us  tread  upon  it,  nor  the 
sea  let  us  sail  upon  it,  after snch  an  action 
as  that :  nay,  the  religion  of  all  your 
subjects,  and  the  piety  of  the  whole  nation, 
would  have  prohibited  parricides  from  as- 
suming the  government,  and  from  entering 
into  that  most  holy  temple  which  was 
built  by  thee.  *  k>ut  suppose  we  had 
made  light  of  other  dangers,  can  any 
murderer  go  off  unpunished  while  I 
is  alive?  We  are  thy  sons,  and  not  so 
impious  or  so  thoughtless  as  that  eomes 
to,  though,  perhaps,  more  unfortunate  than 
is  convenient  for  thee,  liut  in  case  thou 
ueither  findest  any  cau.v  s  of  complaint, 
dot  any  treacherous  designs,  what  suf- 
ficient evidence  hast  thou  to  make  such  a 
wickedness  of  ours  credible  ?  Our  mother 
is  dead,  indeed,  but  then  what  befell  her 
might  be  an  instruction  to  us  to  caution, 
and  not  an  incitement  to  wickedness.  We 
are  willing  to  make  a  larger  apology  for 
ourselves;  but  actions  never  done  do  not 
admit  of  discourse;  nay,  we  will  make 
this  agreement  with  thee,  and  that  before 
Cujsar,  the  lord  of  all,  who  is  now  a  medi- 
ator between  us,  if  thou,  0  father,  canst 
bring  thyself  by  the  evidence  of  truth,  to 
have  a  mind  free  from  suspicion  concerning 
us,  let  us  live,  though  even  then  we  shall 
live  in  an  unhappy  way,  for  to  be  accused 
of  great  acts  of  wickedness,  though  falsely, 
is  a  terrible  thing;  but  if  thou  hast  any 
fear  remaining,  continue  thou  on  in  thy 
pious  life,  we  will  give  this  reason  for  our 
uwu  conduct;  our  life  is  not  so  deniable 
to  us  as  to  desire  to  have  it,  if  it  tend  to 
the  harm  of  our  father  who  gave  it  us." 


*  Since  some  prejudiced  men  have  indulged  a 
wild  suspicion,  that  Josephus's  history  of  U 
rebuilding  the  temple  i-  no  better  than  a  fable, 
it  way  not  be  amiss  to  take  notice  of  tin- 
sioual  clause  in  the  speech  of  Alexander  before  his 
father  Herod,  in  his  and  his  brother's  vindication, 
which  mentions  the  temple  as  known  by  everybody 
to  have  been  built  by  Herod,  Bee  John  iL  20.  £ee 
also  another  speech  of  Herod's  own  to  the  young 
men  that  pulled  down  his  golden  eagle  from  the 
front  of  the  temple,  where  he  takes  notice  bow  the 
building  of  the  tempi.;  cost  him  a  vast  sum:  and 
that  the  Asamoneans,  in  those  12a  years  they  hi  Id 
the  government,  were  not  able  to  i  erform  .-o  ^reat 
a  work  to  the  honour  of  God  as  this  was. 


16 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XVI. 


When  Alexander  had  thus  spoken,  Cae- 
sar, who  did  not  believe  so  gross  a  calumny, 
was  still  more  moved  by  it,  and  looked 
intently  upon  Herod,  and  perceived  he 
was  a  little  confounded  :  the  persons  there 
present  were  under  an  anxiety  about  the 
young  men,  and  the  fame  that  was  spread 
abroad  made  the  king  hated,  for  the  very 
incredibility  of  the  calumny,  and  the  com- 
miseration of  the  flower  of  youth,  the 
beauty  of  body,  which  were  in  the  young 
men,  pleaded  strongly  for  assistance,  and 
the  more  so  on  this  account,  that  Alex- 
ander had  made  their  defence  with  dexte- 
rity and  prudence :  nay,  they  did  not 
themselves  any  longer  continue  in  their 
former  countenances,  which  had  been  be- 
dewed with  tears  and  cast  downward  to 
the  ground,  but  now  there  arose  in  them 
hope  of  the  best :  and  the  king  himself 
appeared  not  to  have  had  foundation 
enough  to  build  such  an  accusation  upon, 
he  having  no  real  evidence  wherewith  to 
convict  them.  Indeed,  he  wanted  some 
apology  for  making  the  accusation ;  but 
Caesar,  after  some  delay,  said,  that  although 
the  young  men  were  thoroughly  innocent 
of  that  for  which  they  were  calumniated, 
yet  had  they  been  so  far  to  blame,  that 
they  had  not  demeaned  themselves  toward 
their  father  so  as  to  prevent  that  suspicion 
which  was  spread  abroad  concerning  them. 
He  also  exhorted  Herod  -to  lay  all  such 
suspicions  aside,  and  to  be  reconciled  to 
his  sons  :  for  that  it  was  not  just  to  give 
any  credit  to  such  reports  concerning  his 
own  children ;  and  that  this  repentance 
on  both  sides  might  heal  those  breaches 
that  had  happened  between  them,  and 
might  improve  their  good-will  toward  one 
another,  whereby  those  on  both  sides,  ex- 
cusing the  rashness  of  their  suspicions, 
might  resolve  to  bear  a  greater  degree  of 
affection  toward  each  other  than  they  had 
before.  After  Ceesar  had  given  them  this 
admonition,  he  beckoned  to  the  young 
men.  When,  therefore,  they  were  dis- 
posed to  fall  down,  to  make  intercession 
to  their  father,  he  took  them  up,  and  em- 
braced them,  as  they  were  in  tears,  and 
took  each  of  them  distinctly  in  his  arms, 
till  not  one  of  those  that  were  present, 
whether  freeman  or  slave,  but  was  deeply 
affected  at  what  they  saw. 

Then  did  they  return  thanks  to  Cassar, 
and  went  away  together;  and  with  them 
went  Antipater,  with  an  hypocritical  pre- 
tence that  he  rejoiced  at  this  reconciliation. 
And  in  the  last  days  they  were  with  Caesar, 


Herod  made  him  a  present  of  300  talents, 
as  he  was  then  exhibiting  shows  and 
largesses  to  the  people  of  Rome :  and 
Caesar  made  him  a  present  of  half  the 
revenue  of  the  copper-mines  in  Cyprus, 
and  committed  the  care  of  the  other  half 
to  him,  and  honoured  him  with  other  gifts 
and  incomes  :  and  as  to  his  own  kingdom, 
he  left  it  in  his  power  to  appoint  which 
of  his  sons  he  pleased  for  his  successor, 
or  to  distribute  it  in  parts  to  every  one, 
that  the  dignity  might  thereby  come  to 
them  all ;  and  when  Herod  was  disposed 
to  make  such  a  settlement  immediately, 
Caesar  said  he  would  not  give  him  leave 
to  deprive  himself,  while  he  was  alive,  of 
the  power  over  his  kingdom,  or  over  his 
sons. 

After  this,  Herod  returned  to  Judea 
again;  but  during  his  absence,  no  small 
part  of  his  dominions  about  Trachon  had 
revolted,  whom  yet  the  commanders  he 
left  there  had  vanquished,  aud  compelled 
to  a  submission  again.  Now,  as  Herod 
was  sailing  with  his  sons,  and  had  come 
over  against  Cilicia,  to  [the  island]  Eleusa, 
which  had  now  changed  its  name  for  Se-* 
baste,  he  met  with  Archelaus,  king  of 
Cappadocia,  who  received  him  kindly,  as 
rejoicing  that  he  was  reconciled  to  his 
sons,  and  that  the  accusation  against  Alex- 
ander, who  had  married  his  daughter,  was 
at  an  end.  They  also  made  one  another 
such  presents  as  it  became  kings  to  make. 
From  thence  Herod  came  to  Judea  and 
to  the  temple,  where  he  made  a  speech  to 
the  people  concerning  what  had  been  done 
in  this  his  journey :  he-  also  discoursed 
to  them  about  Caesar's  kindness  to  him, 
and  about  as  many  of  the  particulars  he 
had  done  as  he  thought  it  for  his  advantage 
other  people  should  be  acquainted  with. 
At  last  he  turned  his  speech  to  the  admo- 
nition of  his  sons;  and  exhorted  those 
that  lived  at  court,  and  the  multitude,  to 
concord:  and  informed  them  that  his  sons 
were  to  reign  after  him ;  Antipater  first, 
and  then  Alexander  and  Aristobulus, 
the  sons  of  Mariamne ;  but  he  desired 
that  at  present  they  should  all  have  re- 
gard to  himself,  and  esteem  hiin  king  and 
lord  of  all,  since  he  was  not  yet  hindered 
by  old  age,  but  was  in  that  period  of  life 
when  he  must  be  the  most  skilful  in  go- 
verning ;  and  that  he  was  not  deficient  in 
other  arts  of  management  that  might 
enable  him  to  govern  the  kingdom  well, 
aud  to  rule  over  his  children  also.  He 
further  told  the  rulers  under  him,  and  the 


Chap.  V.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


17 


soldiery,  that  in  case  they  would  look  upon 
him  alone,  their  life  would  be  led  in  a 
peaceable  manner,  and  they  would  make 
one  another  happy  ;  and  when  he  had  said 
this,  he  dismissed  the  assembly.  Which 
speech  was  acceptable  to  the  greatest  part 
of  the  audience,  but  not  so  to  them  all ; 
for  the  contention  among  his  sons,  and 
the  hopes  he  had  given  them,  occasioned 
thoughts  and  desires  of  innovations  among 
them 


CHAPTER  V. 

Herod  celebrates  the  games  that  were  to  return 
every  fifth  year  on  the  building  of  Ciesarea. 

ABOUT  this  time  it  was  that  Cresarea 
Sebaste,  which  he  had  built,  was  finished. 
The  entire  building  being  accomplished  in 
the  tenth  year,  the  solemnity  of  it  fell 
into  the  twenty-eighth  year  of  Herod's 
reign,  and  into  the  192d  Olympiad ; 
there  was  accordingly  a  great  festival,  and 
most  sumptuous  preparations  made  pre- 
sently, in  order  to  its  dedication;  for  he 
had  appointed  a  contention  in  music,  and 
games  to  be  performed  naked ;  he  had 
also  gotten  ready  a  great  number  of  those 
that  tight  single  combats,  and  of  beasts  for 
the  like  purpose;  horse-races  also,  and  the 
most  chargeable  of  such  sports  and  shows 
as  used  to  be  exhibited  at  Rome,  and  in 
other  places.  He  consecrated  this  combat 
to  Caasar,  and  ordered  it  to  be  celebrated 
every  fifth  year.  He  also  sent  all  sorts  of 
ornaments  for  it  out  of  his  own  furniture, 
that  it  might  want  nothing  to  make  it  de- 
cent ;  nay,  Julia,  Caesar's  wife,  sent  a 
great  part  of  her  most  valuable  furniture 
[from  Rome],  insomuch,  that  he  had  no 
want  of  any  thing;  the  sum  of  them  all 
was  estimated  at  500  talents.  Now,  when 
a  great  multitude  had  come  to  that  city 
to  see  the  shows,  as  well  as  the  ambassa- 
dors whom  other  people  sent,  on  account 
of  the  benefits  they  had  received  [from 
Herod],  he  entertained  them  all  in  the 
public  inns,  and  at  public  tables,  and  with 
perpetual  feasts;  this  solemnity  having  in 
the  day-time  the  diversions  of  the  fights, 
and  in  the  night-time  such  merry  meet- 
ings as  cost  vast  sums  of  money,  and  pub- 
licly demonstrated  the  generosity  of  his 
soul;  for  in  all  his  undertakings  he  was 
ambitious  to  exhibit  what  exceeded  what- 
soever had  been  done  before  of  the  same 
kind ;  and  it  is  related  that  Caesar  and 
Agrippa  often  said,  that  the  domiuions  of 
Herod  were  too  small  for  the  greatness  of 
Vol.  II.— 2 


his  soul ;  for  that  he  deserved  to  have 
both  all  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  and  that 
of  Egypt  also. 

After  this  solemnity  and  these  festivals 
were  over,  Herod  erected  another  city  in 
the  plain  called  Capharsaba,  where  he 
chose  out  a  fit  place,  both  for  plenty  of 
water  and  goodness  of  soil,  and  proper  for 
the  production  of  what  was  there  planted, 
where  a  river  encompassed  the  city  itself, 
and  a  grove  of  the  best  trees  for  magnitude 
was  round  about  it:  this  he  named  Anti- 
patris,  from  his  father,  Antipater.  He 
also  built  upon  another  spot  of  ground 
above  Jericho,  of  the  same  name  with  his 
mother,  a  place  of  great  security,  and  very 
pleasant  for  habitation,  and  called  it  Cy- 
prus. He  also  dedicated  the  finest  monu- 
ments to  his  brother  Phasaelus,  on  account 
of  the  great  natural  affection  there  had 
been  between  them,  by  erecting  a  tower 
in  the  city  itself,  not  less  than  the  tower 
of  Pharos,  which  he  named  Phasaelus, 
which  was  at  once  a  part  of  the  strong 
defences  of  the  city,  and  a  memorial  for 
him  that  was  deceased,  because  it  bore  his 
name.  He  also  built  a  city  of  the  same 
in  the  valley  of  Jericho,  as  you  go  from 
it  northward,  whereby  he  rendered  the 
neighbouring  country  more  fruitful,  by 
the  cultivation  its  inhabitants  introduced  ; 
and  this  also  he  called  Phasaelus. 

But  as  for  his  other  benefits,  it  is  im- 
possible to  reckon  them  up,  those  which 
he  bestowed  on  cities,  both  in  Syria  and 
in  Greece,  and  in  all  the  places  he  came 
to  in  his  voyages:  for  he  seems  to  have 
conferred,  and  that  after  a  most  plentiful 
manner,  what  would  minister  to  many 
necessities,  and  the  building  of  public 
works,  and  gave  them  the  money  that  was 
necessary  to  such  works  as  wanted  it,  to 
support  them  upon  the  failure  of  their 
other  revenues;  but  what  was  the  greatest 
and  most  illustrious  of  all  his  works,  he 
erected  Apollo's  temple  at  Rhodes,  at  his 
own  expense,  and  gave  them  a  great  num- 
ber of  talents  of  silver  for  the  repairs  of 
their  fleet.  He  also  built  the  greatest 
part  of  the  public  edifices  for  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Nicopolis,  at  Actium  ;*  and  for 
the   Antiochians,  the   inhabitants  of  the 

*  Dr.  Hudson  here  gives  us  the  words  of  Sueto- 
nius concern ing  this  Nicopolis,  when  Augustus  re 
built  it: — "And  that  the  memory  of  the  victory  at 
Actium  might  be  celebrated  the  more  afterward, 
he  built  Nicopolis  at  Actium,  and  appointed  public 
shows  to  be  there  exhibited  every  fifth  year."  In 
Augus.  sect.  18. 


18 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVL 


principal  city  of  Syria,  where  a  broad 
street  cuts  through  the  place  leugthways, 
he  built  cloisters  along  it  on  both  sides, 
and  laid  the  open  road  with  polished  stone, 
which  was  of  very  great  advantage  to  the 
inhabitants;  and  as  to  the  Olympic  games, 
which  were  in  a  very  low  condition,  by 
reason  of  the  failure  of  their  revenues,  he 
recovered  their  reputation,  and  appointed 
revenues  for  their  maintenance,  and  made 
that  solemn  meeting  more  venerable,  as 
to  the  sacrifices  and  other  ornaments ;  and 
by  reason  of  this  vast  liberality,  he  was 
generally  declared  in  their  inscriptions  to 
be  one  of  the  perpetual  managers  of  those 
games. 

Now  some  there  are,  who  stand  amazed 
at  the  diversity  of  Herod's  nature  and 
purposes ;  for  when  we  have  respect  to  his 
magnificence,  and  the  benefits  which  he 
bestowed  on  all  mankind,  there  is  no  pos- 
sibility for  even  those  who  had  the  least 
respect  for  him  to  deny,  or  not  openly  to 
confess,  that  he  had  a  nature  vastly  bene- 
ficent ;  but  when  any  one  looks  upon  the 
punishments  he  inflicted,  and  the  injuries 
he  did,  not  only  to  his  subjects,  but  to  his 
nearest  relations,  and  takes  notice  of  his 
severe  and  unrelenting  disposition  there, 
he  will  be  forced  to  allow  that  he  was 
brutish,  and  a  stranger  to  all  humanity; 
insomuch  that  these  men  suppose  his  na- 
ture to  be  different,  and  sometimes  at 
contradictions  with  itself;  but  I  am  my- 
self of  another  opinion,  and  imagine  that 
the  occasion  of  both  these  sorts  of  actions 
was  one  and  the  same ;  for,  being  a  man 
ambitious  of  honour,  and  quite  overcome 
by  that  passion,  he  was  induced  to  be 
magnificent,  wherever  there  appeared  any 
hopes  of  a  future  memorial,  or  of  reputa- 
tion at  present ;  and,  as  his  expenses  were 
beyond  his  abilities,  he  was  necessitated 
to  be  harsh  to  his  subjects;  for  the  per- 
sons on  whom  he  expended  his  money, 
were  so  many,  that  they  made  him  a  very 
bad  procurer  of  it;  and  because  he  was 
conscious  that  he  was  hated  by  those  un- 
der him,  for  the  injuries  he  did  them,  he 
thought  it  not  an  easy  thing  to  amend  his 
offences,  for  that  was  inconvenient  for  his 
revenue ;  he  therefore  strove  on  the  other 
side  to  make  their  ill-will  an  occasion  of 
his  gains.  As  to  his  own  court,  therefore, 
if  any  one  was  not  very  obsequious  to  him 
in  his  language,  and  would  not  confess 
himself  to  be  his  slave,  or  but  seemed  to 
think  of  any  innovation  in  his  govern- 
ment, he  was  not  able  to  contain  himself, 


but  prosecuted  his  very  kindred  and 
friends,  and  punished  them  as  if  they  were 
enemies ;  and  this  wickedness  he  under- 
took out  of  a  desire  that  he  might  be 
himself  alone  honoured.  Now  for  this 
my  assertion  about  that  passion  of  his,  we 
have  the  greatest  evidence,  by  what  he 
did  to  honour  C?esar  and  Agrippa,  and 
his  other  friends;  for  with  what  honours 
he  paid  his  respects  to  them  who  were  his 
superiors,  the  same  did  he  desire  to  be 
paid  to  himself;  and  what  he  thought 
the  most  excellent  present  he  could  make 
another,  he  discovered  an  inclination  to 
have  the  like  presented  to  himself;  but 
now  the  Jewish  nation  is  by  their  law 
a  stranger  to  all  such  things,  and  ac- 
customed to  prefer  righteousness  to  glo- 
ry ;  for  which  reason  that  nation  was  not 
agreeable  to  him,  because  it  was  out  of 
their  power  to  flatter  the  king's  ambi- 
tion with  statues  or  temples,  or  any  other 
such  performances ;  and  this  seems  to  me 
to  have  been  at  once  the  occasion  of  He- 
rod's crimes  as  to  his  own  courtiers  and 
counsellors,  and  of  his  benefactions  as  to 
foreigners  and  those  that  had  no  relation 
to  him. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The    Jews    in   Asia   complain    of  the   Greeks   to 
Caesar. 

Now  the  cities  ill  treated  the  Jews  in 
Asia,  and  all  those  also  of  the  same  na- 
tion who  lived  in  Libya,  which  joins  to 
Cyrene,  while  the  former  kings  had  given 
them  equal  privileges  with  the  other  citi- 
zens :  but  the  Greeks  affronted  them  at 
this  time,  and  that  so  far  as  to  take  away 
their  sacred  money,  and  to  do  them  mis- 
chief on  other  particular  occasions.  When, 
therefore,  they  were  thus  afflicted,  and 
found  uo  end  of  the  barbarous  treatment 
they  met  with  among  the  Greeks,  they 
sent  ambassadors  to  Caesar  on  those  ac- 
counts; who  gave  them  the  same  privi- 
leges as  they  had  before,  and  sent  letters 
to  the  same  purpose  to  the  governors  of 
the  provinces,  copies  of  which  I  subjoin 
here,  as  testimonials  of  the  aucient  fa- 
vourable disposition  the  Roman  emperors 
had  toward  us. 

"  Caesar  Augustus,  high  priest  and  tri- 
bune of  the  people,  ordains  thus  : — Since 
the  nation  of  the  Jews  have  been  found 
grateful  to  the  Roman  people,  not  only  at 
this  time,  but  in  times  past  also,  and 
chiefly  Ilyrcanus  the  high  priest,  under 


Chap.  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


LS 


my  father,*  Caesar  the  emperor,  it  seemed 
good  to  me  and  my  counsellors,  according 
to  the  sentence  and  oath  of  the  people  of 
Rome,  that  the  Jews  have  liberty  to  make 
use  of  their  own  customs,  according  to 
the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  as  the}'  made 
use  of  them  under  Hyrcanus,  the  high 
priest  of  Almighty  God;  and  that  their 
sacred  money  be  not  touched,  but  be  sent 
to  Jerusalem,  and  that  it  be  committed 
to  the  care  of  the  receivers  at  Jerusalem; 
and  that  they  be  not  obliged  to  go  before 
any  judge  on  the  Sabbath-day,  nor  on  the 
day  of  the  preparation  to  it,  after  the 
ninth  hour,j  but  if  any  be  caught  stealing 
their  holy  books,  or  their  sacred  money, 
whether  it  be  out  of  the  synagogue  or 
public  school,  he  shall  be  deemed  a  sacri- 
legious person,  and  his  goods  shall  be 
brought  into  the  public  treasury  of  the 
Romans.  And  I  give  order,  that  the  tes- 
timonial which  they  have  given  me,  on 
account  of  my  regard  to  that  piety  which 
I  exercise  toward  all  mankind,  and  out  of 
regard  to  Caius  Marcus  Censorinus,  toge- 
ther with  the  present  decree,  be  proposed 
in  that  most  eminent  place  which  hath 
been  consecrated  to  me  by  the  community 
of  Asia  at  Ancyra.  And  if  any  one  trans- 
gress any  part  of  what  is  above  decreed, 
he  shall  be  severely  punished."  This  was 
inscribed  upon  a  pillar  in  the  temple  of 
Caesar. 

"Caesar  to  Norbanus  Flaccus,  sendeth 
greeting.  Let  those  Jews,  how  many  so- 
ever they  be,  who  have  been  used,  accord- 
ing to  their  ancient  custom,  to  send  their 
sacred  money  to  Jerusalem,  do  the  same 
freely."      These  were  the  decrees  of  Caesar. 

Agrippa  also  did  himself  write,  after 
the  maimer  following,  on  behalf  of  the 
Jews: — "  Agrippa,  to  the  magistrates,  se- 
nate, and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  send- 
eth greeting.  I  will  that  the  care  and 
custody  of  the  sacred  money  that  is  carried 
to  tha  temple  at  Jerusalem  be  left  to  the 
Jews  of  Asia,  to  do  with  it  according  to 
their  ancient  custom  ;  and  that  such  as 
steal  that  sacred  money  of  the  Jews,  and 
fly  to  a  sanctuary,  shall  be  taken  thence 
and  delivered  to  the  Jews,  by  the  same 
law    that   sacrilegious   persons  are    taken 


*  Augustus  here  calls  Julius  Cajsarhis  "father," 
though  by  birth  he  was  only  his  "  uncle,"  or.  ac- 
count of  his  adoption  by  him. 

|  This  is  authentic  evidence  that  the  Jews,  in 
the  days  of  Augustus,  began  to  prepare  for  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Sabbath  at  the  ninth  hour  on  Friday, 
as  the  tradition  of  the  elders  did,  it  seems,  then  re- 
quire of  them. 

2K 


thence.  I  have  also  written  to  Sylvanus 
the  praetor,  that  no  one  compel  the  Jews 
to  come  before  a  judge  on  the  Sabbath- 
day." 

"Marcus  Agrippa  to  the  magistrates, 
senate,  and  people  of  Cyreue,  seudeth 
greeting.  The  Jews  of  Cyrene  have  in- 
terceded with  me  for  the  performance  of 
what  Agustus  sent  orders  about  to  Flavius, 
the  then  praetor  of  Libya,  and  to  the  other 
procurators  of  that  province,  that  the 
sacred  money  may  be  sent  to  Jerusalem 
freely,  as  hath  been  their  custom  from 
their  forefathers,  they  complaining  that 
they  are  abused  by  certain  informers,  aud 
under  pretence  of  taxes  which  were  not 
due,  are  hindered  from  sending  them ; 
which  I  command  to  be  restored  without 
any  diminution  or  disturbance  given  to 
them :  and  if  any  of  that  sacred  mouey  in 
the  cities  be  taken  from  their  proper  re- 
ceivers, I  further  enjoin  that  the  same  be 
exactly  returned  to  the  Jews  in  that 
place." 

"Caius  Norbanus  Flaccus,  proconsul, 
to  the  magistrates  of  the  Sardians,  sendeth 
greeting.  Caesar  hath  written  to  me,  and 
commanded  me  not  to  forbid  the  Jews, 
how  many  soever  they  be,  from  assembling 
together,  according  to  the  custom  of  their 
forefathers,  nor  from  sending  their  money 
to  Jerusalem :  I  have  therefore  written  to 
you,  that  you  may  know  that  both  Caasar 
and  I  would  have  you  act  accordingly." 

Nor  did  Julius  Antouius,  the  proconsul, 
write  otherwise.  "To  the  magistrates, 
senate,  aud  people  of  the  Ephesians/ 
sendeth  greeting.  As  1  was  dispensing 
justice  at  Ephesus,  on  the  ides  of  Fe- 
bruary, the  Jews  that  dwell  in  Asia  de- 
monstrated to  me  that  Augustas  and 
Agrippa  had  permitted  them  to  use  their 
own  laws  and  customs,  and  to  offer  those 
their  first  fruits,  which  every  one  of  them 
freely  offers  to  the  Deity  on  account  of 
piety,  aud  to  carry  them  in  a  company 
together  to  Jerusalem  without  disturbance. 
They  also  petitioned  me,  that  I  would  con- 
firm what  had  been  granted  by  Augustus 
and  Agrippa  by  my  owu  sanetiou.  I 
would,  therefore,  have  you  take  notice, 
that  according  to  the  will  of  Augustus 
aud  Agrippa,  I  permit  them  to  use  and 
do  according  to  the  customs  of  their  fore- 
fathers, without  disturbance." 

I  have  been  obliged  to  set  down  these 
decrees,  because  the  present  history  of  our 
own  acts  will  go  generally  among  the 
Greeks ;  and  I  have  hereby  demonstrated 


20 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI 


to  them,  that  we  have  formerly  been  in 
great  esteem,  and  have  not  been  pro- 
hibited by  those  governors  we  were  under 
from  keeping  any  of  the  laws  of  our  fore- 
fathers; nay,  that  we  have  been  sup- 
ported by  them,  while  we  followed  our 
own  religion,  and  the  worship  we  paid  to 
God  :  and  I  frequently  make  mention  of 
these  decrees,  in  order  to  reconcile  other 
people  to  us,  and  to  take  away  the  causes 
of  that  hatred  which  unreasonable  men 
bear  to  us.  As  for  our  customs,  there  is 
no  nation  which  always  makes  use  of  the 
same,  and  in  every  city  almost  we  meet 
with  them  different  from  one  another; 
but  natural  justice  is  most  agreeable  to 
the  advantage  of  all  men  equally,  both 
Greeks  and  barbarians,  to  which  our  laws 
have  the  greatest  regard,  and  thereby 
render  us,  if  we  abide  in  them  after  a 
pure  manner,  benevolent  and  friendly  to 
all  men :  on  which  account  we  have  rea- 
son to  expect  the  like  return  from  others, 
and  to  inform  them  that  they  ought  not 
to  esteem  difference  of  positive  institutions 
a  sufficient  cause  of  alienation,  but  [join 
with  us  in]  the  pursuit  of  virtue  and  pro- 
bity, for  this  belongs  to  all  men  in  com- 
mon, and  of  itself  alone  is  sufficient  for 
the  preservation  of  human  life.  I  now 
return  to  the  thread  of  my  history.* 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Herod  removes  part  of  the  riches  from  the  tomb  of 
David — Sedition  consequent  thereon. 

As  for  Herod,  he  had  spent  vast  sums 
about  the  cities,  both  without  and  within 
his  own  kingdom  :  and  as  he  had  before 
heard  that  Ilyrcanus,  who  had  beeu  king- 
before  him,  had  opened  David's  sepulchre, 
and  taken  out  of  it  3000  talents  of  silver, 
and  that  there  was  a  much  greater  number 
left  behind,  and,  indeed,  enough  to  suffice 
all  his  wants,  he  had  a  great  while  an  in- 
tention to  make  the  attempt;  and  at  this 
time  he  opened  that  sepulchre  by  night, 
and  went  into  it,  and  endeavoured  that  it 
should  not  be  at  all  known  in  the  city, 


*The  concluding  part  of  this  chapter  is  re- 
markable, as  justly  distinguishing  natural  justice, 
religion,  and  morality,  from  positive  institutions, 
in  all  countries,  and  evidently  preferring  the  former 
before  the  latter,  as  did  the  true  prophets  of  God 
always  under  the  Old  Testament,  and  Christ  and 
his  apostles  always  under  the  New:  whence  our 
Josephus  aeems  to  have  been  at  this  time  nearer 
Christianity  than  were  the  scribes  and  Pharisees 
of  his  age;  who,  as  we  know  from  the  New  Testa- 
ooent,  wero  entirely  of  a  different  opinion  and 
vactic}. 


but  took  only  his  most  faithful  friends  with 
him.  As  for  any  money,  he  found  none, 
as  Hyrcanus  had  done,  but  that  furniture 
of  gold,  and  those  precious  goods  that 
were  laid  up  there ;  all  which  he  took 
away.  However,  he  had  a  great  desire  to 
make  a  more  diligent  search,  and  to  go 
further  in,  even  as  far  as  the  very  bodies 
of  David  and  Solomon,  where  two  of  his 
guards  were  slain,  by  a  flame  that  burst 
out  upon  those  that  went  in,  as  the  report 
was.  So  he  was  terribly  affrighted,  and 
went  out,  and  built  a  propitiatory  monu- 
ment of  that  fright  he  had  been  in ;  and 
this  of  white  stone,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
sepulchre,  and  that  at  a  great  expense 
also.  And  even  Nicolaus*  his  historio- 
grapher, makes  mention  of  this  monument 
built  by  Herod,  though  he  does  not 
mention  his  going  down  into  the  sepul- 
chre, as  knowing  that  action  to  be  of  ill 
repute ;  and  many  other  things  he  treats 
of  in  the  same  manner  in  his  book ;  for 
he  wrote  in  Herod's  lifetime,  and  under 
his  reign,  and  so  as  to  please  him,  and  as 
a  servant  to  him,  touching  upon  nothing 
but  what  tended  to  his  glory,  and  openly 
excusing  many  of  his  notorious  crimes, 
and  very  diligently  concealing  them. 
And  as  he  was  desirous  to  put  handsome 
colours  on  the  death  of  Mariamne  and  her 
sons,  which  were  barbarous  actions  in  the 
king,  he  tells  falsehoods  about  the  incon- 
tinence of  Mariamne,  and  the  treacherous 
designs  of  his  sons  upon  him;  and  thus 
he  proceeded  in  his  whole  work,  making 
a  pompous  encomium  upon  what  just  actions 
he  had  done,  but  earnestly  apologizing  for 
his  unjust  ones.  Indeed,  a  man,  as  I 
said,  may  have  a  great  deal  to  say  by  way 
of  excuse  for  Nicolaus,  for  he  did  not  so 
properly  write  this  as  a  history  for  others, 
as  somewhat  that  might  be  subservient  to 
the  king  himself.  As  for  ourselves,  who 
come  of  a  family  nearly  allied  to  the 
Asamonean  kings,  and  on  that  account 
have  an  honourable  place,  which  is  the 
priesthoood,  we  think  it  indecent  to  say 
any  thing  that  is  false  about  them,  and 
accordingly,  we  have  described  their 
actions  after  an  unblemished  and  upright 


*  It  is  here  worth  our  observation,  how  careful 
Josephus  was  as  to  the  discovery  of  truth  in  Herod's 
historj',  since  he  would  not  follow  Nicolaus  of  Da- 
mascus himself,  so  great  an  historian,  where  there 
was  great  reason  to  suspect  that  he  had  flattered 
Herod  ;  which  impartiality  in  history  Josephus  hero 
solemnly  professes,  and  of  which  impartiality  he 
has  given  more  demonstrations  than  almost  any 
other  historian. 


Chap  VI.".] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


•21 


maimer.  And  although  we  reverence 
I  many  of  Herod's  posterity,  who  still 
reign,  yet  do  we  pay  a  greater  regard  to 
truth  than  to  them,  and  this  though  it 
sometimes  happens  that  wc  incur  their  dis- 
pleasure by  so  doing. 

And,  indeed,  Herod's  troubles  in  his 
family  seemed  to  be  augmented,  by  rea- 
son of  this  attempt  he  made  upon  David's 
sepulchre ;  whether  Divine  vengeance  in- 
creased the  calamities  he  lay  under,  in 
order  to  make  them  incurable,  or  whether 
fortune  made  an  assault  upon  him,  in 
those  cases,  wherein  the  seasonableness  of 
the  cause  made  it  strongly  believed  that 
the  calamities  came  upon  him  for  his  im- 
piety; for  the  tumult  was  like  a  civil  war 
in  his  palace;  and  their  hatred  toward 
one  another  was  like  that  where  each  one 
strove  to  exceed  another  in  calumnies. 
However,  Antipater  used  stratagems  per- 
petually against  his  brethren,  and  that 
very  cunningly :  while  abroad  he  loaded 
them  with  accusations,  but  still  took  upon 
him  frequently  to  apologize  for  them,  that 
his  apparent  benevolence  to  them  might 
make  him  be  believed,  and  forward  his 
attempts  against  them;  by  which  means 
he,  after  various  manners,  circumvented 
his  father,  who  believed  that  all  he  did 
was  for  his  preservation.  Herod  also 
recommended  Ptolemy,  who  was  a  great 
director  of  the  affairs  of  his  kingdom,  to 
Antipater  ;  and  consulted  with  his  mother 
about  the  public  affairs  also.  And,  indeed, 
these  were  all  in  all,  and  did  what  they 
pleased,  and  made  the  king  angry  against 
any  other  persons,  as  he  thought  it  might 
be  to  their  own  advantage  :  but  still  the 
sons  of  Mariamne  were  in  a  worse  and 
worse  condition  perpetually;  and  while 
they  were  thrust  out,  and  set  in  a  more 
dishonourable  rank,  who  yet  by  birth 
were  the  most  noble,  they  could  not  bear 
the  dishonour.  And  for  the  women, 
Glaphyra,  Alexander's  wife,  the  daughter 
of  Archelaus,  hated  Salome,  both  because 
of  her  love  to  her  husband,  and  because 
Glaphyra  seemed  to  behave  herself  some- 
what insolently  toward  Salome's  daughter, 
who  was  the  wife  of  Aristobulus,  which 
equality  of  hers  to  herself  Glaphyra  took 
very  impatiently. 

Now,  besides  this  second  contention 
that  had  fallen  among  them,  neither  did 
the  king's  brother  Pheroras  keep  himself 
out  of  trouble,  but  had  a  particular  found- 
ation for  suspicion  and  hatred ;  for  he  wTas 
overcome  with  the  charms  of  his  wife,  to 

L. 


such  a  degree  of  madness,  that  be  despised 
the  king's  daughter,  to  whom  he  had  beec 
betrothed,  and  wholly  bent  his  mind  to 
the  other,  who  had  been  but  a  servant. 
Herod  also  was  grieved  by  the  dishonour 
that  was  done  him,  because  he  had  be- 
stowed many  favours  upon  him,  and  ba  1 
advanced  him  to  that  height  of  power  that 
he  was  almost  a  partner  with  him  in  the 
kingdom ;  and  saw  that  he  had  not  made 
him  a  due  return  for  his  favours,  and 
esteemed  himself  unhappy  on  that  ac- 
count. So,  upon  Pheroras's  unworthy 
refusal,  he  gave  the  damsel  to  Phasaelus's 
son ;  but  after  some  time,  when  he 
thought  the  heat  of  his  brother's  affection 
was  over,  he  blamed  him  for  his  former 
conduct,  and  desired  him  to  take  his 
second  daughter,  whose  name  was  Cypros. 
Ptolemy,  also,  advised  him  to  leave  off 
affronting  his  brother,  and  to  forsake  her 
whom  he  had  loved,  for  that  it  was  a  base 
thing  to  be  so  enamoured  of  a  servant,  as 
to  deprive  himself  of  the  king's  good-will 
to  him,  and  become  an  occasion  of  his 
trouble,  and  make  himself  hated  by  him. 
Pheroras  knew  that  this  advice  would  be 
for  his  own  advantage,  particularly  be- 
cause he  had  been  accused  before,  and 
forgiven ;  so  he  put  his  wife  away, 
although  he  already  had  a  son  by  her, 
and  engaged  to  the  king  that  he  would 
take  his  second  daughter,  and  agreed  that 
the  thirtieth  day  after  should  be  the  day 
of  marriage;  and  swore  he  would  have  no 
further  conversation  with  her  whom  he 
had  put  away;  but  when  the  thirty  days 
were  over,  he  was  such  a  slave  to  his 
affections,  that  he  no  longer  performed 
any  thing  he  had  promised,  but  continued 
still  with  his  former  wife.  This  oc- 
casioned Herod  to  grieve  openly,  and 
made  him  angry,  while  the  king  dropped 
one  word  or  other  against  Pheroras  peF- 
petually;  and  many  made  the  king's 
auger  an  opportunity  fir  raising  calumnies 
against  him.  Nor  had  the  king  any 
longer  a  single  quiet  day  or  hour,  but 
occasions  of  one  fresh  quarrel  or  another 
arose  among  his  relations,  and  those  that 
were  dearest  to  him  ;  for  Salome  was  of  a 
harsh  temper,  and  ill-natured  to  Mariamne's 
sous;  nor  would  she  suffer  her  uwu 
daughter,  who  was  the  wife  of  Aristo- 
bulus, one  of  those  young  men,  to  bear  a 
good-will  to  her  husbaud,  but  persuaded 
her  to  tell  her  if  he  said  any  thing  to  her 
in  private,  and  when  any  misunderstand: 
ings  happened,  as  is  common,  she  raised 


22 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


Book  XVI. 


a  great  many  suspicions  out  of  it :  by 
which  means  she  learned  all  their  con- 
cerns, and  made  the  damsel  ill-natured  to 
the  young  man.  And  in  order  to  gratify 
her  mother,  she  often  said  that  the  young 
men  used  to  mention  Mariamne  when 
they  were  by  themselves;  and  that  they 
hated  their  father,  and  were  continually 
threatening,  that  if  they  had  once  got  the 
kingdom,  they  would  make  Herod's  sons 
by  his  other  wives  country  schoolmasters, 
for  that  the  present  education  which  was 
given  them,  and  their  diligence  in  learn- 
ing, fitted  them  for  such  an  employment. 
And  as  for  the  women,  whenever  they 
saw  them  adorned  with  their  mother's 
clothes,  they  threatened,  that  instead  of 
their  present  gaudy  apparel,  they  should 
be  clothed  in  sackcloth,  and  confined  so 
closely  that  they  should  not  see  the  light 
of  the  sun.  These  stories  were  presently 
carried  by  Salome  to  the  king,  who  was 
troubled  to  hear  them,  and  endeavoured 
to  make  up  matters  :  but  these  suspicions 
afflicted  him,  and  becoming  more  and 
more  uneasy,  he  believed  everybody  against 
everybody.  However,  upon  his  rebuking 
his  sons,  and  hearing  the  defence  they 
made  for  themselves,  he  was  easier  for  a 
while,  though  a  little  afterward  much 
worse  accidents  came  upon  him. 

For  Pheroras  came  to  Alexander,  the 
husband  of  Glaphyra,  who  was  the  daughter 
of  Archelaus,  as  we  have  already  told  you, 
and  said  that  he  had  heard  from  Salome, 
that  Herod  was  enamoured  of  Glaphyra, 
and  that  his  passion  for  her  was  incurable. 
When  Alexander  heard  that,  he  was  all 
on  fire,  from  his  youth  and  jealousy;  and 
he  interpreted  the  instances  of  Herod's 
obliging  behaviour  to  her,  which  were 
very  frequent,  for  the  worse,  which  came 
from  those  suspicions  he  had  on  account 
of  that  word  which  fell  from  Pheroras; 
nor  could  he  conceal  his  grief  at  the 
thing,  but  informed  him  what  words  Phe- 
roras had  said.  Upon  which  Herod  was 
in  a  greater  disorder  than  ever;  and  not 
bearing  such  a  false  calumny,  which  was 
to  his  shame,  was  much  disturbed  at  it, 
and  often  did  he  lament  the  wickedness 
of  his  domestics,  and  how  good  he  had 
been  to  them,  and  how  ill  the  requitals 
they  had  made  him.  So  he  sent  for  Phe- 
roras, and  reproached  him,  and  said, 
"Thou  vilest  of  all  men!  art  thou  come 
to  that  unmeasurable  and  extravagant 
degree  of  ingratitude,  as  not  only  to  sup- 
nose  such  thiugs  of  mc,  but  to  speak  of 


them?  I  now,  indeed,  perceive  what  thy 
intentions  are  :  it  is  not  only  thy  aim  to 
reproach  me,  when  thou  usest  such  words 
to  my  son,  but  thereby  to  persuade  him 
to  plot  against  me,  and  get  me  destroyed 
by  poison  ;  and  who  is  there,  if  he  had 
not  a  good  genius  at  his  elbow,  as  hath 
my  son,  that  would  bear  such  a  suspicion 
of  his  father,  but  would  revenge  himself 
upon  him  ?  Dost  thou  suppose  that  thou 
hast  only  dropped  a  word  for  him  to  think 
of,  and  not  rather  hast  put  a  sword  into 
his  hand  to  slay  his  father  ?  And  what 
dost  thou  mean,  when  thou  really  hatest 
both  him  and  his  brother,  to  pretend 
kiudness  to  them,  only  in  order  to  raise  a 
reproach  against  me,  and  talk  of  such 
things  as  no  one  but  such  an  impious 
wretch  as  thou  art  could  either  devise  in 
their  mind,  or  declare  in  their  words  ? 
Begone,  thou  that  art  such  a  plague  to  thy 
benefactor  and  thy  brother;  and  may  that 
evil  conscience  of  thine  go  along  with 
thee ;  while  I  still  overcome  my  relations 
by  kindness,  and  am  so  far  from  avenging 
myself  of  them,  as  they  deserve,  that  I 
bestow  greater  benefits  upon  them  than 
they  are  worthy  of." 

Thus  did  the  king  speak.  Whereupon 
Pheroras,  who  was  caught  in  the  very  act 
of  his  villany,  said  that  "it  was  Salome 
who  was  the  framer  of  this  plot,  and  that 
the  words  came  from  her;"  but  as  soon 
as  she  heard  that,  for  she  was  at  hand, 
she  cried  out,  like  one  that  would  be 
believed,  that  no  such  thing  ever  came 
out  of  her  mouth;  that  they  all  earnestly 
endeavoured  to  make  the'  king  hate  her, 
and  to  make  her  away,  because  of  the 
good-will  she  bore  to  Herod,  and  because 
she  always  foresaw  the  dangers  that  were 
coming  upon  him,  and  that  at  present 
there  were  more  plots  against  him  than 
usual :  for  while  she  was  the  only  person 
who  persuaded  her  brother  to  put  away 
the  wife  he  now  had,  and  to  take  the 
king's  daughter,  it  was  no  wonder  if  she 
was  hated  by  him.  As  she  said  this,  and 
often  tore  her  hair,  and  often  beat  her 
breast,  her  countenance  made  her  detail 
to  be  believed,  but  the  perverseuess  of  her 
manners  declared  at  the  same  time  her 
dissimulation  in  these  proceedings;  but 
Pheroras  was  caught  between  them,  and 
had  nothing  plausible  to  offer  in  his  own 
defence,  while  he  confessed  that  he  had 
said  what  was  charged  upon  him,  but  was 
not  believed  when  he  said  he  had  heard  it 
from    Salome ;  so    the    confusion    among 


Chap.  VIIT.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


23 


them  was  increased,  and  their  quarrelsome 
words  one  to  another.  At  last  the  king, 
out  of  his  hatred  to  his  brother  and  sister, 
sent  them  both  away;  and  when  he  had 
commended  the  moderation  of  his  son, 
and  that  he  had  himself  told  him  of  the 
report,  he  went  in  the  evening  to  refresh 
himself.  After  such  a  contest  as  this  had 
fallen  out  among  them,  Salome's  reputa- 
tion suffered  greatly,  since  she  was  sup- 
posed to  have  first  raised  the  calumny; 
and  the  king's  wives  were  grieved  at  her, 
as  knowing  she  was  a  very  ill-natured 
woman,  and  would  sometimes  be  a  friend, 
and  sometimes  an  enemy,  at  different  sea- 
sons; so  they  perpetually  said  one  thing 
or  another  against  her;  and  somewhat 
that  now  fell  out,  made  them  the  bolder 
in  speaking  against  her. 

There  was  one  Obodas,  king  of  Arabia, 
an  inactive  and  slothful  man  in  his  nature  ; 
but  Sylleus  managed  most  of  his  affairs 
for  him.  He  was  a  shrewd  man,  although 
ce  was  but  young,  and  was  handsome 
withal.  This  Sylleus,  upon  some  occasion 
coming  to  Herod,  and  supping  with  him, 
saw  Salome,  and  set  his  heart  upon  her : 
and  understanding  that  she  was  a  widow, 
he  discoursed  with  her.  Now,  because 
Salome  was  at  this  time  less  in  favour 
with  her  brother,  she  looked  upon  Sylleus 
with  some  passion,  and  was  very  earnest 
to  be  married  to  him  ;  and  on  the  days 
following  there  appeared  many,  and  those 
very  great,  indications  of  their  agreement 
together.  Now  the  women  carried  this 
news  to  the  king,  and  laughed  at  the  in- 
decency of  it;  whereupon  Herod  inquired 
about  it  further  of  Pheroras,  and  desired 
him  to  observe  them  at  supper,  how  their 
behaviour  was  one  toward  another;  who 
told  him,  that  by  the  signals  that  came 
from  their  heads  and  their  eyes,  they  both 
were  evidently  in  love.  After  this,  Syl- 
leus the  Arabian,  being  suspected,  went 
away,  but  came  again  in  two  or  three 
months  afterward,  as  it  were  on  that  very 
design,  and  spoke  to  Herod  about  it,  and 
desired  that  Salome  might  be  given  him 
to  w7ife ;  for  that  his  affinity  might  not 
be  disadvantageous  to  his  affairs,  by  a 
union  with  Arabia,  the  government  of 
which  country  was  already  in  effect  under 
his  power  and  more  evidently  would  be 
his  hereafter,  Accordingly,  when  Herod 
discoursed  with  his  sister  about  it,  and 
asked  her  whether  she  was  disposed  to 
this  match,  she  immediately  agreed  to  it; 
but  wheu   Sylleus  was  desired    to  come 


over  to  the  Jewish  religion,  and  then  he 
should  marry  her,  and  that  it  was  iiii;>'>s- 
sible  to  do  it  on  any  other  terms,  he  could 
not  bear  that  proposal,  and  went  his  way ; 
fur  he  said,  that  if  he  should  do  so,  he 
should  be  stoned  by  the  Arabs.  Then 
did  Pheroras  reproach  Salome  for  her  in- 
continency,  as  did  the  women  much  more; 
and  said  that  Sylleus  had  debauched  her. 
As  for  that  damsel  which  the  king  had 
betrothed  to  his  brother  Pheroras,  but  he 
had  not  taken  her,  as  I  have  before  related, 
because  he  was  enamoured  of  his  former 
wife,  Salome  desired  of  Herod  she  might 
be  given  to  her  son  by  Costobarus  :  which 
match  be  was  very  willing  to,  but  was 
dissuaded  from  it  by  Pheroras,  who  plead- 
ed, that  this  young  man  would  not  be 
kind  to  her,  since  her  father  had  been 
slain  by  him,  and  that  it  was  more  just 
that  his  son,  who  was  to  be  his  successor 
in  the  tetrarchy,  should  have  her;  so  he 
begged  his  pardon,  and  persuaded  him  to 
do  so.  Accordingly  the  damsel,  upon  this 
change  of  her  espousals,  was  disposed  of 
to  this  young  man,  the  son  of  Pheroras, 
the  king  giving  for  her  portion  100  talents. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Continued  dissensions  in  Herod's  family. 

But  still  the  affairs  of  Herod's  family 
were  no  better,  but  perpetually  more  trou- 
blesome. Now  this  accident  happened, 
which  arose  from  no  decent  occasion,  hut 
proceeded  so  far  as  to  bring  great  difficult 
ties  upon  him.  There  were  certain  eu- 
nuchs which  the  king  had,  and  on  account 
of  their  beauty  was  very  fond  of  them  ; 
and  the  care  of  bringing  him  drink  was 
intrusted  to  one  of  them ;  of  bringing 
him  his  supper-,  to  another;  and  of  put- 
ting him  to  bed,  to  a  third,  who  also 
managed  the  principal  affairs  of  the  go- 
vernment; and  there  was  one  told  the  kiuo- 
that  these  eunuchs  were  corrupted  by 
Alexander,  the  king's  son,  by  great  sums 
of  money;  and  when  they  were  asked 
whether  Alexander  had  had  criminal  con- 
versation with  them,  they  confessed  it, 
but  said  they  knew  of  no  further  mischief 
of  his  against  his  father;  but  when  they 
were  more  severely  tortured,  and  were  in 
the  utmost  extremity,  and  the  tormentors, 
out  of  compliance  with  Antipater,  stretch- 
ed the  rack  to  the  very  utmost,  they  said 
that  Alexander  bore  great  ill-will  and  in- 
nate  hatred   to   his   father;  and   that  he 


24 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Bock.  XVI 


told  them  that  Herod  despaired  to  live 
much  Linger;  and  that,  in  order  to  cover 
his  great  age,  he  coloured  Lis  hair  black, 
and  endeavoured  to  conceal  what  would 
disi  vt'i'  how  old  he  was;  but  that  if  he 
would  apply  himself  to  him,  when  he 
should  attain  the  kingdom,  which,  in  spite 
of  his  father  could  come  to  no  one  else,  he 
should  quickly  have  the  first  place  in  that 
kingdom  under  him,  for  that  he  was  now 
ready  to  take  the  kingdom,  not  only  as 
his  birthright,  but  by  the  preparations  he 
had  made  for  obtaining  it,  because  a  great 
many  of  the  rulers,  and  a  great  many  of 
his  friends,  were  of  his  side,  and  those  no 
ill  men  cither,  ready  both  to  do  and  to 
suffer  whatsoever  should  come  on  that  ac- 
count. 

When  Herod  heard  this  confession,  he 
was  all  over  anger  and  fear,  some  parts 
seeming  to  him  reproachful,  and  some 
made  him  suspicious  of  dangers  that  at- 
tended him,  insomuch,  that  on  both  ac- 
counts he  was  provoked,  and  bitterly 
afraid,  lest  some  more  heavy  plot  was  laid 
against  him  than  he  should  be  then  able 
to  escape  from;  whereupon  he  did  not 
now  make  an  open  search,  but  sent  about 
spies  to  watch  such  as  he  suspected,  for 
he  was  now  overrun  with  suspicion  and 
hatred  against  all  about  him;  and  in- 
dulging abundance  of  those  suspicions,  in 
order  to  his  preservation,  he  continued- to 
suspect  those  that  were  guiltless :  nor  did 
he  set  any  bounds  to  himself;  but  sup- 
posing that  those  who  stayed  with  him 
had  the  most  power  to  hurt  him,  they 
were  to  him  very  frightful ;  and  for  those 
that  did  not  use  to  come  to  him,  it  seemed 
enough  to  name  them  [to  make  them  sus- 
pected], and  he  thought  himself  safer 
when  they  were  destroyed:  and  at  last 
his  domestics  were  come  to  that  pass,  that 
being  noway  secure  of  escaping  them- 
selves, they  fell  to  accusing  one  another, 
and  imagining  that  he  who  first  accused 
another,  was  most  likely  to  save  himself; 
yet  when  any  had  overthrown  others, 
they  were  hated;  and  they  were  thought 
to  suffer  justly,  who  unjustly  accused 
Others;  and  they  only  thereby  prevented 
their  own  accusation ;  nay,  they  now  ex- 
ecuted their  own  private  enmities  by  this 
means,  and  when  they  were  caught,  they 
were  punished  in  the  same  way.  Thus 
these  men  contrived  to  make  use  of  this 
opportunity  as  an  instrument  and  a  snare 
against  their  enemies;  yet  when  they  tried 
it,    were    themselves    caught    also    in    the 


same  snare  which  they  laid  for  others : 
aud  the  king  soon  repented  of  what  he  had 
done,  because  he  had  no  clear  evidence  of 
the  guilt  of  those  whom  he  had  slain ;  and 
yet  what  was  still  more  severe  in  him,  he 
did  not  make  use  of  his  repentance,  in 
order  to  leave  off  doing  the  like  again,  but 
in  order  to  inflict  the  same  punishment 
upon  their  accusers. 

And  in  this  state  of  disorder  were  the 
affairs  of  the  palace  ;  and  he  had  already 
told  many  of  his  friends  directly,  that 
they  ought  not  to  appear  before  him,  noi 
come  into  the  palace  ;  and  the  reason  of 
this  injunction  was,  that  [when  they  were 
there]  he  had  less  freedom  of  acting,  or  a 
greater  restraint  on  himself  on  their  ac- 
count; for  at  this  time  it  was,  that  he 
expelled  Andromachus  and  Gemellus,  men 
who  had  of  old  been  his  friends,  and  been 
very  useful  to  him  in  the  affairs  of  bis 
kingdom,  and  been  of  advantage  to  his 
family,  by  their  embassies  and  counsels; 
and  had  been  tutors  to  his  sons,  and  had  in 
a  manner  the  first  degree  of  freedom  with 
him.  He  expelled  Andromachus,  because 
his  son  Demetrius  was  a  companion  to 
Alexander ;  and.  Gemellus,  because  he 
knew  that  he  wished  him  well,  which 
arose  from  his  having  been  with  him  in 
his  youth,  when  he  was  at  school,  and 
absent  at  Rome.  These  he  expelled  out 
of  his  palace,  and  was  willing  enough  to 
have  done  worse  by  them  ;  but  that  he 
might  not  seem  to  take  such  liberty  against 
men  of  so  great  reputation,  he  contented 
himself  with  depriving  them  of  their  dig- 
nity, and  of  their  power  to  hinder  his 
wicked  proceedings. 

Now,  it  was  Autipater  who  was  the 
cause  of  all  this;  who,  when  he  knew 
what  a  mad  and  licentious  way  of  acting 
his  father  was  in,  and  had  been  a  great 
while  one  of  his  counsellors,  he  hurried 
him  on,  and  then  thought  he  should  bring 
him  to  do  somewhat  to  the  purpose,  when 
every  one  that  could  oppose  him  was  taken 
away.  When,  therefore,  Andromachus 
and  his  friends  were  driven  away,  and  had 
no  discourse  nor  freedom  with  the  king 
any  longer,  the  king,  in  the  first  place, 
examined  by  torture  all  whom  he  thought 
to  be  faithful  to  Alexander,  whether  they 
knew  any  of  his  attempts  against  him ; 
but  these  died  without  having  any  thing 
to  say  to  that  matter,  which  made  the  king 
more  zealous  [after  discoveries],  when  he 
could  not  find  out  what  evil  proceedings 
he  suspected  them  of.     As  for  Autipater, 


Chap.  VIII.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


25 


he  was  very  sagacious  to  raise  a  calumny 
against  those  that  were  really  innocent,  as 
if  their  denial  was  only  their  constancy 
and  fidelity  [to  Alexander],  and  thereupon 
provoked  Herod  to  discover  by  the  torture 
of  great  numbers,  what  attempts  were  still 
concealed.  Now,  there  was  a  certain  per- 
son among  the  many  that  were  tortured, 
who  said  that  he  knew  that  the  young 
man  had  often  said,  that  when  he  was 
commended  as  a  tall  man  in  his  body, 
and  a  skilful  marksman,  aud  that  in  his 
other  commendable  exercises  he  exceeded 
all  men,  these  qualifications,  given  him  by 
nature,  though  good  in  themselves,  were 
not  advantageous  to  him,  because  his 
father  was  grieved  at  them,  and  envied 
him  for  them ;  and  that  when  he  walked 
along  with  his  father,  he  endeavoured 
to  depress  and  shorten  himself,  that  he 
might  not  appear  too  tall;  and  that  when 
he  shot  at  any  thing  as  he  was  hunt- 
ing, when  his  father  was  by,  he  miss- 
ed his  mark  on  purpose ;  for  he  knew 
how  ambitious  bis  father  was  of  being  su- 
perior in  such  exercises.  So  when  the 
man  was  tormented  about  this  saying,  and 
had  ease  given  his  body  after  it,  he  added, 
that  he  had  his  brother  Aristobulua  for 
his  assistance,  and  contrived  to  lie  in  wait 
for  their  father,  as  they  were  hunting,  and 
kill  him;  aud  when  they  had  done  so,  to 
fly  to  Home,  and  desire  to  have  the  king- 
dom given  them.  There  were  also  letters 
of  the  young  man  found,  written  to  his 
brother;  wherein  he  complained  that  his 
father  did  not  act  justly  in  giving  Anti- 
pater  a  country,  whose  [yearly]  revenues 
amounted  to  1000  talents.  Upon  these 
confessions  Herod  presently  thought  he 
had  somewhat  to  depend  on,  in  his  own 
opinion,  as  to  his  suspicion  about  his  sons  : 
so  he  took  up  Alexander,  aud  bound  him; 
yet  did  he  still  continue  to  be  uneasy, 
and  was  not  quite  satisfied  of  the  truth  of 
what  he  had  heard;  and  when  he  came  to 
recollect  himself,  he  found  that  they  had 
only  made  juvenile  complaints  and  con- 
tentions, and  that  it  was  an  incredible 
thing,  that  when  his  son  should  have 
slain  him,  he  should  openly  go  to  Home 
[to  beg  the  kingdom];  so  he  was  desirous 
to  have  some  surer  mark  of  his  son's 
wickedness,  and  was  very  solicitous  about 
it,  that  he  might  not  appear  to  have 
condemned  him  to  be  put  in  prison  too 
rashly;  so  he  tortured  the  principal  of 
Alexander's  friends,  and  put  not  a  few  of 
them  to  death,  without  getting  any  of  the 


things  out  of  them   which  In  !. 

And  while  Herod  was  very  busy  about  this 
matter,  and  the  palace  was  full  of  terror 
and  trouble,  one  of  the  younger  sort,  when 
he  was  in  the  utmost  agony,  confessed  that 
Alexander  had  sent  to  his  friends  at 
Rome,  and  desired  that  he  might  be 
quickly  invited  thither  by  Caesar,  aud  that 
he  could  discover  a  plot  against  him;  that 
Mithridates,  the  king  of  Parthia,  was 
joined  in  friendship  with  his  father  against 
the  Romans;  and  that  he  had  a  poisonous 
potion  ready  prepared  at  Askelon. 

To  these  accusations  Herod  gave  credit, 
and  enjoyed  hereby,  in  his  miserable  case, 
some  sort  of  consolation,  in  excuse  of  his 
rashness,  as  flattering  himself  with  finding 
things  in  so  bad  a  condition  ;  but  as  for 
the  poisonous  potion,  which  he  laboured 
to  find,  he  could  find  none.  As  fir  Alex- 
ander, he  was  very  desirous  to  aggravate 
the  vast  misfortunes  he  was  under,  so  he 
preteuded  not  to  deny  the  accusations,  but 
punished  the  rashness  of  his  father  with 
a  greater  crime  of  his  own;  aud  perhaps 
he  was  willing  to  make  his  father  ashamed 
of  his  easy  belief  of  such  calumnies:  he 
aimed  especially,  if  he  could  gain  belief 
to  his  stoiy,  to  plague  him  and  his  whole 
kingdom ;  for  he  wrote  four  letters  aud 
sent  them  to  him,  that  "he  did  not  need 
to  torture  any  more  persons,  for  he  had 
plotted  against  him;  and  that  he  bad  for 
his  partners,  Pheroras  and  the  most  faith- 
ful of  his  friends;  and  that  Salome  came 
in  to  him  by  night,  and  that  she  lay  with 
him  whether  he  would  or  not;  and  that 
all  men  were  come  to  be  of  one  mind  to 
make  away  with  him  as  soon  as  they  could, 
and  so  get  clear  of  the  continual  fear  they 
were  in  from  him  Among  these  were 
accused  Ptolemy  and  Sapinnius,  who  were 
the  most  faithful  friends  to  the  king.  And 
what  more  can  be  said,  but  that  those  who 
before  were  the  most  intimate  friends, 
were  become  wild  beasts  to  one  another, 
as  if  a  certain  madness  had  fallen  upon 
them,  while  there  was  no  room  for  defence 
or  refutation,  in  order  to  the  discovery  of 
the  truth,  but  all  were  at  random  doomed 
to  destruction!  so  that  some  lamented 
those  that  were  in  prison,  some  those  that 
were  put  to  death,  and  others  lamented 
that  they  were  in  expectation  of  the  same 
miseries;  and  a  melancholy  solitude  ren- 
dered the  kingdom  deformed,  and  quite 
the  reverse  to  that  happy  state  it  was 
formerly  in.  Herod's  own  life  also  was 
entirely  disturbed;  and,  because  he  could 


26 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI. 


trust  nobody,  he  was  sorely  punished  by 
the  expectation  of  further  misery;  for  he 
often  fancied  in  his  imagination,  that  his 
son  had  fallen  upon  him,  or  stood  by  him 
with  a  sword  in  his  hand;  and  thus  was 
his  mind  night  and  day  intent  upon  this 
thing,  and  revolved  it  over  and  over,  and 
no  otherwise  than  if  he  were  under  a  dis- 
traction. And  this  was  the  sad  condition 
Herod  was  now  in. 

But  when  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappado- 
cia,  heard  of  the  state  that  Herod  was  in, 
and  being  in  great  distress  about  his 
daughter,  and  the  young  man  [her  hus- 
band], and  grieving  with  Herod,  as  with 
a  man  that  was  his  friend,  on  account  of 
so  great  a  disturbance  as  he  was  under, 
he  came  [to  Jerusalem]  on  purpose  to 
compose  their  differences ;  and,  when  he 
found  Herod  in  such  a  temper,  he  thought 
it  wholly  unseasonable  to  reprove  him,  or 
to  pretend  that  he  had  done  any  thing 
rashly,  for  that  he  should  thereby  natu- 
rally bring  him  to  dispute  the  point  with 
him,  and  by  still  more  and  more  apolo- 
gizing for  himself  to  be  the  more  irritated : 
he  went,  therefore,  another  way  to  work, 
in  order  to  correct  the  former  misfortunes, 
and  appeared  angry  at  the  young  man, 
and  said  that  Herod  had  been  so  very 
mild  a  man  that  he  had  not  acted  a  rash 
part  at  all.  He  also  said  he  would  dis- 
solve his  daughter's  marriage  with  Alex- 
ander,  nor  could  in  justice  spare  his  own 
daughter,  if  she  were  conscious  of  any 
thing,  and  did  not  inform  Herod  of  it. 
Winn  Archelaus  appeared  to  be  of  this 
temper,  and  otherwise  than  Herod  ex- 
pected or  imagined,  and  for  the  main  took 
Herod's  part,  and  was  angry  on  his  ac- 
count, the  king  abated  of  his  harshness, 
and  took  occasion  from  his  appearing  to 
have  acted  justly  hitherto,  to  come  by 
degrees  to  put  on  the  affection  of  a  father, 
and  was  on  both  sides  to  be  pitied;  for 
when  some  persons  refuted  the  calumnies 
that  were  laid  on  the  young  man,  he  was 
thrown  into  a  passion;  but  when  Arche- 
laus joined  in  the  accusation,  he  was  dis- 
solved into  tears  and  sorrow  after  an 
affectionate  manner.  Accordingly,  he  de- 
sired that  he  would  not  dissolve  his  son's 
marriage,  and  became  not  so  angry  as 
before  for  his  offences.  So  when  Arche- 
laus had  brought  him  to  a  more  moderate 
temper,  he  transferred  the  calumnies  upon 
his  friends;  and  said  it  must  be  owing  to 
them  that  so  young  a  man,  and  one  un- 
acquainted with    malice,  was    corrupted; 


and  he  supposed  that  there  was  more  rea- 
son to  suspect  the  brother  than  the  son. 
Upon  which,  Herod  was  very  much  dis- 
pleased  at  Pheroras,  who,  indeed,  had  now 
no  one  that  could  make  a  reconciliation 
between  him  and  his  brother.  So,  when 
he  saw  that  Archelaus  had  the  greatest 
power  with  Herod,  he  betook  himself  to 
him  in  the  habit  of  a  mourner,  and  like 
one  that  had  all  the  signs  upon  him  of  an 
undone  man.  Upon  this,  Archelaus  did 
not  overlook  the  intercession  he  made  to 
him,  nor  yet  did  he  undertake  to  change 
the  king's  disposition  toward  him  imme- 
diately ;  and  he  said  that  it  was  better  for 
him  to  come  himself  to  the  king,  and  con- 
fess himself  the  occasion  of  all;  that  this 
would  make  the  king's  anger  not  so  ex- 
travagant toward  him,  and  that  then  he 
would  be  present  to  assist  him.  When 
he  had  persuaded  him  to  this,  he  gained 
his  point  with  both  of  them ;  and  the 
calumnies  raised  against  the  young  man 
were,  beyond  all  expectation,  wiped  off. 
And  Archelaus,  as  soon  as  he  had  made 
the  reconciliation,  went  then  away  to  Cap- 
padocia,  having  proved  at  this  juncture  of 
time  the  most  acceptable  person  to  Herod 
in  the  world;  on  which  account  he  gave 
him  the  richest  presents,  as  tokens  of  his 
respect  to  him,  and  being  on  other  occa- 
sions magnanimous,  he  esteemed  him  one 
of  his  dearest  friends.  He  also  made  an 
agrt.v  ment  with  him  that  he  would  go  to 
Rome,  Veause  he  had  written  to  Caesar 
about  theso  affairs;  so  they  went  together 
as  far  as  Antioch,  and  there  Herod  ma  le 
a  reconciliation  between  Archelaus  and 
Titus,  the  president  of  Syria,  who  had 
been  greatly  at  variance,  and  so  returned 
back  to  Judea. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Trachonites  revolt — Sylleus  accuses  Herod  be- 
fore Caesar. 

When  Herod  had  been  at  Rome,  and 
was  come  back  again,  a  war  arose  between 
him  and  the  Arabians,  on  the  occasion  fol- 
lowing:— The  inhabitants  of  Trachonitis, 
after  Caesar  had  taken  the  country  away 
from  Zenodorus,  and  added  it  to  Herod, 
had  not  now  power  to  rob,  but  were  forced 
to  plough  the  laud,  and  to  live  tjuietly, 
which  was  a  thing  they  did  not  like;  and 
when  they  did  take  that  pains,  the  ground 
did  not  produce  much  fruit  for  them. 
However,  at  the  first  the  king  would  not 
permit  them  to  rob;  and  so  they  abstained 


Chap.  IX.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


27 


from  that  unjust  way  of  living  upon  their 
neighbours,  which  procured  Herod  a  grout 
reputation  for  his  care.  But  when  he  was 
sailing  to  Rome,  it  was  at  that  time  when 
he  went  to  accuse  his  son  Alexander,  and 
to  commit  Antipater  to  Cesar's  protec- 
tion, the  Trachonites  spread  a  report  as 
if  he  were  dead,  and  revolted  from  his 
dominion,  and  betook  themselves  again  to 
their  accustomed  way  of  robbing  their 
neighbours;  at  which  time  the  king's 
commanders  subdued  them  during  his 
absence  :  but  about  forty  of  the  principal 
robbers,  being  terrified  by  those  that  had 
been  taken,  left  the  country,  and  retired 
into  Arabia,  Sylleus  entertaining  them, 
after  he  had  missed  of  marrying  Salome, 
and  gave  them  a  place  of  strength,  in 
which  they  dwelt.  So  they  overran  not 
only  Judea,  but  all  Celesyria  also,  and 
carried  off  the  prey,  while  Sylleus  afforded 
them  places  of  protection  and  quietness 
during  their  wicked  practices.  But  when 
Herod  came  back  from  Rome,  he  per- 
ceived that  his  dominions  had  greatly  suf- 
fered by  them,  and  since  he  could  not 
reach  the  robbers  themselves,  because  of 
the  secure  retreat  they  had  in  that  coun- 
try, and  which  the  Arabian  government 
afforded  them,  and  yet,  being  very  uneasy 
at  the  injuries  they  had  done  him,  he 
went  all  over  Trachonitis,  and  slew  their 
relation?;  whereupon  these  robbers  were 
more  angry  than  before,  it  being  a  law 
among  them  to  be  avenged  on  the  mur- 
derers of  their  relations  by  all  possible 
means ;  so  they  continued  to  tear  and 
rend  every  thing  under  Herod's  dominion 
with  impunity ;  then  did  he  discourse 
about  these  robberies  to  Saturninus  and 
Volumnius,  and  required  that  they  should 
be  punished;  upon  which  occasion  they 
still  the  more  confirmed  themselves  in 
their  robberies,  and  became  more  nume- 
rous, and  made  very  great  disturbances, 
laying  waste  the  countries  and  villages 
that  belonged  to  Herod's  kingdom,  and 
killing  those  men  whom  they  caught,  till 
these  unjust  proceedings  came  to  be  like  a 
real  war,  for  the  robbers  were  now  become 
above  1000;  at  which  Herod  was  sore  dis- 
pleased, and  required  the  robbers,  as  well 
as  the  money  which  he  had  lent  Obodas, 
by  Sylleus,  which  was  sixty  talents,  and 
since  the  time  of  payment  was  now  past, 
he  desired  to  have  it  paid  him:  but  Syl- 
leus, who  had  laid  Obodas  aside,  and 
managed  all  by  himself,  denied  that  the 
robbers  were  in  Arabia,  and  put  off  the 


payment  of  the  money  ;  about  which 
there  was  a.  hearing  before  Saturninus 
and  Volumnius,  who  were  then  the  presi- 
dents of  Syria.*  At  last,  he,  by  their 
means,  agreed,  that  within  thirty  days' 
time  Herod  should  be  paid  his  money,  anil 
that  each  of  them  should  deliver  up  the 
other's  subjects  reciprocally.  Now,  as  to 
Herod,  there  was  not  one  of  the  other's 
subjects  found  in  his  kingdom,  either  as 
doiug  any  injustice,  or  on  any  other  ac- 
count ;  but  it  was  proved  that  the  Ara- 
bians had  the  robbers  among  them. 

When  the  day  appointed  for  payment 
of  the  money  was  past,  without  Sylleus's 
performing  any  part  of  his  agreement,  and 
he  was  gone  to  Rome,  Herod  demanded 
the  payment  of  the  money,  and  that  the 
robbers  that  were  in  Arabia  should  be 
delivered  up ;  and,  by  the  permission  of 
Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  executed  the 
judgment  himself  upon  those  that  were 
refractory.  He  took  an  army  that  he  had, 
and  led  it  into  Arabia,  and  in  three  days' 
time  marched  seven  mansions;  and  when 
he  came  to  the  garrison  wherein  the  rob- 
bers were,  he  made  an  assault  upon  them, 
and  took  them  all,  and  demolished  the 
place,  which  was  called  Raepta,  but  did 
no  harm  to  any  others.  But  as  the  Ara- 
bians came  to  their  assistance,  under  Xa- 
ceb  their  captain,  there  ensued  a  battle, 
wherein  a  few  of  Herod's  soldiers,  and 
Naceb,  the  captain  of  the  Arabians,  and 
about  twenty  of  his  soldiers  fell,  while  the 
rest  betook  themselves  to  flight.  So  when 
he  had  brought  them. to  punishment,  he 
placed  3000  Idumeans  in  Trachonitis,  and 
thereby  restrained  the  robbers  that  were 
there.  He  also  sent  an  account  to  the 
captains  that  were  about  Phoenicia,  and 
demonstrated  that  he  had  done  nothing 
but  what  he  ought  to  do,  in  punishing  the 
refractory  Arabians,  which,  upon  an  exact 
inquiry,  they  found  to  be  no  more  than 
what  was  true. 

However,  messengers  were  hasted  away 
to  Sylleus,  to  Rome,  and  informed  him 
what  had  been  done,  and,  as  is  usual,  ag- 
gravated every  thing.  Now  Sylleus  had 
already  insinuated  himself  iuto  the  know- 
ledge of  Cassar,  anil  was  then  about  the 
palace;  and  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  these 
things,  he  changed  his  habit  to  black,  and 
went  in,  and  told    Csesar  that   Arabia  was 

*  These  joint  presidents  <>f  Syria,  Saturninus 
and  Volumnius,  were  nut,  perhaps,  <>!'  equal  au- 
thority, but  the  latter  like  a  procurator  an 

former. 


28 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI 


afflicted  with  war,  and  that  all  his  king- 
dom was  in  great  confusion,  upon  Herod's 
laying  it  waste  with  his  army ;  and  he 
said,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  that  2500  of 
the  principal  men  among  the  Arabians 
had  been  destroyed,  and  that  their  cap- 
tain, Nacebus,  his  familiar  friend  and 
kinsman,  was  slain  ;  and  that  the  riches 
that  were  at  Raepta  were  carried  off;  and 
that  Obodas  was  despised,  whose  infirm 
state  of  body  rendered  him  unfit  for  war; 
on  which  account  neither  he  nor  the 
Arabian  army  were  present.  When 
Sylleus  said  so,  and  added  invidiously, 
that  he  would  not  himself  have  come  out 
of  the  country,  unless  he  believed  that 
Caesar  would  have  provided  that  they 
should  all  have  peace  one  with  another, 
and  that,  had  he  been  there,  he  would 
have  taken  care  that  the  war  should  not 
have  been  to  Herod's  advantage.  Caesar 
was  provoked  when  this  was  said,  and 
asked  no  more  than  this  one  question,  both 
of  Herod's  friends  that  were  there,  and  of 
his  own  friends  who  were  come  from  Syria, 
whether  Herod  had  led  an  army  thither? 
And  when  they  were  forced  to  confess  so 
much,  Caesar,  without  staying  to  hear  for 
what  reason  he  did  it,  and  how  it  was  done, 
grew  very  angry,  and  wrote  to  Herod 
sharply.  The  sum  of  his  epistle  was 
this,  that  whereas  of  old  he  had  used  him 
as  his  friend,  he  should  now  use  him  as  his 
subject.  Sylleus  also  wrote  an  account 
of  this  to  the  Arabians ;  who  were  so 
elevated  with  it,  that  they  neither  deliver- 
ed up  the  robbers  that  had  fled  to  them, 
nor  paid  the  money  that  was  due  ;  they  re- 
tained those  pastures  also  which  they 
had  hired,  and  kept  them  without  paying 
their  rent,  and  all  this  because  the  king 
of  the  Jews  was  now  in  a  low  condition, 
by  reason  of  Caesar's  anger  at  him.  Those 
of  Trachonitis,  also,  made  use  of  this  op- 
portunity, and  rose  up  against  the  Tdumean 
garrison,  and  followed  the  same  way  of  rob- 
bing with  the  Arabians,  who  had  pillaged 
their  country,  and  were  more  rigid  in  their 
unjust  proceedings,  not  only  in  order  to  get 
by  it,  but  by  way  of  rcveuge  also. 

Now  Herod  was  forced  to  bear  all  this, 
that  confidence  of  his  being  quite  gone 
with  which  Caesar's  favour  used  to  inspire 
him  ;  for  Caesar  would  not  admit  so  much 
as  an  embassy  from  him,  to  make  an 
apology  for  him;  and  when  they  came 
again,  he  sent  them  away  without  success : 
so  he  was  cast  into  sadness  and  fear;  and 
Sylleus's  circumstances  grieved  him  ex- 


ceedingly, who  was  now  believed  by 
Caesar,  and  was  present  at  Home,  nay, 
sometimes  aspiring  higher.  Now  it  came 
to  pass  that  Obodas  was  dead  :  and  iEneas, 
whose  name  was  afterward  changed  to 
Aretas,*  took  the  government,  for  Sylleus 
endeavoured  by  calumnies  to  get  him 
turned  out  of  his  principality,  that  he 
might  himself  take  it;  with  which  de- 
sign he  gave  much  money  to  the  cour- 
tiers, and  promised  much  money  to  Caesar, 
who,  indeed,  was  angry  that  Aretas  had 
not  sent  to  him  first  before  he  took  the 
kingdom,  yet  did  ^Encas  send  an  epistle 
and  presents  to  Caesar,  and  a  crown  of 
gold,  of  the  weight  of  many  talents.  Now 
that  epistle  accused  Sylleus  as  having  been 
a  wicked  servant,  and  having  killed  Obo- 
das by  poison  ;  and  that  while  he  was 
alive,  he  had  governed  him  as  he  pleased; 
and  had  also  debauched  the  wives  of  the 
Arabians  ;  and  had  borrowed  money,  in 
order  to  obtain  the  dominion  for  himself: 
yet  did  not  Caesar  give  heed  to  these  accu- 
sations, but  sent  his  ambassadors  back, 
without  receiving  any  of  his  presents.  But 
in  the  mean  time,  the  affairs  of  Judea  and 
Arabia  became  worse  and  worse,  partly 
because  of  the  anarchy  they  were  under, 
and  partly  because,  bad  as  they  were, 
nobody  had  power  to  govern  them ;  for  of 
the  two  kings,  the  one  was  not  yet  con- 
firmed in  his  kingdom,  and  so  had  not 
authority  sufficient  to  restrain  the  evil- 
doers ;  aud  as  for  Herod,  Caesar  was 
immediately  angry  at  him  for  having 
avenged  himself,  and  so  he  was  compelled 
to  bear  all  the  injuries  that  were  offered 
him.  At  length,  when  he  saw  no  end  of 
the  mischief  that  surrounded  him,  he  re- 
solved to  send  ambassadors  to  Rome  again, 
to  see  whether  his  friends  had  prevailed  to 
mitigate  Caesar,  aud  to  address  themselves 
to  Caesar  himself;  and  the  ambassador  he 
sent  thither  was  Nicolaus  of  Damascus. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Eurycles  falsely  accuses  Herod's  sons. 

The  disorders  about  Herod's  family  and 
children  about  this  time  grew  much  worse; 
for  it  now  appeared  certain,  nor  was  it  un- 
foreseen beforehand,  that  fortune  threaten- 
ed the    greatest  and   most  insupportable 


*  This  name  of  Aretas  had  now  become  so  es- 
tablished for  the  kings  of  Arabia  [at  Petra  and 
Damascus],  that  when  the  crown  came  to  this 
tineas,  he  changed  his  name  to  Aretas. 


Chap.  X.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


29 


calamities  possible  to  his  kingdom.  Its 
progress  and  augmentation  at  this  time 
arose  on  the  occasion  following: — One 
Eurycles,  a  Lacedemonian,  (a  person  of 
note  there,  but  a  man  of  perverse  mind, 
and  so  cunning  in  his  ways  of  voluptuous- 
ness and  flattery,  as  to  indulge  both,  and 
yet  seein  to  indulge  neither  of  them,)  came 
in  his  travels  to  Herod,  and  made  him 
presents,  but  so  that  he  received  more 
presents  from  him.  He  also  took  such 
proper  seasons  for  insinuating  himself 
into  his  friendship,  that  he  became  one 
of  the  most  intimate  of  the  king's  friends. 
He  had  his  lodging  in  Antipater's  house; 
but  he  had  not  only  access,  but  free  con- 
versation with  Alexander,  as  pretending 
to  him  that  he  was  in  great  favour  with 
Archelaus,  the  king  of  Cappadocia ; 
whence  he  pretended  much  respect,  to 
Glaphyra,  and,  in  an  occult  manner,  culti- 
vated a  friendship  with  them  all,  but  al- 
ways attending  to  what  was  said  and  done, 
that  he  might  be  furnished  with  calumnies 
to  please  them  all.  In  short,  he  behaved 
himself  so  to  everybody  in  his  conversation, 
as  to  appear  to  be  his  particular  friend,  and 
he  made  others  believe  that  his  being  any- 
where was  for  that  person's  advantage. 
So  he  won  upon  Alexander,  who  was  but 
young;  and  persuaded  him  that  he  might 
open  his  grievances  to  him,  with  assurance, 
and  with  nobody  else.  So  he  declared 
his  grief  to  him,  how  his  father  was  alien- 
ated from  him.  He  related  to  him  also 
the  affairs  of  his  mother,  and  of  Antipater; 
that  he  had  driven  them  from  their  proper 
dignity,  and  had  the  power  over  every  thing 
himself;  that  no  part  of  this  was  tolera- 
ble, since  his  father  had  already  come  to 
hate  them ;  and  he  added,  that  he  would 
neither  admit  them  to  his  table  nor  to 
his  conversation.  Such  were  the  com- 
plaints, as  was  but  natural,  of  Alexander 
about  the  things  that  troubled  him  :  and 
these  discourses  Eurycles  carried  to  Anti- 
pater, and  told  him  he  did  not  inform 
him  of  this  on  his  own  account,  but  that 
being  overcome  by  his  kindness,  the  great 
importance  of  the  thing  obliging  him  to 
do  it :  and  he  warned  him  to  have  a  care 
of  Alexander,  for  that  what  he  said  was 
spoken  with  vehemency,  and  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  what  he  said,  he  would  cer- 
tainly kill  him  with  his  own  hand. 
A\  hereupon,  Antipater,  thinking  him  to 
be  his  friend  by  this  advice,  gave  him 
presents  upon  all  occasions,  and  at  length 
persuaded  him  to  inform  Herud  of  what 


he  had  heard.  So  when  he  related  to  the 
king  Alexander's  ill  temper,  as  discovered 
by  the  words  he  had  heard  him  speak, 
he  was  easily  believed  by  him  ;  and  In; 
thereby  brought  the  king  to  that  pass, 
turning  him  about  by  his  words,  and  irri- 
tating him,  till  ho  increased  his  hatred  to 
him,  and  made  him  implacable,  which  ho 
showed  at  that  very  time,  for  he  imme- 
diately gave  Eurycles  a  present  of  fifty 
talents;  who,  when  he  had  gotten  them, 
went  to  Archelaus,  kiug  of  Cappadocia, 
and  commended  Alexander  before  him, 
and  told  him  that  he  had  been  many  ways 
of  advantage  to  him,  in  making  a  recon- 
ciliation between  him  and  his  father.  So 
he  got  money  from  him  also,  and  went 
away,  before  his  pernicious  practices  were 
found  out;  but  when  Eurycles  had  re- 
turned to  Lacedemon,  he  did  not  leave 
off  doing  mischief;  and  so,  for  his  many 
acts  of  injustice,  he  was  banished  from 
his  own  country. 

Cut  as  for  the  king  of  the  Jews,  he 
was  not  now  in  the  temper  he  was  in 
formerly  toward  Alexander  and  Aristo- 
bulus,  when  he  had  been  content  with 
the  hearing  their  calumnies  when  others 
told  him  of  them,  but  he  was  now  come 
to  that  pass  as  to  hate  them  himself,  and 
to  urge  men  to  speak  against  them,  though 
they  did  not  do  it  of  themselves.  He 
also  observed  all  that  was  said,  and  put 
questions,  and  gave  ear  to  every  one  that 
would  but  speak,  if  they  could  but  say 
any  thing  against  them,  till  at  length  he 
heard  that  Euaratus  of  Cos  was  a  con- 
spirator with  Alexander  ;  which  thing  to 
Herod  was  the  most  agreeable  and  sweet- 
est news  imaginable. 

But  still  a  greater  misfortune  came 
upon  the  young  men  ;  while  the  calumnies 
against  them  were  continually  increased, 
and,  as  a  man  may  say,  one  would  think 
it  was  every  one's  endeavour  to  lay  some 
grievous  thing  to  their  charge,  which 
might  appear  to  be  for  the  king's  preserva- 
tion. There  were  two  guards  of  Herod's 
body,  who  were  in  great  esteem  for  their 
great  strength  and  tallncss,  Jucundus  and 
Tyranuus  ;  these  men  had  been  cast  off  by 
Herod,  who  was  displeased  at  them ; 
these  now  used  to  ride  along  with  Alex- 
ander, and  for  their  skill  in  their  exercises 
were  in  great  esteem  with  him,  and  had 
some  gold  and  other  gifts  bestowed  upon 
them.  Now  the  king,  having  an  imme- 
diate suspicion  of  these  men,  had  them 
tortured ;    who  endured  the  torture  cou- 


30 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVI 


rageously  for  a  long  time  ;  but  at  last 
confessed  that  Alexander  would  have  per- 
suaded them  to  kill  Herod  when  he  was 
in  pursuit  of  the  wild  beasts,  that  it 
might  lie  said  he  foil  from  his  horse,  and 
was  run  through  with  his  own  spear,  for 
that  he  had  onee  such  a  misfortune  for- 
merly. They  also  showed  where  there 
was  money  hidden  in  the  stable,  under 
ground  ;  and  these  convicted  the  king's 
chief  hunter,  that  he  had  given  the  young 
men  the  royal  hunting-spears  and  weapons 
to  Alexander's  dependants,  and  at  Alex- 
ander's command. 

After  these,  the  commander  of  the 
garrison  of  Alexandrium  was  caught  and 
tortured  ;  for  he  was  accused  to  have  pro- 
mised to  receive  the  young  men  into  his 
fortress,  and  to  supply  them  with  that 
money  of  the  king's  which  was  laid  up  in 
that  fortress,  yet  did  not  he  acknowledge 
any  thing  of  it  himself,  but  his  son  came 
in,  and  said  it  was  so,  and  delivered  up 
the  writing,  which,  so  far  as  could  be 
guessed,  was  in  Alexander's  hand.  Its 
contents  were  these: — "When  we  have 
finished,  by  God's  help,  all  that  we  have 
proposed  to  do,  we  will  come  to  you  ;  but 
do  your  endeavours,  as  you  have  promised, 
to  receive  us  into  your  fortress."  After  this 
writing  was  produced,  Herod  had  no  doubt 
about  the  treacherous  designs  of  his  sons 
against  him ;  but  Alexander  said  that 
Diophantus,  the  scribe,  had  imitated  his 
hand,  and  that  the  paper  was  maliciously 
drawn  up  by  Antipater;  for  Diophantus 
appeared  to  be  very  cunning  in  such  prac- 
tices;  and  as  he  was  afterward  convicted 
of  forging  other  papers,  he  was  put  to 
death  for  it. 

So  the  king  produced  those  that  had  been 
tortured  before  the  multitude  at  Jericho,  in 
order  to  have  them  accuse  the  young  men, 
which  accusers  many  of  the  people  stoned  to 
death  ;  and  when  they  were  going  to  kill 
Alexander  and  Aristobulus  likewise,  the 
king  would  not  permit  them  to  do  so,  but 
restrained  the  multitude  by  means  of  Pto- 
lemy and  Pheroras.  However,  the  young 
men  were  put  under  a  guard,  and  kept  in 
custody,  that  nobody  might  come  at  them  ; 
and  all  that  they  did  or  said  was  watched, 
and  the  reproach  and  fear  they  were 
in  was  little  or  nothing  different  from 
those  of  condemned  criminals  ;  and  one  of 
them,  who  was  Aristobulus,  was  so  deeply 
affected,  that  he  brought  Salome,  who  was 
his  aunt,  and  his  mother-in-law,  to  lament 
with  him  for  his  calamities,  and  to  hate 


him  w7ho  had  suffered  things  to  come  tc 
that  pass;  when  he  said  to  her,  ''Art  thou 
not  in  danger  of  destruction  also,  while 
the  report  goes  that  thou  hadst  disclosed 
beforehand  all  our  affairs  to  Sylleus,  when 
thou  wast  in  hopes  of  being  married  to 
him  V  Bat  she  immediately  carried  those 
words  to  her  brother  :  upon  this  he  was 
out  of  patience,  and  gave  command  to 
bind  him  ;  and  enjoined  them  both,  now 
they  were  kept  separate  one  from  the 
other,  to  write  down  all  the  ill  things  they 
had  done  against  their  father,  and  bring 
their  writings  to  him.  So  when  this  was 
enjoined  them,  they  wrote  this  :  that  they 
had  laid  no  treacherous  designs,  nor  made 
any  preparations  agsinst  their  father,  but 
that  they  had  intended  to  fly  away  :  and 
that  by  the  distress  the}7  were  in,  their 
lives  being  now  uncertain  and  tedious  to 
them. 

About  this  time,  there  came  an  ambas- 
sador out  of  Cappadocia  from  Archelaus, 
whose  name  was  Melas:  he  was  one  of 
the  principal  rulers  under  him.  So  Herod 
being  desirous  to  show  Archelaus's  ill- 
will  to  him,  called  for  Alexander,  as  he 
was  in  his  bonds,  and  asked  him  again 
concerning  his  flight,  whether  and  how 
they  had  resolved  to  retire.  Alexander 
replied,  to  Archelaus,  who  had  promised 
to  send  them  away  to  Pome;  but  that 
they  had  no  wicked  or  mischievous  designs 
against  their  father,  and  that  nothing  of 
that  nature  which  their  adversaries  bad 
charged  upon  them  was  true;  and  that 
their  desire  was,  that  he  might  have  ex- 
amined Tyrannus  and  Jucundus  more 
strictly,  but  that  they  had  been  suddenly 
slain  by  the  means  of  Antipater,  who  put 
his  own  friends  among  the.  multitude  [for 
that  purpose]. 

When  this  was  said,  Herod  commanded 
that  both  Alexander  and  Melas  should  be 
carried  to  Glaphyra,  Archelaus's  daughter, 
and  that  she  should  be  asked,  whether  she 
did  not  know  somewhat  of  Alexander's 
treacherous  designs  against  Herod  ?  Now 
as  soon  as  they  were  come  to  her,  and  she 
saw  Alexander  in  bonds,  she  beat  her 
head,  and  in  great  consternation,  gave  a 
deep  and  moving  groan.  The  young  man, 
also,  fell  into  tears.  This  was  so  mi- 
serable a  spectacle  to  those  present,  that, 
for  a  great  while,  they  were  not  able  to 
say  or  to  do  any  thing;  but  at  length 
Ptolemy,  who  was  ordered  to  bring  Alex- 
ander, bade  him  say  whether  his  wife  was 
conscious    of  his    actions.       He    replied, 


Coap.  X.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


31 


"How  is  it  possible  that  she,  whom  I 
love  better  than  my  own  soul,  and  by 
whom  I  have  had  children,  should  not 
know  what  I  do  ?"  Upon  which  she  cried 
out,  that  she  knew  of  no  wicked  designs 
of  his;  but  that  yet,  if  her  accusing  her- 
self falsely  would  tend  to  his  preserva- 
tion, she  would  confess  it  all.  Alexan- 
der replied,  "There  is  no  such  wick- 
edness as  those  (who  ought  the  least  of 
all  so  to  do)  suspect,  which  either  I  have 
imagined,  or  thou  knowest  of,  but  this 
only,  that  we  had  resolved  to  retire  to 
Archelaus,  and  thence  to  Home."  Which 
she  also  confessed.  Upon  which  Herod, 
supposing  that  Archelaus's  ill-will  to  him 
was  fully  proved,  sent  a  letter  by  Olympus 
and  Volumnius;  and  bade  them,  as  they 
sailed  by,  to  touch  at  Eleusa  of  Cilicia, 
and  give  Archelaus  the  letter.  And  that 
when  they  had  expostulated  with  him, 
that  he  had  a  hand  in  his  sons'  treacherous 
design  against  him,  they  should  from 
thence  sail  to  Home ;  and  that,  in  case  they 
found  Nicolaus  had  gained  auy  ground, 
and  that  Csesar  was  no  longer  displeased 
at  him,  he  should  give  him  his  letters, 
and  the  proof  which  he  had  ready  to  show 
against  the  young  men.  As  to  Archelaus, 
he  made  this  defence  for  himself,  that  he 
had  promised  to  receive  the  young  men 
because  it  was  both  for  their  own  and 
their  father's  advantage  so  to  do,  lest 
some  too  severe  procedure  should  be  gone 
upon  in  that  anger  and  disorder  they  were 
in,  on  occasion  of  the  present  suspicions; 
but  that  still  he  had  not  promised  to  send 
them  to  Caesar,  and  that  he  had  not  pro- 
mised any  thing  else  to  the  young  men 
that  could  show  auy  ill-will  to  him. 

When  these  ambassadors  had  come  to 
Rome,  they  had  a  fit  opportunity  of  de- 
livering their  letters  to  Caesar,  because 
they  found  him  reconciled  to  Herod;  for 
the  circumstances  of  Nicolaus' s  embassy 
had  been  as  follows : — As  soon  as  he  had 
come  to  Rome,  and  was  about  the  court, 
he  did  not  first  of  all  set  about  what  he 
was  come  for  only,  but  he  thought  fit  also 
to  accuse  Sylleus.  Now,  the  Arabians, 
even  before  he  came  to  talk  with  them, 
were  quarrelling  one  with  another ;  and 
some  of  them  left  Sylleus's  party,  and 
joiuing  themselves  to  Nicolaus,  informed 
him  of  all  the  wicked  things  that  had  been 
done;  and  produced  to  him  evident  de- 
monstrations of  the  slaughter  of  a  great 
number  of  Obodas's  friends  by  Sylleus; 
for  when  these  men  left  Sylleus,  they  had 


carried  off  with  them  those  letters  whereby 
they  could  convict  him.  When  Nicolaus 
saw  such  an  opportunity  afforded  him,  he 
made  use  of  it,  in  order  to  gain  his  own 
point  afterward,  and  endeavoured  imme- 
diately to  make  a  reconciliation  between 
Caesar  and  Herod;  for  he  was  fully  sa- 
tisfied that  if  he  should  desire  to  make  a 
defence  for  Herod  directly,  he  should  not 
be  allowed  that  liberty;  but  that  if  lie  ! 
desired  to  accuse  Sylleus,  there  would  an 
occasion  present  itself  of  speaking  on  He- 
rod's behalf.  So  when  the  cause  was 
ready  for  a  hearing,  and  the  day  was 
appointed,  Nicolaus,  while  Aretas's  am- 
bassadors were  present,  accused  Sylleus, 
and  said  that  he  imputed  to  him  the  de- 
struction of  the  king  [ObodasJ,  and  of 
many  others  of  the  Arabians :  that  he 
had  borrowed  money  for  no  good  design; 
and  he  proved  that  he  had  been  guilty  of 
adultery,  not  only  with  the  Arabian,  but 
Roman  women  also.  And  he  added,  that 
above  all  the  rest,  he  had  alienated  Caesar 
from  Herod  ;  and  that  all  that  he  had  said 
about  the  actions  of  Herod  were  falsities. 
When  Nicolaus  had  come  to  this  topic, 
Caesar  stopped  him  from  going  on,  and 
desired  him  only  to  speak  to  this  affair  of 
Herod,  and  to  show  that  he  had  not  led 
an  army  into  Arabia,  nor  slain  2500  men 
there,  nor  taken  prisoners,  nor  pillaged 
the  country.  To  which  Nicolaus  made 
this  answer: — "I  shall  principally  de- 
monstrate, that  either  nothing  at  all,  or 
but  a  very  little,  of  those  imputations  are 
true,  of  which  thou  hast  been  informed} 
for  had  they  been  true,  thou  mightest 
justly  be  still  more  angry  at  llerod."  At 
this  strange  assertion,  Caesar  was  very  at- 
tentive; and  Nicolaus  said,  that  there  was 
a  debt  due  to  Herod  of  500  talents,  and  a 
bond,  wherein  was  written,  that  if  tlie 
time  appointed  be  elapsed,  it  should  be 
lawful  to  make  a  seizure  out  of  any  part 
of  his  country.  "As  for  the  pretended 
army,"  he  said,  "it  was  no  army,  but  a 
party  sent  out  to  require  the  just  payment 
of  the  money  :  that  this  was  not  sent  im- 
mediately, nor  so  soon  as  the  bond  allow- 
ed, but  that  Sylleus  had  frequently  come 
before  Saturuinus,  and  Votumnius,  the 
presidents  of  Syria  :  and  that  at  la.-t  he 
had  sworn  at  Rerytus,  by  thy  fortune,* 
that  he   would  certainly  pay  the   money 


*  This  oath,  "by  tho  fortune  of  Cajsar,"  was  put 
to  Polyearp,  a  bishop  of  Smyrna,  by  the  Roman 
governor,  to  try  whether  he  was  a  Christian,  as  they 
were  then  esteemed  who  refused  to  swear  that  oatli. 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVL 


within  thirty  days,  and  deliver  up  the  fu- 
gitives that  were  under  his  dominion. 
And  that  when  Sylleus  had  performed 
nothing  of  this,  Herod  came  again  before 
the  presidents;  and  upon  their  permission 
to  make  a  seizure  for  his  money,  he,  with 
difficulty,  went  out  of  his  country  with  a 
party  of  soldiers  for  that  purpose.  And 
this  is  all  the  war  which  these  men  so 
tragically  describe;  and  this  is  the  affair 
of  the  expedition  into  Arabia.  And  how 
can  this  be  called  a  war,  when  thy  presi- 
dents permitted  it,  the  covenants  allowed 
it,  and  it  was  not  executed  till  thy  name, 
0  Cfesar,  as  well  as  that  of  the  other 
gods,  had  been  profaned  ?  And  now  I 
must  speak  in  order  about  the  captives. 
There  were  robbers  that  dwelt  in  Tracho- 
nitis :  at  first  their  number  was  no  more 
than  forty,  but  they  became  more  after- 
ward, and  they  escaped  the  punishment 
Herod  would  have  inflicted  on  them,  by 
making  Arabia  their  refuge.  Sylleus  re- 
ceived them,  and  supported  them  with 
food,  that  they  might  be  mischievous  to 
all  mankind;  and  gave  them  a  country  to 
inhabit,  and  himself  received  the  gains 
they  made  by  robbery;  yet  did  he  promise 
that  he  would  deliver  up  these  men,  and 
that  by  the  same  oaths  and  same  time 
that  he  swore  and  fixed  for  payment  of  his 
debt :  nor  can  he  by  any  means  show  that 
any  other  persons  have  at  this  time  been 
taken  out  of  Arabia  besides  these,  and, 
indeed,  not  all  these  either,  but  only  so 
many  as  could  not  conceal  themselves. 
And  thus  does  the  calumny  of  the  captives, 
which  hath  been  so  odiously  represented, 
appear  to  be  no  better  than  a  fiction  and 
a  lie,  made  on  purpose  to  provoke  thy  in- 
dignation; for  I  venture  to  affirm,  that 
when  the  forces  of  the  Arabians  came  upon 
us,  and  one  or  two  of  Herod's  party  fell, 
he  then  only  defended  himself,  and  there 
fell  Nacebas  their  general,  and  in  all  about 
twenty-five  others,  and  no  more;  when 
Sylleus,  by  multiplying  every  single  sol- 
dier to  a  hundred,  he  reckons  the  slain  to 
have  been  two  thousand  five  hundred. 

This  provoked  Caesar  more  than  ever: 
so  he  turned  to  Sylleus  full  of  rage,  and 
asked  him  how  many  of  the  Arabians  were 
slain  Hereupon  he  hesitated,  and  said 
he  had  been  imposed  upon.  The  cove- 
nants were  also  read  about  the  money  he 
had  borrowed,  and  the  letters  of  the  presi- 
dents of  Syria,  and  the  complaints  of  the 
several  cities,  so  many  as  had  been  injured 
by  the  robbers.     The  conclusion  was  this, 


that  Sylleus  was  condemned  to  die,  and 
that  Caesar  was  reconciled  to  Herod,  and 
owned  his  repentance  for  what  severe 
things  he  had  written  to  him,  occasioned 
by  calumny,  insomuch  that  he  told  Syl- 
leus, that  lie  had  compelled  him,  by  his 
lying  account  of  things,  to  be  guilty  of 
ingratitude  against  a  man  that  was  his 
friend.  At  the  last,  all  came  to  this, 
Sylleus  was  sent  away  to  answer  Herod's 
suit,  and  to  repay  the  debt  that  he  owed, 
and  after  that  to  be  punished  [with  death] ; 
but  still  Cresar  was  offended  with  Aretas, 
that  he  had  taken  upon  himself  the  govern- 
ment, without  his  consent  first  obtained, 
for  he  had  determined  to  bestow  Arabia 
upon  Herod  ;  but  that  the  letters  he  had 
sent  hindered  him  from  so  doing ;  for 
Olympus  and  Volumnius,  perceiving  that 
Cassar  had  now  become  favourable  to  He- 
rod, thought  fit  immediately  to  deliver  him 
the  letters  they  were  commanded  by  He- 
rod to  give  him  concerning  his  sons. 
When  Cassar  had  read  them,  he  thought 
it  would  not  be  proper  to  add  another 
government  to  him,  now  he  was  old,  and 
in  an  ill  state  with  relation  to  his  sons,  so 
he  admitted  Aretas's  ambassadors;  and 
after  he  had  just  reproved  him  for  his 
rashness,  in  not  tarrying  till  he  received 
the  kingdom  from  him,  he  accepted  of  his 
presents,  and  confirmed  him  in  his  go- 
vernment.   

CHAPTER  XI. 

Herod,  by  permission  from  Ctesar,  accuses  bis  sons 
before  an  assembly  of  judges  at  Berytus — Death 
of  the  young  men,  and  their  burial  at  Alexan- 
drium. 

So  Caasar  was  now  reconciled  to  Herod, 
and  wrote  thus  to  him  :  that  he  was  griev- 
ed for  him  on  account  of  his  sons;  and 
that  in  case  they  had  been  guilty  of  any 
profane  and  insolent  crimes  agaiust  him, 
it  would  behoove  him  to  punish  them  as 
parricides,  for  which  he  gave  him  power 
accordingly ;  but  if  they  had  only  con- 
trived to  fly  away,  he  would  have  him 
give  them  an  admonition,  and  not  proceed 
to  extremity  with  them.  He  also  advised 
him  to  get  au  assembly  together,  and  to 
appoint  some  place  near  Berytus,  which 
is  a  city  belonging  to  the  Romans,  aud  to 
take  the  presidents  of  Syria,  and  Arche- 
laus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  as  many 
more  as  he  thoug'nt  to  be  illustrious  for 
their  friendship  to  him,  and  the  dignities 
they  were  in,  and  determine  what  should 
be  done  by  their  approbation.     These  were 


Chap.  XL] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


83 


the  directions  that  Caesar  gave  him.     Ac- |  [to  do    what    he    thought  fit].      He   also 


L 


cordingly  Herod,  when  the  letter  was 
brought  to  him,  was  immediately  very 
glad  of  Caesar's  reconciliation  to  him,  and 
very  glad  also  that  he  had  a  complete 
authority  given  him  over  his  sons.  And 
it  strangely  came  about,  that  whereas  be- 
fore, in  his  adversity,  though  he  had, 
indeed,  shown  himself  severe,  yet  had  he 
not  been  very  rash,  nor  hasty,  in  procur- 
ing the  destruction  of  his  sons;  he  now, 
in  his  prosperity,  took  advantage  of  this 
change  for  the  better,  and  the  freedom  he 
now  had,  to  exercise  his  hatred  against 
them,  after  an  unheard-of  manner;  he 
therefore  sent  and  called  as  many  as  he 
thought  fit  to  this  assembly,  excepting 
Arehelaus  ;  for  as  for  him,  he  either  hated 
him,  so  that  he  would  not  invite  him,  or 
thought  he  would  be  an  obstacle  to  his 
de.-igns. 

When  the  presidents,  and  the  rest  that 
belonged  to  the  cities,  had  come  to  Be- 
rytus,  he  kept  his  sons  in  a  certain  village 
belonging  to  Sidon,  called  Piatana,  but 
near  to  this  city,  that  if  they  were  called 
he  might  produce  them,  for  he  did  not 
think  fit  to  bring  them  before  the  assem- 
bly :  and  when  there  were  150  assessors 
present,  Herod  came  by  himself  alone, 
and  accused  his  sons,  and  in  such  a  way 
as  if  it  were  not  a  melancholy  accusation, 
aud  not  made  but  out  of  necessity,  and 
upon  the  misfortunes  he  was  under;  in- 
deed, in  such  a  way  as  was  very  indecent 
for  a  father  to  accuse  his  sons,  for  he  was 
very  vehement  and  disordered  when  he 
came  to  the  demonstration  of  the  crime 
they  were  accused  of,  and  gave  the  great- 
est signs  of  passion  and  barbarity:  nor 
would  he  suffer  the  assessors  to  consider 
of  the  weight  of  the  evidence,  but  asserted 
them  to  be  true  by  his  own  authority, 
after  a  manucr  most  indecent  in  a  father 
against  his  sons,  and  read  himself  what 
they  themselves  had  written,  wherein  there 
was  no  confession  of  any  plots  or  contri- 
vances against  him,  but  only  how  they 
had  contrived  to  fly  away,  and  containing 
withal  certain  reproaches  against  him,  on 
account  of  the  ill-will  he  bore  them;  aud 
when  he  came  to  those  reproaches,  he 
cried  out  most  of  all,  and  exaggerated 
what  they  said,  as  if  they  had  confessed 
the  design  against  him,  and  took  his  oath 
that  he  would  rather  lose  his  life  thau 
hear  such  reproachful  words.  At  last  he 
said  that  he  had  sufficient  authority,  both 
by  nature  and  by  Caesar's  grant  to  him, 
Vol.  II.— 3 


Ided  an  allegation  of  a  law  of  their  coun- 
try, which  enjoined  this: — that  if  parents 
laid  their  hands  on  the  head  of  him  that 
was  accused,  the  standers-by  were  obliged 
to  cast  stones  at  him,  and  thereby  to  slay 
him  ;  which  though  he  were  ready  to  do 
in  his  own  country  and  kingdom,  yet  did 
he  wait  for  their  determination  ;  and  yet 
they  came  thither  not  so  much  as  judges, 
to  condemn  them  for  such  manifest  designs 
against  him,  whereby  he  had  almost  pe- 
rished by  his  sons'  means,  but  as  persons 
that  had  an  opportunity  of  showing  their 
detestation  of  such  practices,  and  declaring 
how  unworthy  a  thing  it  must  be  in  any, 
even  the  most  remote,  to  pass  over  such 
treacherous  designs  [without  punishment]. 
When  the  kiug  had  said  this,  and  the 
young  men  had  not  been  produced  to 
make  any  defence  for  themselves,  the  as- 
sessors perceived  there  was  no  room  for 
equity  and  reconciliation,  so  they  eon- 
firmed  his  authority.  And  in  the  first 
place,  Saturninus,  a  person  that  had  been 
consul,  and  one  of  great  dignity,  pro- 
nounced his  sentence,  but  with  great 
moderation  and  trouble ;  aud  said  that  he 
condemned  Herod's  sons;  but  did  not 
think  they  should  be  put  to  death.  He 
had  sons  of  his  own;  and  to  put  one's  son 
to  death  is  a  greater  misfortune  than  any 
other  that  could  befall  him  by  their  means. 
Alter  him  Saturninus'fl  sons,  for  he  had 
three  sons  that  followed  him,  and  were 
his  legates,  pronounced  the  same  sentence 
with  their  father.  Ou  the  contrary, 
Volumnius's  sentence  was  to  inflict  death 
on  such  as  had  been  so  i m piously. undu- 
tiful  to  their  father;  and  the  greatest  part 
of  the  rest  said  the  same,  insomuch  that 
the  conclusion  seemed  to  be,  that  the 
young  men  were  condemned  to  die.  Im- 
mediately after  this,  Herod  came  away 
from  thence,  aud  took  his  sons  to  Tyre, 
where  Nicolaus  met  him  in  his  voyage 
from  Home;  of  whom  he  inquired,  after 
he  had  related  to  him  what  had  passed  at 
Berytus,  what  his  sentiments  were  about 
his  sons,  and  what  his  friends  at  Rome 
thought  of  that  matter.  His  answer 
was — "That  what  they  had  determined 
to  do  to  thee  was  impious,  and  that  thou 
oughtest  to  keep  them  in  prison  :  aud  if 
thou  thinkestany  thing  further  necessary, 
thou  mayest,  indeed,  so  punish  them,  that 
thou  mayest  not  appear  to  indulge  thy 
anger  more  than  to  govern  thyself  by 
judgment;    but  if  thou   inclinest   to  the 


34 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  X\  [ 


milder  side,  thou  rnayest  absolve  them, 
lest,  perhaps,  thy  misfortunes  be  rendered 
incurable  :  and  this  is  the  opinion  of  the 
greatest  part  of  thy  friends  at  Home  also." 
Whereupon  Herod  was  silent,  and  in  great 
thoughtt'ulness,  and  bade  Nicolaus  sail 
along  with  him. 

Now  as  they  came  to  Csesarea,  every- 
body was  there  talking  of  Herod's  sons ; 
and  the  kingdom  was  in  suspense,  and  the 
people  in  great  expectation  of  what  would 
become  of  them,  for  a  terrible  fear  seized 
upon  all  men,  lest  the  ancient  disorders  of 
the  family  should  come  to  a  sad  con- 
clusion, and  they  were  in  great  trouble 
about  their  sufferings;  nor  was  it.  without 
danger  to  say  any  rash  thing  about  this 
matter,  nor  even  to  hear  another  saying 
it,  but  men's  pity  was  forced  to  be  shut 
up  in  themselves,  which  rendered  the 
excess  of  their  sorrow  very  irksome,  but 
very  silent;  yet  was  there  an  old  soldier 
of  Herod's,  whose  name  was  Tero,  who 
had  a  son  of  the  same  age  as  Alexander, 
and  his  friend,  who  was  so  very  free  as 
openly  to  speak  out  what  others  silently 
thought  about  that  matter;  and  was  forced 
to  cry  out  often  among  the  multitude,  and 
said,  in  the  most  unguarded  manner,  that 
truth  was  perished,  and  justice  taken  away 
from  men,  while  lies  and  ill-will  prevailed, 
and  brought  such  a  mist  before  public 
affairs,  that  the  offenders  were  not  able  to 
see  the  greatest  mischiefs  that  can  befall 
men.  And  as  he  was  so  bold,  he  seemed 
not  to  have  kept  himself  out  of  danger, 
by  speaking  so  freely ;  but  the  reasonable- 
ness of  what  he  said  moved  men  to  regard 
him  as  having  behaved  himself  with  great 
manhood,  and  this  at  a  proper  time  also, 
for  which  reason  every  one  heard  what  he 
said  with  pleasure:  and  although  they 
first  took  care  of  their  own  safety  by  keep- 
ing silent  themselves,  yet  did  they  kindly 
receive  the  great  freedom  he  took;  for  the 
expectation  they  were  in  of  so  great  an 
affliction,  put  a  force  upon  them  to  speak 
of  Tero  whatsoever  they  pleased. 

This  man  had  thrust  himself  into  the 
king's  presence  with  the  greatest  freedom, 
and  desired  to  speak  with  him  by  himself 
alone,  which  the  king  permitted  him  to 
do;  where  he  said  this: — "Since  I  am 
not  able,  0  king,  to  bear  up  under  so 
great  a  concern  as  I  am  under,  I  have 
preferred  the  use  of  this  bold  liberty  that 
I  now  take,  which  may  be  for  thy  ad- 
vantage, if  thou  mind  to  get  any  protit  by 
it,  before  my  own  safety.     Whither  is  thy 


understandinggone  and  left  thy  soul  emptv  ? 
Whither  is  that  extraordinary  sagacity  of 
thine  gone,  whereby  thou  hast  performed 
so  many  and  such  glorious  actions  ? 
Whence  comes  this  solitude,  and  de- 
sertion of  thy  friends  and  relations  ?  Of 
which  I  cannot  but  determine  that  they 
are  neither  thy  friends  nor  relations, 
while  they  overlook  such  horrid  wicked- 
ness in  thy  once  happy  kingdom.  Dost 
thou  not  perceive  what  is  doing  ?  Wilt 
thou  slay  these  two  young  men,  born  of 
thy  queen,  who  are  accomplished  with 
every  virtue  in  the  highest  degree,  and 
leave  thyself  destitute  in  thy  old  age,  but 
exposed  to  one  son,  who  hath  very  ill 
managed  the  hopes  thou  hast  given  him, 
and  to  relations,  whose  death  thou  hast  so 
often  resolved  on  thyself  ?  Dost  thou  not 
take  notice,  that  the  very  silence  of  the 
multitude  at  once  sees  the  crime,  and 
abhors  the  fact?  The  whole  army  and 
the  officers  have  commiseration  on  the 
poor  unhappy  youths,  and  hatred  to  those 
who  are  the  actors  in  this  matter."  These 
words  the  king  heard,  and,  for  some  time, 
with  good  temper.  But  what  can  one 
say  ?  When  Tero  plainly  touched  upon 
the  bad  behaviour  and  perhdiousness  of 
his  domestics,  he  was  moved  at  it ;  but 
Tero  went  on  further,  and,  by  degrees, 
used  an  unbounded  military  freedom  of 
speech,  nor  was  he  so  well  disciplined  as 
to  accommodate  himself  to  the  time:  so 
Herod  was  greatly  disturbed,  and  seemed 
to  be  rather  reproached  by  this  speech, 
than  to  be  hearing  what  was  for  his  ad- 
vantage, while  he  learned  thereby  that 
both  the  soldiers  abhorred  the  thing  he 
was  about,  and  the  officers  had  indig- 
nation at  it,  he  gave  order  that  all  whom 
Tero  had  named,  and  Tero  himself,  should 
be  bound,  and  kept  in  prison. 

When  this  was  over,  one  Trypho,  who 
was  the  king's  barber,  took  the  oppor- 
tunity, and  came  and  told  the  king  that 
Tero  would  often  have  persuaded  him, 
when  he  trimmed  him  with  a  razor,  to  cut 
his  throat,  for  that  by  this  means  he 
should  be  among  the  chief  of  Alexander's 
friends,  and  receive  great  rewards  from 
him.  When  he  had  said  this,  the  king 
gave  order  that  Tero,  and  his  son,  and 
the  barber  should  be  tortured,  which  was 
done  accordingly;  but  while  Tero  bore  up 
himself,  his  son,  seeing  his  father  already 
in  a  sad  case,  and  with  no  hope  of  deliver- 
ance, and  perceiving  what  would  be  the 
consequence    of    his    terrible    sufferings, 


:J 


Book  XVI.     Chap.  XI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


35 


said,  that  if  the  king  would  free  him  and 
his  father  from  these  torments  for  what 
he  should  say,  he  would  tell  the  truth. 
And  when  the  king  had  given  his  word 
to  do  so,  he  said  that  there  was  an  agree- 
ment made,  that  Tero  should  lay  violent 
hands  on  the  king,  because  it  was  easy 
for  him  to  come  when  he  was  alone;  and 
that  if,  when  he  had  done  the  thing,  he 
should  suffer  death  for  it,  as  was  not  un- 
likely, it  would  be  an  act  of  generosity 
done  in  favour  of  Alexander.  This  was 
what  Tero's  son  said,  aud  thereby  freed 
his  father  from  the  distress  he  was  in; 
but  uncertain  it  is  whether  he  had  been 
thus  forced  to  speak  what  was  true,  or 
whether  it  were  a  contrivance  of  his  in 
order  to  procure  his  own  and  his  father's 
deliverance  from  their  miseries. 

As  for  Herod,  if  he  before  had  any 
doubt  about  the  slaughter  of  his  sons, 
there  was  now  no  longer  any  room  left  in 
his  soul  for  it ;  but  he  had  banished  away 
whatsoever  might  afford  him  the  least  sug- 
gestion of  reasoning  better  about  this 
matter,  so  he  already  made  haste  to  bring 
his  purpose  to  a  conclusion.  He  also 
brought  out  300  of  the  officers  that  were 
under  an  accusation,  as  also  Tero  and  his 
son,  and  the  barber  that  accused  them, 
before  an  assembly,  and  brought  an  ac- 
cusation against  them  all ;  whom  the 
multitude  stoned  with  whatsoever  came 
to  hand,  and  thereby  slew  them.  Alex- 
ander, also,  and  Aristobulus  were  brought 
to  Sebaste,  by  their  father's  command, 
and  there  strangled ;  but  their  dead 
bodies  were,  in  the  night-time,  carried  to 
Alexandrium,  where  their  uncle  by  their 
mother's  side,  aud  the  greatest  part  of 
their  ancestors,  had  been  deposited. 

*And  now,  perhaps,  it  may  not  seem 
unreasonable  to  some,  that  such  an  inve- 
terate hatred  might  increase  so  much  [on 
both  sides],  as  to  proceed  further,  and 
overcome  nature;  but  it  may  justly  de- 
serve consideration,  whether  it  be  to  be 
laid  to  the  charge  of  the  young  men,  that 
they  gave  such  an  occasion  to  their  father's 
anger,  and  led  him  to  do  what  he  did,  and 
by  going  on  long  in  the  same  way,  put 
things  past  remedy,  aud  brought  him  to 
use  them  so  unmercifully ;  or  whether  it 
be  to  be  laid  to  the  father's  charge,  that 


*  This  portion  ia  entirely  wanting  in  the  old 
Latin  version,  nor  is  there  any  other  reason  for  it, 
than  the  great  difficulty  of  an  exact  translation. 
Whiston,  however,  preserves  it  entire  in  his  trans- 
lation. 

2  L 


he  was  so  hard-hearted,  and  so  very  tender 
in  the  desire  of  government,  and  of  other 
things  that  would  tend  to  his  glory,  that 
he  would  take  no  one  into  a  partnership 
with  him,  that  so,  whatsoever  he  would 
have  done  himself  might  continue  im- 
movable; or,  indeed,  whether  fortune 
has  not  greater  power  than  all  prudent 
reasonings  :  whence  we  are  persuaded  that 
human  actions  are  thereby  determined 
beforehand  by  an  inevitable  necessity,  and 
we  call  her  Fate,  because  there  is  nothing 
which  is  not  done  by  her;  wherefore,  I 
suppose,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  compare 
this  notion  with  that  other,  which  at- 
tributes somewhat  to  ourselves,  and  ren- 
ders men  not  unaccountable  for  the  dif- 
ferent conducts  of  their  lives ;  which 
notion  is  no  other  than  the  philosophical 
determination  of  our  ancient  law.  x\.c- 
cordingly,  of  the  two  other  causes  of  this 
sad  event,  anybody  may  lay  the  blame  on 
the  young  men,  who  acted  by  youthful 
vanity,  and  pride  of  their  royal  birth, 
that  they  should  bear  to  hear  the  ca- 
lumnies that  were  raised  against  their 
father,  while  certainly  they  were  not 
equitable  judges  of  the  actions  of  his  life, 
but  ill-natured  in  suspecting,  and  intem- 
perate in  speaking  of  it,  and,  on  both 
accounts,  easily  caught  by  those  that 
observed  them,  and  revealed  them  to  gain 
favour ;  yet  cannot  their  father  be  thought 
worthy  of  excuse,  as  to  that  horrid  im- 
piety which  he  was  guilty  of  about  them, 
while  he  ventured,  without  any  certain 
evidence  of  their  treacherous  designs 
against  him,  and  without  any  proofs  that 
they  had  preparations  for  such  an  attempt, 
to  kill  his  owu  sons,  who  were  of  very 
comely  bodies,  and  the  great  darlings  of 
other  men,  and  noway  deficient  in  their 
conduct,  whether  it  were  in  hunting,  or 
in  warlike  exercises,  or  in  speaking  upon 
occasional  topics  of  discourse;  for  in  all 
these  they  were  very  skilful,  and  espe- 
cially Alexander,  who  was  the  eldest;  for 
certainly  it  had  been  sufficient,  even 
though  he  had  condemned  them,  to  have 
kept  them  alive  in  bonds,  or  to  let  them 
live  at  a  distance  from  his  dominions  in 
banishment,  while  he  was  surrounded  by 
the  lioman  forces,  which  were  a  strong 
security  to  him,  whose  help  would  prevent 
his  suffering  any  thing  by  a  sudden  onset, 
or  by  open  force  ;  but  for  him  to  kill  them 
on  the  sudden,  in  order  to  gratify  a  passion 
that  governed  him,  was  a  demonstration 
of    insufferable    impiety.     He    also    was 


3G 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII.     Chap.  1 


guilty  of  as  great  a  crime  in  his  older 
age  :  nor  will  the  delays  that  he  made, 
and  the  length  of  time  in  which  the  thing 
was  done,  plead  at  all  for  his  excuse;  for 
when  a  man  is  on  a  sudden  amazed,  and 
in  commotion  of  mind,  and  then  commits 
a  wicked  action,  although  this  be  a  heavy 
crime,  jet  it  is  a  thing  that  frequently 
happens;  but  to  do  it  upon  deliberation, 
and  after  frecpuent  attempts,  and  as  fre- 
quent puttings-off,  to  undertake  it  at  last, 
and  accomplish  it,  was  the   action   of  a 


murderous  mind,  and  such  as  was  not 
easily  moved  from  that  which  was  evil : 
and  this  temper  he  showed  in  what  he  did 
afterward,  when  he  did  not  spare  those 
that  seemed  to  be  the  best  beloved  of  his 
friends  that  were  left,  wherein,  though 
the  justice  of  the  punishment  caused  those 
that  perished  to  be  the  less  pitied,  yet  was 
the  barbarity  of  the  man  here  equal,  in 
that  he  did  not  abstain  from  their  slaughter 
also.  But  of  those  persons  we  shall  have 
occasion  to  discourse  more  hereafter. 


BOOK  XVII. 

CONTAINING  AN  INTERVAL  OF  FOURTEEN  YEARS,  FROM  ALEXANDER  AND 
ARISTOBULUS'S  DEATHS  TO  THE  BANISHMENT  OF  ARCHELAUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Antipater,  hated  by  the  Jewish  nation,  endeavours 
to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  Romans  and  Syrians 
by  presents. 

When  Antipater  had  thus  taken  off" 
his  brethren,  and  had  brought  his  father 
into  the  highest  degree  of  impiety,  till  he 
was  haunted  with  furies  for  what  he  had 
done,  his  hopes  did  not  succeed  to  his 
mind,  as  to  the  rest  of  his  life;  for  al- 
though he  was  delivered  from  the  fear  of 
his  brethren  being  his  rivals  as  to  the 
government,  yet  did  he  find  it  a  very  hard 
thing,  and  almost  impracticable  to  come 
at  the  kingdom,  because  the  hatred  of  the 
nation  against  him  on  that  account  had 
become  very  great;  and,  besides  this  very 
disagreeable  circumstance,  the  affairs  of 
the  soldiery  grieved  him  still  more,  who 
were  alienated  from  him,  from  which  yet 
these  kings  derived  all  the  safety  which 
they  had,  whenever  they  found  the  nation 
desirous  of  innovation  :  and  all  this  danger 
was  drawn  upon  him  by  the  destruction 
of  his  brethren.  However,  he  governed 
the  nation  jointly  with  his  father,  being, 
indeed,  no  other  than  a  king  already;  and 
he  was  for  that  very  reason  trusted,  and 
the  more  firmly  depended  on,  for  which 
he  ought  himself  to  have  been  put  to 
death,  as  appearing  to  have  betrayed  his 
brethren  out  of  his  concern  for  the  pre- 
servation of  Herod,  and  not  rather  out  of 
his  ill-will  to  them,  and,  before  them,  to 


his  father  himself;  and  this  was  the  ac- 
cursed state  he  was  in.  Now,  all  Antipa- 
ter's  contrivances  tended  to  make  his  way 
to  take  off  Herod,  that  he  might  have 
nobody  to  accuse  him  in  the  vile  practices 
he  was  devising;  and  that  Herod  might 
have  no  refuge,  nor  any  to  afford  him 
their  assistance,  since  they  must  thereby 
have  Antipater  for  their  open  enemy;  in- 
somuch, that  the  very  plots  he  had  laid 
against  his  brethren,  were  occasioned  by 
the  hatred  he  bore  his  father.  But  at 
this  time,  he  was  more  than  ever  set  upon 
the  execution  of  his  attempts  against 
Herod,  because,  if  he  were  once  dead,  the 
government  would  then  be  firmly  secured 
to  him;  but  if  he  were  suffered  to  live  any 
longer,  he  should  be  in  danger,  upon  a 
discovery  of  that  wickedness  of  which  he 
had  been  the  contriver,  and  his  father 
would  then  of  necessity  become  his  enemy. 
And  on  this  very  account  it  was,  that  he 
became  very  bountiful  to  his  father's 
friends,  and  bestowed  great  sums  on  se- 
veral of  them,  in  order  to  surprise  men 
with  his  good  deeds,  and  take  off  their 
hatred  against  them.  And  he  sent  great 
presents  to  his  friends,  at  Rome  particu- 
larly, to  gain  their  good-will;  and,  above 
all,  to  Saturninus,  the  president  of  Syria. 
He  also  hoped  to  gain  the  favour  of  Satur- 
ninus's  brother  with  the  large  presents  he 
bestowed  on  him;  as  also  he  used  the 
same  art  to  [Salome]  the  king's  sister, 
who  had  married    one    of  Herod's  chief 


Chap.  I.} 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


:)1 


1 


friends.      And,    when    lie    counterfeited 

friendship  to  those  with  whom  he  eon- 
versed,  he  was  very  subtle  in  gaining  their 
belief,  and  very  cunning  to  hide  his  hatred 
against  any  that  he  really  did  hate.  Blit- 
he could  not  impose  upon  his  aunt,  who 
understood  him  of  a  long  time,  and  was  a 
woman  not  easily  to  be  deluded,  especially 
while  she  had  already  used  all  possible 
caution  ia  preventing  his  pernicious  de- 
signs. Although  Antipatcr's  uncle,  by 
the  mother's  side,  was  married  to  her 
daughter,  and  this  by  his  own  connivance 
and  management,  Avhilc  she  had  before 
been  married  to  Aristobulus,  and  while 
Salome's  other  daughter  by  that  husband 
was  married  to  the  son  of  Calleas;  yet 
that  marriage  was  no  obstacle  to  her,  who 
knew  how  wicked  he  was,  iu  her  discover- 
ing his  designs,  as  her  former  kindred  to 
him  could  not  prevent  her  hatred  of 
him.  Now  Herod  had  compelled  Salome, 
while  she  was  in  love  with  Sylleus,  the 
Arabian,  and  had  taken  a  fondness  to  him, 
to  marry  Alexas;  which  match  was  by  her 
submitted  to  at  the  instance  of  Julia,  who 
persuaded  Salome  not  to  refuse  it,  lest,  she 
should  herself  be  their  open  enemy,  since 
Herod  had  sworn  that  he  would  never  be 
friends  with  Salome  if  she  would  not  ac- 
cept of  Alexas  for  her  husband ;  so  she 
submitted  to  Julia,  as  being  CVesar's  wife  ; 
and  besides  that,  she  advised  her  to  nothing 
but  what  was  very  much  for  her  own  ad- 
vantage. At  this  time,  also,  it  was,  that 
Herod  sent  back  King  Archelaus's  daugh- 
ter, who  had  been  Alexander's  wife,  to 
her  father,  returning  the  portion  he  had 
with  her  out  of  his  own  estate,  that  there 
might  be  no  dispute  between  them  about  it. 
Now  Herod  brought  up  his  sons'  chil- 
dren with  great  care;  for  Alexander  had 
two  sons  by  Glaphyra;  and  Aristobulus 
had  three  sons  by  Bcrnice,  Salome's  daugh- 
ter, and  two  daughters  ;  and,  as  his  friends 
were  once  with  him,  he  presented  the 
children  before  them  ;  and  deploring  the 
hard  fortune  of  his  own  sons,  he  prayed 
that  no  such  ill  fortune  would  befall  these 
who  were  their  children,  but  that  they 
might  improve  in  virtue,  and  obtain  what 
they  justly  deserved,  and  might  make  him 
amends  for  his  care  of  their  education. 
He  also  caused  them  to  be  betrothed 
against  they  should  come  to  the  proper 
age  of  marriage ;  the  elder  of  Alexander's 
sons  to  Pheroras's  daughter,  and  Antipa- 
ter's  daughter  to  Aristobulus's  eldest  sou. 
He  also  allotted  one  of  Aristobulus's  daugh- 


ters to  Antipatcr's  son,  and  Aristobulus's 
other  daughter  to  Ik-rod,  a  son  of  his  own, 
who  was  born  to  him  by  the  high  priest's 
daughter:  for  it  is  the  ancient  practice 
among  us  to  have  many  wives  at  the 
time.  Now,  the  king  made  these  es]  >u- 
sals  for  the  children,  out  of  commiserati  >n 
of  them  now  they  were  fatherless,  as  en- 
deavouring to  render  Antipater  kind  to 
them  by  these  intermarriages.  But  Anti- 
pater did  not  fail  to  bear  the  same  temper 
of  mind  to  his  brother's  children  which 
he  had  borne  to  his  brothers  themselves; 
aud  his  father's  concern  about  them  pro- 
voked his  indignation  against  them  upon 
his  supposition  that  they  would  become 
greater  than  ever  his  brothers  had  been ; 
while  Archelaus,  a  king,  would  support 
his  daughter's  sons,  and  Pheroras,  a  te- 
trarch,  would  accept  of  one  of  the  daugh- 
ters as  a  wife  to  his  son.  What  provoked 
him,  also,  was  this,  that  all  the  multitude 
would  so  commiserate  these  fatherless 
children,  and  so  hate  him  [for  making 
them  fatherless],  that  all  would  come  out, 
since  they  were  no  strangers  to  his  vile 
disposition  toward  his  brethren.  He  •  - 
trived,  therefore,  to  overturn  his  father's 
settlements,  as  thinking  it  a  terrible  thing 
that  they  should  be  so  related  to  him,  and 
be  so  powerful  withal.  So  Herod  yielded 
to  him,  and  changed  his  resolution  at  his 
entreaty;  and  the  determination  now  was, 
that  Antipater  himself  should  marry  Aris- 
tobulus's daughter,  and  Antipatcr's  son 
should  marry  Pheroras's  daughter.  So 
the  espousals  for  the  marriages  wore 
changed  after  this  manner,  even  without 
the  king's  real  approbation. 

Now  Herod,  the  king,  had  at  this  time 
nine  wives;  one  of  them  Antipater'a 
mother,  and  another  the  high  priest's 
daughter,  by  whom  he  had  a  son  of  his 
own  name.  He  had,  also,  one  who  was 
his  brother's  daughter,  and  another  his 
sister's  daughter;  which  two  had  no 
children.  One  of  his  wives,  also,  was  of 
the  Samaritan  nation,  whose  sons  were 
Antipas  and  Archelaus,  audwdiose  daugh- 
ter was  Olympias;  which  daughter  was 
afterward  married  to  Joseph,  the  king's 
brother's  son;  but  Archelaus  and  Antipas 
were  brought  up  with  a  certain  private 
man  at  Rome.  Herod  had  also  to  wife 
Cleopatra  of  Jerusalem,  and  by  her  he  had 
his  sous  Herod  and  Philip;  which  last, 
was  also  brought  up  at  Rome :  Pallas 
also,  was  one  of  his  wives,  who  bore  him 
his  son  Phasaelus;  and  besides  these,  he 


33 


ANTIQUITIES   JIF   THE   JEWS. 


[BookXVII 


Lad  for  his  wives,  Phedra  and  Elpis,  by 
■whom  he  had  his  daughters  lloxana  and 
Salome.  As  for  his  eldest  daughters  by 
the  same  mother  with  Alexander  and 
Aristobulus,  and  whom  Pheroras  neglected 
to  marry,  he  gave  the  one  in  marriage  to 
Antipater,  the  king's  sister's  son,  and  the 
other  to  Phasaelus,  his  brother's  son;  and 
this  was  the  posterity  of  Herod. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Zamaris,  a  Babylonish  Jew,  assumes  the  govern- 
ment of  Batanea — his  death — Antipater  plots 
against  Herod. 

And  now  it  was  that  Herod,  being  de- 
sirous to  secure  himself  on  the  side  of  the 
Trachonites,  resolved  to  build  a  village  as 
large  as  a  city  for  the  Jews,  in  the  middle 
of  that  country,  which  might  make  his 
own  country  difficult  to  be  assaulted,  and 
whence  he  might  be  at  hand  to  make  sal- 
lies upon  them,  and  do  them  a  mischief. 
Accordingly,  when  he  understood  that 
there  was  a  man  that  was  a  Jew  come  out 
of  Babylon,  with  500  horsemen,  all  of 
whom  could  shoot  their  arrows  as  they 
rode  on  horseback,  and  with  100  of  his 
relations  had  passed  over  Euphrates,  and 
now  abode  at  Antioch  by  Daphne  of  Syria, 
where  Saturninus,  who  was  then  president, 
had  given  them  a  place  for  habitation, 
called  Valatha,  he  sent  for  this  man,  with 
the  multitude  that  followed  him,  and  pro- 
mised to  give  him  land  in  the  toparchy* 
called  Batanea,  which  country  is  bounded 
with  Trachonitis,  as  desirous  to  make  that 
his  habitation  a  guard  to  himself.  He 
also  engaged  to  let  him  hold  the  country 
free  from  tribute,  and  that  they  should 
dwell  entirely  without  paying  such  cus- 
toms as  used  to  be  paid,  and  gave  it  him 
tax  free. 

The  Babylonian  was  induced  by  these 
offers  to  come  thither ;  so  he  took  posses- 
sion of  the  land,  and  built  in  it  fortresses 
and  a  village,  and  named  it  Bathyra. 
Whereby  this  man  became  a  safeguard  to 
the  inhabitants  against  the  Trachonites, 
and  preserved  those  Jews  who  came  out 
of  Babylon,  to  offer  their  sacrifices  at 
Jerusalem,  from  being  hurt  by  the  Tracho- 
nite  robbers ;  so  that  a  great  number  came 
to  him  from  all  those  parts  where  the 
ancient  Jewish  laws  were  observed,  and 
the  country  became  full  of  people,  by  rea- 
son of  their  universal  freedom  from  taxes. 


*  A  small  district. 


This  continued  during  the  life  of  Herod ; 
but  when  Philip,  who  was  [tetrarch]  aftei 
him,  took  the  government,  he  made  them 
pay  some  small  taxes,  and  that  for  a  little 
while  only;  and  Agrippa  the  Great,  and 
his  son  of  the  same  name,  although  they 
harassed  them  greatly,  yet  would  they  not 
take  their  liberty  away.  From  whom, 
when  the  Romans  had  now  taken  the 
governments  into  their  own  hands,  they 
still  gave  them  the  privilege  of  their  free- 
dom, but  oppress  them  entirely  with  the 
imposition  of  taxes.  Of  which  matter  I 
shall  treat  more  accurately  in  the  progress 
of  this  history.* 

At  length  Zamaris  the  Babylonian,  to 
whom  Herod  had  given  the  country  for  a 
possession,  died;  having  lived  virtuously, 
and  left  children  of  a  good  character  be- 
hind him;  one  of  whom  was  Jacim,  who 
was  famous  for  his  valour,  and  taught  his 
Babylonians  how  to  ride  their  horses;  and 
a  troop  of  them  were  guards  to  the  fore- 
mentioned  kings;  and  when  Jacim  was 
dead  in  his  old  age,  he  left  a  son,  whose 
name  was  Philip,  one  of  great  strength 
in  his  hands,  and  in  other  respects  also 
more  eminent  for  his  valour  than  any  of 
his  contemporaries ;  on  which  account 
there  was  a  confidence  and  firm  friendship 
between  him  and  King  Agrippa.  He  had 
also  an  army  which  he  maintained,  as 
great  as  that  of  a  king;  which  he  exer- 
cised and  led  wheresoever  he  had  occasion 
to  march. 

When  the  affairs  of  Herod  were  in  the 
condition  I  have  described,  all  the  public 
affairs  depended  upon  Antipater ;  and  his 
power  was  such,  that  he  could  do  good 
turns  to  as  many  as  he  pleased,  and  this 
by  his  father's  concession,  in  hopes  of  his 
good-will  and  fidelity  to  him ;  and  this 
till  he  ventured  to  use  his  power  still 
further,  because  his  wicked  designs  were 
concealed  from  his  father,  and  he  made 
him  believe  every  thing  he  said.  He  was 
also  formidable  to  all,  not  so  much  on 
account  of  the  power  and  authority  he  had, 
as  for  the  shrewdness  of  his  vile  attempts 
beforehand  ;  but  he  who  principally  culti- 
vated a  friendship  with  him  was  Pheroras, 
who  received  the  like  marks  of  his  friend- 
ship ;  while  Antipater  had  cunningly  en- 
compassed him  about  by  a  company  of 
women,  whom  he  placed  as  guards  about 
him ;  for  Pheroras  was  greatly  enslaved 
to  his  wife,  and  to  her  mother,  and  to  her 


*  This  is  now  wanting. 


Chap.  III.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE   JEWS. 


3G 


sister;  and  this,  notwithstanding  the  ha- 
tred he  bore  them  for  the  indignities 
they  had  offered  to  his  virgin  daughters. 
Yet  did  he  bear  them;  and  nothing  was 
to  be  done  without  the  women,  who  had 
got  this  man  into  their  circle,  and  con- 
tinued still  to  assist  each  other  in  all 
things,  insomuch  that  Antipater  was  en- 
tirely addicted  to  them,  both  by  himself 
and  by  his  mother;  for  these  four  women* 
said  all  one  and  the  same  thing;  but  the 
opinions  of  Pheroras  and  Anripater  were 
different  in  some  points  of  no  consequence. 
But  the  king's  sister  [Salome]  was  their 
antagonist,  who  for  a  good  while  had 
looked  about  all  their  affairs,  and  was 
apprized  that  this  their  friendship  was 
made,  in  order  to  do  Herod  some  mischief, 
and  was  disposed  to  inform  the  king  of  it ; 
and  since  these  people  knew  that  their 
friendship  was  very  disagreeable  to  Herod, 
as  tending  to  do  him  a  mischief,  they  con- 
trived that  their  meetings  should  not  be 
discovered ;  so  they  pretended  to  hate  one 
another,  and  abuse  one  another  when  time 
served,  and  especially  when  Herod  was 
present,  or  when  any  one  was  there  that 
would  tell  him ;  but  still  their  intimacy 
was  firmer  than  ever,  when  they  were 
private ;  and  this  was  the  course  they 
took.  But  they  could  not  conceal  from 
Salome  neither  their  first  contrivance, 
when  they  set  about  these  their  intentions, 
nor  when  they  had  made  some  progress  in 
them ;  but  she  searched  out  every  thing, 
and,  aggravating  the  relations  to  her  bro- 
ther, declared  to  him,  as  well  their  secret 
assemblies  and  compotations,  as  their 
counsels  taken  in  a  clandestine  manner, 
which,  if  they  were  not  in  order  to  de- 
stroy him,  they  might  well  enough  have 
been  open  and  public;  but  "to  appear- 
ance they  are  at  variance,  and  speak  about 
one  another  as  if  they  intended  one  an- 
other a  mischief,  but  agree  so  well  toge- 
ther when  they  are  out  of  the  sight  of  the 
multitude;  for  when  they  are  alone  by 
themselves  they  act  in  concert,  and  pro- 
fess that  they  will  never  leave  off  their 
friendship,  but  will  fight  against  those 
from  whom  they  conceal  their  designs  :" 
and  thus  did  she  search  out  these  things, 
and  get  a  perfect  knowledge  of  them,  and 
then  told  her  brother  of  them,  who  under- 
stood also  of  himself  a  great  deal  of  what 
she  said,  but  still  durst  not  depend  upon 
it,  because  of  the  suspicions  he  had  of  his 

■    Pheroras's  wife,   and   her  mother  arid  sister, 
and  Doris,  Autijiakrs  mother. 


sister's  calumnies;  for  there  was  a  certain 
sect  of  men  that  were  Jews,  who  valued 
themselves  highly  upon  the  exact  skill 
they  had  in  the  law  of  their  fathers,  and 
made  men  believe  they  were  highly  fa- 
voured by  God,  by  whom  this  set  of  women 
were  inveigled.  These  are  those  that  are 
called  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  who  were 
in  a  capacity  of  greatly  opposing  kings. 
A  cunning  sect  they  were,  and  soon  ele- 
vated to  a  pitch  of  open  fighting  and  doing 
mischief.  Accordingly,  when  all  the  peo- 
ple of  the  Jews  gave  assurance  of  their 
good-will  to  Cresar,  and  to  the  king's  go- 
vernment, these  very  men  did  not  swear, 
being  above  G000;  and  when  the  king 
imposed  a  fine  upon  them,  Pheroras's  wife 
paid  their  fine  for  them.  In  order  to  re- 
quite which  kindness  of  hers,  since  they 
were  believed  to  have  the  foreknowledge 
of  things  to  come  by  divine  inspiration, 
they  foretold  how  God  had  decreed  that 
Herod's  government  should  cease,  and  his 
posterity  should  be  deprived  of  it;  but 
that  the  kingdom  should  come  to  her  and 
Pheroras,  and  to  their  children.  These 
predictions  were  not  concealed  from  Sa- 
lome, but  were  told  the  king;  as  also  how 
they  had  perverted  some  persons  about 
the  palace  itself.  So  the  king  slew  such 
of  the  Pharisees  as  were  principally  ac- 
cused, and  Bagoas  the  eunuch,  and  one 
Carus,  who  exceeded  all  men  of  that  time 
in  comeliness,  and  much  beloved  by  He- 
rod. He  slew  also  all  those  of  his  own 
family  who  had  consented  to  what  the 
Pharisees  foretold;  and  for  Bagoas,  be 
had  been  puffed  up  by  them,  as  though 
he  should  be  named  the  father  and  the 
benefactor  of  him  who,  by  the  prediction, 
was  foretold  to  be  their  appointed  king ; 
for  that  this  king  would  have  all  things 
in  his  power,  and  would  enable  Bagoas  to 
marry,  and  to  have  children  of  his  own 
body  begotten. 


CHAPTER  IH. 

Enmity  between  Herod  and  Pheroras — Herod  sends 
Antipater  to  Cajsar — Death  of  Pheroras. 

When  Herod  had  punished  those  Pha- 
risees who  had  been  convicted  of  the  fore- 
going crimes,  he  gathered  an  assembly 
together  of  his  friends,  and  accused 
Pheroras's  wife  ;  and  ascribing  the  abuses 
of  the  virgins  to  the  impudence  of  that 
woman,  brought  an  accusation  against  her 
for  the  dishonour  she  had  brought  upon 


40 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII. 


them  :  that  she  had  studiously  introduced 
a  quarrel  between  him  and  his  In-other; 
and,  by  her  ill  temper,  had  brought  them 
into  a  state  of  war,  both  by  her  words  and 
actions  :  that  the  .fines  which  he  had  laid 
had  not  been  paid,  and  the  offenders  had 
escaped  punishment  by  her  means ;  and 
that  nothing  which  had  of  late  been 
done,  had  been  done  without  her:  "for 
which  reason  Pberoras  would  do  well,  if 
he  would  of  his  own  accord,  and  by  his 
own  command,  and  not  at  my  entreaty, 
or  as  following  my  opinion,  put  this  bis 
wife  away,  as  one  that  will  still  be  the  oc- 
casion of  war  between  thee  and  me.  And 
now,  Pheroras,  if  thou  valuest  thy  relation 
to  me,  put  this  wife  of  thine  away ;  for 
by  this  means  thou  wilt  continue  to  be  a 
brother  to  me,  and  wilt  abide  in  thy  love 
to  me."  Then  said  Pheroras,  (although 
he  was  pressed  hard  by  the  former  words,) 
that  as  he  would  not  do  so  unjust  a  thing 
as  tn  renounce  his  brotherly  relation  to 
him,  so  would  he  not  leave  off  bis  affec- 
tion for  his  wife;  that  he  would  rather 
choose  to  die,  than  to  live  and  be  deprived 
of  a  wife  that  was  so  dear  unto  him. 
Hereupon  Herod  put  off  his  anger  against 
Pheroras  on  these  accounts,  although  he 
himself  thereby  underwent  a  very  uneasy 
punish  men  t.  However,  he  forbade  An- 
tipater  and  his  mother  to  have  any  con- 
versation with  Pheroras,  and  bade  them 
to  take  care  and  avoid  the  assemblies  of 
the  women  :  which  they  promised  to  do, 
but  still  got  together  when  occasion 
served;  and  both  Pheroras  and  Antipater 
had  their  own  merry  meetings.  The  re- 
port went  also,  that  Antipater  had  crimi- 
nal conversation  with  Pheroras's  wife,  and 
that  they  were  brought  together  by  An- 
tipater's  mother. 

But  Antipater  had  now  a  suspicion  of 
his  father,  and  was  afraid  that  the  effects 
of  his  hatred  to  him  might  increase ;  so 
he  wrote  to  his  friends  at  Koine,  and 
ba<!e  them  send  to  Herod,  that  he  would 
immediately  send  Antipater  to  Caesar; 
which,  when  it  was  done,  Herod  sent  An- 
tipater thither,  and  sent  most  noble 
presents  along  with  him  :  as  also  bis  tes- 
tament, wherein  Antipater  was  appointed 
to  lie  his  successor  :  and  that  if  Antipater 
should  die  first,  his  son  [Herod  Philip], 
by  the  high-priest's  daughter,  should  suc- 
ceed. Ami,  together  with  Antipater, 
there  went  to  Rome,  SylleuS  the  Arabian, 
although  he  had  done  nothing  of  all  that 
'Ja'sar  had  enjoined  him.     Antipater  also 


accused  him  of  the  same  crimes  of  which 
he  had  been  formerly  accused  by  Herod. 
Sylleua  was  also  accused  by  Aretas, 
that  without  his  consent  he  had  slaiu 
many  of  the  chief  of  the  Arabians  at 
Petra ;  and  particularly  Soemus,  a  man 
that  deserved  to  be  honoured  by  all  men, 
and  that  he  had  slain  Fabatus,  a  servant  of 
Caesar.  These  were  the  things  of  which  Syl- 
leus  was  accused,  and  that  on  the  occasion 
following: — There  was  one  Corinthus,  be- 
longingto  Herod,  of  theguardsof  tbeking's 
body,  and  one  who  was  greatly  trusted  by 
him.  Sylleus  had  persuaded  this  man, 
with  the  offer  of  a  great  sum  of  money,  to 
kill  Herod,  and  he  had  promised  to  do  it. 
When  Fabatus  had  been  made  acquainted 
with  this,  for  Sylleus  had  himself  told 
him  of  it,  he  informed  the  king  of  it; 
who  caught  Corinthus,  and  put  him  to 
the  torture,  and  thereby  got  out  of  him 
the  whole  conspiracy.  He  also  caught 
two  other  Arabians,  who  were  discovered 
by  Corinthus  ;  the  one  the  head  of  a 
tribe,  and  the  other  a  friend  to  Sylleus, 
who  both  were  by  the  king  brought  to 
the  torture,  and  confessed  that  they  were 
come  to  encourage  Corinthus  not  to  fail 
of  doing  what  he  had  undertaken  to  do; 
and  to  assist  him  with  their  own  hands  in 
the  murder,  if  need  should  require  their 
assistance.  So  Saturninus,  upon  Herod's 
discovering  the  whole  to  him,  sent  them 
to  Rome. 

At  this  time,  Herod  commanded  Phe- 
roras, that  since  he  wras  so  obstinate  in  his  af- 
fection for  his  wife,  he  should  retire  into  his 
own  tetrarchy ;  which  he  did  very  willingly, 
and  sware  many  oaths  that  he  would  not 
come  again  till  he  heard  that  Herod  was 
dead.  And  indeed,  when,  upon  a  sickuess 
of  the  king,  he  was  desired  to  come  to 
him  before  he  died,  that  he  might  intrust 
him  with  some  of  his  injunctions,  he  had 
such  a  regard  to  his  oath,  that  he  wrould 
not  come  to  him  ;  yet  did  not  Herod  so 
retain  his  hatred  to  Pheroras,  but  remitted 
of  his  purpose  [not  to  see  him]  which  he 
before  had,  and  that  for  such  great  causes 
as  have  been  already  mentioned  :  but  as 
soon  as  he  began  to  be  ill,  he  came  to  him, 
and  this  without  being  sent  for;  and  when 
he  was  dead  he  took  care  of  his  funeral, 
and  had  his  body  brought  to  Jerusalem, 
and  buried  there,  and  appointed  a  solemn 
mourning  for  him.  This  death  [of  Phe- 
roras] became  the  origin  of  Antipater's 
misfortunes,  although  he  had  already 
sailed  for  Home,  God  now  being  about  to 


Chap.  IV.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


11 


punish  him  for  the  murder  of  his  brethren. 

I  will  explain  the  history  of  this  matter 
very  distinctly,  that  it  may  be  for  a  warn- 
ing to  mankind,  that  they  take  care  of 
conducting  their  whole  lives  by  the  rules 
of  virtue. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


Pheroras's  wife  accused  of  poisoning  her  husband — 
Consequences  of  the  accusation. 

As  soon  as  Pheroras  was  dead,  and  his 
funeral  was  over,  two  of  Pheroras's  f reed- 
men,  who  were  much  esteemed  by  him, 
came  to  Herod,  aud  entreated  him  not  to 
leave  the  murder  of  his  brother  without 
avenging  it;  but  to  examine  into  such  an 
unreasonable  and  unhappy  death.      When 
he  was  moved  with  these  words,  for  they 
seemed  to  him  to  be  true,  they  said  that 
Pheroras  supped    with    his  wife  the    day 
before   he   fell   sick,    and    that  a  certain 
potion  was  brought  him  in  such  a  sort  of 
food  as  he  was  not  used  to  eat;  but  that 
when  he  had  eaten  he  died  of  it :  that  this 
potion  was  brought  out  of  Arabia  by   a 
woman,  under  pretence,  indeed,  as  a  love- 
potion,    for    that    was    its    name,    but    in 
reality   to    kill    Pheroras;     for    that    the 
Arabian    women    are    skilful    in    making 
such  poisons;    and  the  woman  to  whom 
they  ascribe  this  was  confessedly  a  most 
intimate  friend  of  one  of  Sylleus's  mis- 
tresses; and  that  both  the  mother  and  the 
sister  of  Pheroras's  wife  had  been  at  the 
place  where  she  lived,  and  had  persuaded 
her  to  sell  them  this  potion,  and  had  come 
back  and  brought  it  with  them  the  day 
before  that  of  his  supper.     Hereupon  the 
kino-  was  provoked,  and  put  the  women- 
slaves  to  the  torture,  and  some  that  were 
free  with  them;  and  as  the  fact  did  not 
yet  appear,  because  none  of  them  would 
confess  it,  at  length  one  of  them,  under 
the  utmost    agonies,   said    no    more    but 
this,  that  she  prayed  that  God  would  send 
the  like  agonies  upon  Antipater's  mother, 
who    had    been     the    occasion     of    these 
miseries  to  all  of  them.     This  prayer  in- 
duced Herod  to  increase  the  women's  tor- 
tures,   till   thereby   all    was    discovered: 
their  merry  meetings,  their  secret  assem- 
blies, aud  the  disclosing  of  what  he  had 
said    to  his    son  alone   unto  Pheroras's* 
women.      (Now  what  Herod  had  charged 
Autipater  to  conceal,  was  the  gift  of  one 
hundred     talents     to     him,    not    to    have 
any  conversation    with    Pheroras.)      And 


what  hatred  he  bore  to  his  father;  and 
that  he  complained  to  his  mother  how 
very  long  his  father  lived;  aud  that  he 
was  himself  almost  an  old  man,  inso- 
much, that  if  the  kingdom  should  come 
to  him,  it  would  not  afford  him  any  great 
pleasure ;  and  that  there  were  a  great 
many  of  his  brothers,  or  brothers'  chil- 
dren, bringing  up,  that  might  have  hopes 
of  the  kingdom  as  well  as  himself;  all 
which  made  his  own  hopes  of  it  uncertain; 
for  that  even  now,  if  he  should  himself 
not  live,  Herod  had  ordained  that  the  go- 
vernment should  be  conferred,  not  on  his 
son,  but  rather  on  a  brother.  He  also 
accused  the  king  of  great  barbarity,  and 
of  the  slaughter  of  his  sons;  aud  that  it 
was  out  of  the  fear  he  was  under,  lest  he 
should  do  the  like  to  him,  that  made  him 
contrive  this  his  journey  to  Rome,  and 
Pheroras  contrive  to  go  to  his  own 
tetrarchy.* 

These  confessions  agreed  with  what  his 
sister  had  told  him,  and  tended  greatly  to 
corroborate  her  testimony,  and  to  free  her 
from  the  suspicion  of  her  unfaithfulness 
to  him.      So  the  king  having  satisfied  him- 
self of  the  spite  which  Doris,  Antipater's 
mother,  as  well  as  himself,  bore  to  him, 
took  away  from  her  all  her  fine  ornaments, 
which  were  worth  many  talents,  and  then 
sent  her  away,  and  entered  into  friendship 
with    Pheroras's    women.      But    he    who 
most  of  all  irritated  the  king  against  his 
sou,  was  one  Autipater,  the  procurator  of 
Antipater,  the  king's  son,  who,  when  he 
was   tortured,   among   other    things,   said 
that  Antipater  had  prepared  a  deadly  po- 
tion, aud  given  it  to   Pheroras,  with   his 
desire  that  he  would  give  it  to  his  father 
during  his  absence,  and  when  he  was  too 
remote   to   have  the   least  suspicion  cast 
upon    him  thereto    relating;    that    Anti- 
philus,  one  of  Antipater's  friends,  brought 
that  potion  out  of  Egypt;  and  that  it  was 
seut  to  Pheroras  by  Theudion,  the  brother 
of  the   mother  of   Antipater,   the  king's 
son,  and  by  that  means  came  to  Pheroras's 


*  It  seems  by  this  whole  story  put  together,  that 
Pheroras  was  not  himself  poisoned,  as  is  commonly 
supposed;  for  Antipater  had  persuaded  him  to  poison 
Herod,  (chap,  v.,)  which  would  fall  to  the  ground  if 
he  were  himself  poisoned:  nor  could  the  poisoning 
of  Pheroras  serve  any  design  that  appears  non- 
going  forward :  it  was  only  the  supposition  of  two 
of  his  freedmen,  that  this  love-potion,  or  poison, 
which  they  knew  was  brought  to  Pheroras's  wife, 
was  made  use  of  for  poisoning  him-,  wh 
appears  to  have  been  brought  for  her  husband  to 
poison  Herod  withal,  as  the  future  examinations 
demonstrate. 


42 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII 


wife,  her  husband  having  given  it  her  to 
keep.  And  when  the  king  asked  her 
about  it,  she  confessed  it  ;  and  as  she  was 
running  to  fetch  it,  she  threw  herself 
down  from  the  house-top,  yet  did  she  not 
.kill  herself,  because  she  fell  upon  her  feet  : 
by  which  means,  when  the  king  had  com- 
forted her,  and  bad  promised  her  and  her 
domestics  pardon,  upon  condition  of  their 
concealing  nothing  of  the  truth  from  him, 
but  had  threatened  her  with  the  utmost 
miseries  if  she  proved  ungrateful  [and 
concealed  any  thing];  so  she  promised 
him,  and  swore  that  she  would  speak  out 
every  thing,  and  tell  after  what  manner 
every  thing  was  done;  and  said  what 
many  took  to  be  entirely  true,  that  the 
potion  was  brought  out  of  Egypt  by  An- 
tiphilus,  and  that  his  brother,  who  was  a 
physician,  had  procured  it;  and  that, 
"  wlien  Tbeudion  brought  it  us,  I  kept  it, 
upon  Pheroras's  committing  it  to  me; 
and  that  it  was  prepared  by  Antipater 
for  thee.  When,  therefore,  Pheroras  had 
fallen  sick,  and  thou  earnest  to  him  and 
tookest  care  of  him,  and  when  he  saw  the 
kindness  thou  hadst  for  him,  his  mind 
was  overborne  thereby.  So  he  called  me 
to  him,  and  said  to  me,  '0  woman!  An- 
tipater hath  circumvented  me  in  this  affair 
of  his  father  and  my  brother,  by  per- 
suading me  to  have  a  murderous  intention 
to  him,  and  procuring  a  potion  to  be  sub- 
servient thereto :  do  thou,  therefore,  go 
and  fetch  my  potion  (since  my  brother 
appears  to  have  still  the  same  virtuous 
dispositiou  toward  me  which  he  had  for- 
merly, and  1  do  not  expect  to  live  long 
myself,  and  that  I  may  not  defile  my  fore- 
fathers by  the  murder  of  a  brother)  and 
burn  it  before  my  face  :'  that,  accordingly, 
she  immediately  brought  it,  and  did  as 
her  husband  bade  her ;  and  that  she  burnt 
the  greatest  part  of  the  potion ;  but  that 
a  little  of  it  was  left,  that  if  the  king, 
after  Pheroras's  death,  should  treat  her 
ill,  she  might  poison  herself,  and  thereby 
get  clear  of  her  miseries."  Upon  her 
saying  thus,  she  brought  out  the  potion, 
and  the  box  in  which  it  was,  before  them 
all.  Nay,  there  was  another  brother  of 
Antiphilus,  and  his  mother  also,  who,  by 
the  extremity  of  pain  and  torture,  con- 
fessed the  same  things,  and  owned  the 
box  [to  be  that  which  had  been  brought 
out  of  Egypt].  The  high  priest's  daugh- 
ter also,  who  was  the  king's  wife,  was 
accused  to  have  been  conscious  of  all  this, 
and  had  resolved  to  conceal  it;   for  which 


reason  Herod  divorced  her,  and  blotted 
her  son  out  of  his  testament,  wherein  he 
had  been  mentioned  as  one  that  was  to 
reign  after  him;  and  he  took  the  high- 
priesthood  away  from  his  father-in-law, 
Simeon,  the  sou  of  Boethus,  and  appointed 
Matthias,  the  son  of  Theophilus,  who  was 
born  at  Jerusalem,  to  be  high  priest  in 
his  room. 

While  this  was  doing,  Bathyllus  also, 
Antipater's  freedman,  come  from  Rome, 
and,  upon  the  torture,  was  found  to  have 
brought  another  potion,  to  give  it  into  the 
hands  of  Antipater's  mother,  and  of  Phe- 
roras,  that  if  the  former  potion  did  not 
operate  upon  the  king,  this  at  least,  might 
carry  him  off.  There  came  also  letters 
from  Herod's  friends  at  Rome,  by  the  ap- 
probation and  at  the  suggestion  of  Anti- 
pater, to  accuse  Archelaus  and  Philip,  as 
if  they  calumniated  their  father  on  account 
of  the  slaughter  of  Alexander  and  Aristo- 
bulus,  and  as  if  they  commiserated  their 
deaths,  and  as  if,  because  they  were  sent  for 
home,  (for  their  father  had  already  recalled 
them,)  they  concluded  they  were  them- 
selves also  to  be  destroyed.  These  letters 
had  been  procured  by  great  rewards,  by 
Antipater's  frieuds;  but  Antipater  him- 
self wrote  to  his  father  about  them,  and 
laid  the  heaviest  things  to  their  charge; 
yet  did  he  entirely  excuse  them  of  any 
guilt,  and  said  they  were  but  young  men, 
and  so  imputed  their  words  to  their  youth. 
Put  he  said,  that  he  had  himself  been 
very  busy  in  the  affair  relating  to  Sylleus, 
and  in  getting  interest  among  the  great 
men  ;  and,  on  that  account,  he  had  bought 
splendid  ornaments  to  present  them  withal, 
which  cost  him  200  talents.  Now,  one 
may  wonder  how  it  came  about,  that  while 
so  many  accusations  were  laid  against  him 
in  Judca,  during  seven  months  before  this 
time,  he  was  not  made  acquainted  with 
any  of  them.  The  causes  of  which  were, 
that  the  roads  were  exactly  guarded,  and 
that  men  hated  Antipater;  for  there  was 
nobody  who  would  run  any  hazard  him- 
self, to  gain  him  any  advantage. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Antipater  returns  from  Rome — accused  by  Nico- 
laua  of  Damascus — condemned  to  die  by  Herod 
and  Quintilius  Varus. 

Now  Herod,  upon  Antipater's  writing 
to  him  that  having  done  all  that  he  was 
to  do,  and  this  in  the  manner  he  was  to 
do  it,  he  would  suddenly  come  to  him, 
concealed  his  anger  against  him,  and  wrote 


Chap.  V.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


43 


back  to  him,  and  bade  bim  not  delay  his 
journey,  lest  any  barm  should  befall  him- 
self in  his  absence.  At  the  same  time, 
also,  he  made  some  little  complaint  about 
his  mother,  but  promised  that  he  would 
lay  those  complaints  aside  when  be  should 
return.  He  withal  expressed  his  entire 
affection  for  him,  as  fearing  lest  he  should 
have  some  suspicion  of  him,  and  defer  his 
journey  to  him;  and  lest,  while  he  lived 
at  Rome,  he  should  lay  plots  for  the  king- 
dom, and,  moreover,  do  somewhat  against 
himself.  This  letter  Antipater  met  with 
in  Cilicia;  but  had  received  an  account 
of  Phororas's  death  before  at  Tarentum. 
This  last  news  affected  him  deeply;  not 
out  of  any  affection  for  Pheroras,  but  be- 
cause be  was  dead  without  having  mur- 
dered his  father,  which  he  had  promised 
him  to  do.  And  when  he  was  at  Celen- 
dris  in  Cilicia,  he  began  to  deliberate  with 
himself  about  his  sailing  home,  as  being 
much  grieved  with  the  ejection  of  his 
mother.  Now,  some  of  his  friends  advised 
him  that  he  should  tarry  awhile  some- 
where, in  expectation  of  further  informa- 
tion. But  others  advised  him  to  sail 
home  without  delay;  for  that  if  he  were 
once  come  thither,  he  would  soon  put  an 
end  to  all  accusations,  and  that  nothing 
afforded  any  weight  to  his  accusers  at 
present  but  his  absence.  He  was  per- 
suaded by  these  last,  and  sailed  on,  and 
landed  at  the  haven  called  Sebastus,  which 
Herod  had  built  at  vast  expenses  in  ho- 
nour of  Caesar,  and  called  Sebastus.  And 
now  was  Antipater  evidently  in  a  miserable 
condition,  while  nobody  came  to  him  nor 
saluted  him,  as  they  did  at  his  going  away, 
with  good  wishes  or  joyful  acclamations; 
nor  was  there  any  thing  to  hinder  them 
from  entertaining  him,  on  the  contrary, 
with  bitter  curses,  while  they  supposed  he 
Was  come  to  receive  his  punishment  for 
the  murder  of  his  brethren. 

Now  Quintilius  Varus  was  at  this  time 
at  Jerusalem,  being  sent  to  succeed  Sa- 
turniuus  as  president  of  Syria,  and  had 
come  as  an  assessor  to  Herod,  who  had 
desired  his  advice  in  his  present  affairs; 
and  as  they  were  sitting  together,  Anti- 
pater came  upon  them,  without  knowing 
any  thing  of  the  matter;  so  he  came  into 
the  place  clothed  in  purple.  The  porters, 
indeed,  received  him  in,  but  excluded  his 
friends.  And  now  he  was  in  great  dis- 
order, and  presently  understood  the  con- 
dition he  was  in,  while,  upon  his  goiu"  to 
salute  his  father,  he  was  repulsed  by  him, 


j  who  called  him  a  murderer  of  his  bre- 
|  thren,  and  a  plotter  of  destruction  against 
himself,  and  told  him  that  Varus  should 
be  his  auditor  and  his  judge  the  very  next 
day;  so  he  found  that  what  misfortunes 
he  now  heard  of  was  already  upon  him, 
with  the  greatness  of  which  he  went  away 
in  confusion;  upon  which  his  mother  and 
his  wife  met  him,  (which  wife  was  the 
daughter  of  Antigonus,  who  was  king  of 
the  Jews  before  Herod,)  from  whom  he 
learned  all  circumstances  which  concerned 
him,  and  then  prepared  himself  for  his 
trial. 

On  the  next  day  Varus  and  the  king 
sat  together  in  judgment,  and  both  their 
friends  were  also  called  in,  as  also  the 
king's  relations,  with  his  sister  Salome, 
and  as  many  as  could  discover  any  thing, 
and  such  as  had  been  tortured;  and  be- 
sides these,  some  slaves  of  Antipater's 
mother,  who  were  taken  up  a  little  before 
Antipater's  coming,  and  brought  with 
them  a  written  letter,  the  sum  of  which 
was  this :  that  he  should  not  come  back, 
because  all  had  come  to  his  father's  know- 
ledge :  and  that  Cfesar  was  the  only  refuge 
he  had  left  to  prevent  both  his  and  her 
delivery  into  his  father's  hands.  Then 
did  Antipater  fall  dowu  at  his  father's 
feet,  and  besought  him  not  to  prejudge 
his  cause,  but  that  he  might  be  first  heard 
by  his  father,  and  that  his  father  would 
keep  himself  still  unprejudiced.  So  He- 
rod ordered  him  to  be  brought  into  the 
midst,  and  then  lamented  himself  about 
his  children,  from  whom  he  had  suffered 
such  gieat  misfortunes;  and  because  An- 
tipater fell  upon  him  in  his  old  age.  He 
also  reckoned  up  what  maintenance,  and 
what  education  he  had  given  them  ;  and 
what  seasonable  supplies  of  wealth  be  had 
afforded  them,  according  to  their  own  de- 
sires; none  of  which  favours  had  hindered 
them  from  contriving  against  him,  and 
from  bringing  his  very  life  into  danger  in 
order  to  gain  his  kingdom,  after  an  im- 
pious manner,  by  taking  away  his  life 
before  the  course  of  nature,  their  father's 
wishes,  or  justice  required  that  the  king- 
dom should  come  to  them;  and  that  he 
wondered  what  hopes  could  elevate  Anti- 
pater to  such  a  pass  as  to  he  hardy  enough 
to  attempt  such  things;  that  he  had  by 
his  testament  in  writing  declared  him  his 
successor  in  the  government;  and  while 
he  was  alive,  he  was  in  no  respect  inf  rior 
to  him,  either  in  his  illustrious  dignity,  oj 
in  power  and  authority,  he  having  no  less 


u 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XVII. 


than  fifty  talents  for  his  yearly  income, 
and  had  received  for  his  journey  to  Rome 
no  fewer  than  thirty  talents.  He  also 
objected  to  him  the  case  of  his  brethren 
whom  he  had  accused;  and  if  they  were 
guilty,  he  had  imitated  their  example; 
and  if  not,  he  had  brought  him  ground- 
less accusations  against  his  near  relations; 
for  that  he  had  been  acquainted  with  all 
those  things  by  him,  and  by  nobody  else, 
and  had  done  what  was  done  by  his  ap- 
probation, and  whom  he  now  absolved 
from  all  that  was  criminal,  by  becoming 
the  inheritor  of  the  guilt  of  such  their 
parricide. 

When  Herod  had  thus  spoken,  he  fell 
weeping,  and  was  not  able  to  say  any 
more ;  but  at  his  desire  Nicolaus  of 
Damascus,  being  the  king's  friend,  and 
always  conversaut  with  him,  and  acquaint- 
ed with  whatsoever  he  did,  and  with  the 
circumstances  of  his  affairs,  proceeded  to 
what  remained,  and  explained  all  that 
concerned  the  demonstrations  and  evi- 
dences of  the  facts.  Upon  which  Anti- 
pater,  in  order  to  make  his  legal  defence, 
turned  himself  to  his  father,  and  enlarged 
upon  the  many  indications  he  had  given 
of  his  good-will  to  him;  and  instanced  in 
the  honours  that  had  been  done  him, 
which  yet  had  not  been  done,  had  he  not 
deserved  them  by  his  virtuous  concern 
about  him  ;  for  that  he  had  made  pro- 
vision for  every  thing  that  was  fit  to  be 
foreseen  beforehand,  as  to  giving  him  his 
wisest  advice;  and  wheuever  there  was 
occasion  for  the  labour  of  his  own  hands, 
he  had  not  grudged  any  such  pains  for 
him.  And  that  it  was  almost  impossible 
that  he,  who  had  delivered  his  father 
from  so  many  treacherous  contrivances 
laid  against  him,  should  be  himself  in  the 
plot  against  him,  and  so  lose  all  the  re- 
putation he  had  gained  for  his  virtue,  by 
his  wickedness  which  succeeded  it;  and 
this,  while  he  had  nothing  to  prohibit 
him,  who  was  already  appointed  his  suc- 
cessor, to  enjoy  the  royal  honour  with  his 
father  also  at  present;  and  that  there  was 
no  likelihood  that  a  person  who  had  the 
one-half  of  that  authority  without  any 
danger,  and  with  a  good  character,  should 
hunt  after  the  whole  with  infamy  and 
danger,  and  this  when  it  was  doubtful 
whether  he  could  obtain  it  or  not;  and 
when  he  saw  the  sad  example  of  his 
brethren  before  him,  and  was  both  the 
informer  and  the  accuser  against  them,  at 
a  time  when  they  might  not   otherwise 


have  been  discovered;  nay,  was  the  au 
thor  of  the  punishment  inflicted  upon 
them,  when  it  appeared  evidently  that 
they  were  guilty  of  a  wicked  attempt 
against  their  father;  and  that  even  the 
contentions  that  were  in  the  king's  family 
were  indications  that  he  had  ever  managed 
affairs  out  of  the  sincerest  affection  to  his 
father.  And  as  to  what  he  had  done  at 
Rome,  Csesar  was  a  witness  thereto,  who 
was  yet  no  more  to  be  imposed  upon  than 
God  himself;  of  whose  opinions  his"  let- 
ters sent  hither  are  sufficient  evidence  : 
and  that  it  was  not  reasonable  to  prefer 
the  calamities  of  such  as  proposed  to  raise 
disturbances,  before  those  letters ;  the 
greatest  part  of  which  calumnies  had  been 
raised  during  his  absence,  which  gave 
scope  to  his  enemies  to  forget  them,  which 
they  had  not  been  able  to  do  if  he  had 
been  there.  Moreover,  he  showed  the 
weakness  of  the  evidence  obtained  by  tor- 
ture, which  was  commonly  false;  because 
the  distress  men  are  in  under  such  tor- 
tures, naturally  obliges  them  to  say  many 
things  in  order  to  please  those  that  govern 
them.  He  also  offered  himself  to  the 
torture. 

Hereupon  there  was  a  change  observed 
in  the  assembly,  while  they  greatly  pitied 
Autipater,  who,  by  weepiug,  and  putting 
on  a  countenance  suitable  to  his  sad  case, 
made  them  commiserate  the  same ;  inso- 
much that  his  very  enemies  were  moved 
to  compassion ;  and  it  appeared  plainly 
that  Herod  himself  was  affected  in  his 
own  mind,  although  he  was  not  willing  it 
should  be  taken  notice  •  of.  Then  did 
Nicolaus  begin  to  prosecute  what  the  king 
had  begun,  and  that  with  great  bitter- 
ness; and  summed  up  all  the  evidence 
which  arose  from  the  tortures,  or  from  the 
testimonies.  He  principally  and  largely 
commended  the  king's  virtues,  which  he 
had  exhibited  in  the  maintenance  and 
education  of  his  sous ;  while  he  never 
could  gain  any  advantage  thereby,  but 
still  fell  from  one  misfortune  to  another. 
Although  he  owned  that  he  was  not  so 
much  surprised  with  that  thoughtless 
behaviour  of  his  former  sons,  who  were 
but  young,  and  were  besides  corrupted  by 
wicked  counsellors,  who  were  the  occasion 
of  their  wiping  out  of  their  minds  all  the 
righteous  dictates  of  nature,  aud  this  out 
of  a  desire  of  coming  to  the  government 
sooner  than  they  ought  to  do;  yet  that  he 
could  not  but  justly  stand  amazed  at  the 
horrid    wickedness    of    Antipater,    who, 


Chap.  V.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


45 


although  lie  had  not  only  had  great  bene- 
fits bestowed  on  him  by  his  father,  enough 
to  tame  bis  reason,  yet  could  not  be  more 
tamed  than  the  most  envenomed  serpents; 

whereas,  even  those  creatures  admit  of 
some  mitigation,  aud  will  not  bite  their 
benefactors,  while  Antipater  hath  not  let 
the  misfortunes  of  his  brethren  be  any  bin- 
derance  to  him,  but  he  hath  gone  on  to  imi- 
tate their  barbarity  notwithstanding.  "Yet 
wast  thou,  0  Autipater  !  (as  thou  hast  thy- 
self confessed)  the  informer  as  to  what 
wicked  actions  they  had  done,  and  the 
searcher  out  of  the  evidence  against,  them, 
and  the  author  of  the  punishment  they 
underwent  upon  their  detection.  Nor  do 
we  say  this  as  accusing  thee  for  being  so 
zeal. iiis  in  thy  anger  against  them,  but 
are  astonished  at  thy  endeavours  to  imi- 
tate their  profligate  behaviour;  and  we 
discover  thereby,  that  thou  didst  not  act 
thus  for  the  safety  of  thy  father,  but  for 
the  destruction  of  thy  brethren,  that  by 
such  outside  hatred  of  their  impiety  thou 
mightest  be  believed  a  lover  of  thy  father, 
aud  mightest  thereby  get  thee  power 
enough  to  do  mischief  with  the  greatest 
impunity;  which  design,  thy  actions,  in- 
deed, demonstrate.  It  is  true,  thou  tookest 
thy  brethren  off,  because  thou  didst  con- 
vict them  of  their  wicked  designs;  but 
thou  didst  not  yield  up  to  justice  those 
who  were  their  partners;  and  thereby 
didst  make  it  evident  to  all  men  that  thou 
madest  a  covenant  with  them  against  thy 
father,  when  thou  chosest  to  be  the  accuser 
of  thy  brethren,  as  desirous  to  gain  to 
thyself  alone  this  advantage  of  laying- 
plots  to  kill  thy  father,  and  so  to  enjoy 
double  pleasure,  which  is  truly  worthy  of 
thy  evil  disposition,  which  thou  hast 
openly  shown  against  thy  brethren;  on 
which  account  thou  didst  rejoice,  as  hav- 
ing done  a  most  famous  exploit,  nor  was 
that  behaviour  unworthy  of  thee;  but  if 
thy  intention  were  otherwise,  thou  art 
worse  than  they:  while  thou  didst  con- 
trive to  hide  thy  treachery  against  thy 
father,  thou  didst  hate  them ;  not  as 
plotters  against  thy  father,  for  in  that 
case  thou  hadst  not  thyself  fallen  upon 
the  like  crime,  but  as  successors  of  his 
dominions,  aud  more  worthy  of  that  suc- 
cession thau  thyself.  Thou  wouldst  kill 
thy  father  after  thy  brethren,  lest  thy  lies 
raised  against  them  might  be  detected ; 
and  lest  thou  shouldst  sutler  what  punish- 
ment thou  hast  deserved,  thou  hadst  a 
mind  to  exact  that  punishment  of  thy  un- 


happy father,  and  didst  devise  such  a  sort 
of  uncommon  parricide  as  the  world  never 
yet  saw;   for  thou  who  art  his  son  didst  not 
only  lay  a  treacherous  design   against  thy 
father,  and   didst,  it  while   he   loved   thee, 
and    had  been   thy  benefactor,  had   made 
thee  iu  reality  his  partner  in  the  kingdom, 
and  had  openly  declared  thee  his  successor, 
while  thou  was  not  forbidden  to  taste  the 
sweetness  of  authority  already,  aud  hadst 
the  Arm  hope  of  what  was  future  by  thy 
father's  determination,  aud   the   security 
of  a  written  testament;   but  for  certain, 
thou  didst  uot  measure   these  things  ac- 
cording to  thy  father's  various  dispositions, 
but  according  to  thy  own  thoughts  and  in- 
clinations;  and  wast  desirous   to   take  the 
part    that   remaiued    away    from    thy   too 
indulgent  father,  and  soughtest  to  destroy 
him  with  thy  deeds,  whom   thou  in  words 
pretendest   to    preserve.     Nor   wast  thou 
content    to   be    wicked    thyself,    but  thou 
fllledst   thy  mother's  head  with    thy   de- 
vices, and  raisedst  disturbance  among  thy 
brethren,  and  hadst  the  boldness  to  call 
thy  father  a  wild  beast ;   while  thou  hadst 
thyself  a  mind  more  cruel  than  any  ser- 
pent, whence  thou  sentest  out  that  poison 
among  thy  nearest  kindred  and  greatest 
benefactors,  and  invitedst  them   to  assist 
thee  and  guard  thee,  and  didst  hedge  thy- 
self in  on  all  sides  by  the  artifices  of  both 
men  and  women,  against  an  old  man,  as 
though  that  mind  of  thine  was  not  suffi- 
cient of  itself  to  support  so  great  a  hatred 
as    thou   barest    to  him ;    aud   here   thou 
appearest,  after  the  torture  of  freemen,  of 
domestics,  of  men  and  women,  which  have 
been  examined  on  thy  account,  aud  after 
the  informations  of  thy  fellow-conspirators, 
as  making  haste  to  contradict  the  truth; 
aud  hast  thought  on  ways  not  only  how  to 
take  thy  father  out  of  the  world,  but  to 
disannul  that  written  law  which  is  against 
thee,  and   the   virtue  of  Varus,  aud  the 
nature  of  justice;  nay,  such  is  that  impu- 
dence of  thine  on  which  thou  confidest, 
that  thou  desirest  to  be  put  to  the  torture 
thyself,  while  thou  allegest  that  the  tor- 
tures of  those  already  examined   thereby 
have  made  them  tell  lies;   that  those  that 
have  been  the  deliverers  of  thy  father  may 
not  be  allowed  to  have  spoken  the  truth; 
but  that  thy  tortures  may  be  esteemed  the 
discoverers  of  truth.      Wilt  not  thou,  0 
Varus!  deliver  the  king  from  the  injuries 
of  his  kiudred?     Wilt  not  thou  destroy 
this  wicked   wild  beast,   which   hath  pre- 
tended kindness  to  his  father,  in  order  tc 


46 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII. 


destroy  his  brethren  ;  while  yet  he  is  him- 
self alone  ready  to  carry  off  the  kingdom 
immediately,  and  appears  to  be  the  most 
bloody  butcher  to  him  of  them  all?  for 
thou  art  sensible  that  parricide  is  a  gene- 
ral injury  both  to  nature  and  to  common 
life ;  and  that  the  intention  of  parricide  is 
not  inferior  to  its  perpetration;  and  he 
who  does  not  puuish  it,  is  injurious  to 
nature  itself." 

Nicolaua  added  further  what  belonged 
to  Antipater's  mother,  and  whatsoever  she 
had  prattled  like  a  woman;  as  also  about 
the  predictions  and  the  sacrifices  relat- 
ing to  the  king;  and  whatsoever  Anti- 
pater  had  done  lasciviously  in  his  cups, 
and  his  amours  among  Pheroras's  women; 
the  examination  upon  torture ;  and  what- 
soever concerned  the  testimonies  of  the 
witnesses,  which  were  many,  and  of  various 
kinds;  some  prepared  beforehand,  and 
others  were  sudden  answers,  which  further 
declared  and  confirmed  the  foregoing  evi- 
dence. For  those  men  who  were  not 
acquainted  with  Antipater's  practices,  but 
had  concealed  them  out  of  fear,  when  they 
saw  that  he  was  exposed  to  the  accusations 
of  the  former  witnesses,  and  that  his  great 
good  fortune,  which  had  supported  him 
hitherto,  had  now  evidently  betrayed  him 
into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  who  were 
now  insatiable  in  their  hatred  to  him,  told 
all  they  knew  of  him ;  and  his  ruin  was 
now  hastened,  not  so  much  by  the  enmity 
of  those  who  were  his  accusers,  as  by  his 
gross,  impudent,  and  wicked  contrivances, 
and  by  his  ill-will  to  his  father  and  his 
brethren;  while  he  had  filled  their  house 
with  disturbance,  and  caused  them  to 
murder  one  another;  and  was  neither 
fair  in  his  hatred  nor  kind  in  his  friend- 
ship, but  just  so  far  as  served  his  own 
turn.  Now,  there  were  a  great  number 
who  for  a  long  time  beforehand  had  seen 
all  this,  and  especially  such  as  were 
naturally  disposed  to  judge  of  matters  by 
the  rules  of  virtue,  because  they  were 
used  to  determine  about  affairs  without 
passion,  but  had  been  restrained  from 
makiug  any  open  complaints  before; 
these,  upon  the  leave  now  given  them, 
produced  all  that  they  knew  before  the 
public.  The  demonstrations,  also,  of 
these  wicked  facts  could  noway  be  dis- 
proved; because  the  many  witnesses  there 
were,  did  neither  speak  out  of  favour  to 
Herod,  nor  were  they  obliged  to  keep 
what  they  had  to  say  silent,  out  of  sus- 
picion of  any  danger  they  were  in ;  but 


they  spake  what  they  knew,  because  they 
thought  such  actions  very  wicked,  and 
that  An ti pater  deserved  the  greatest  pu- 
nishment; and,  indeed,  not  so  much  for 
Herod's  safety,  as  on  account  of  the  man's 
own  wickedness.  Many  things  were  also 
said,  and  those  by  a  great  number  of 
persons,  who  were  noway  obliged  to  say 
them :  insomuch  that  Antipater,  who 
used  generally  to  be  very  shrewd  in  his 
lies  and  impudence,  was  not  able  to  say 
one  word  to  the  contrary.  When  Nicolaus 
had  left  off  speaking,  and  had  produced  the 
evidence,  Varus  bade  Antipater  to  betake 
himself  to  the  making  of  his  defence,  if 
he  had  prepared  any  thing  whereby  it 
might  appear  that  he  was  not  guilty  of 
the  crimes  he  was  accused  of;  for  that,  a8 
he  was  himself  desirous,  so  did  he  know 
that  his  father  was  in  like  manuer  de- 
sirous also  to  have  him  found  entirely 
innocent;  but  Antipater  fell  down  on  his 
face,  and  appealed  to  God  and  to  all  men, 
for.  testimonials  of  his  innocency,  desiring 
that  God  would  declare,  by  some  evident 
signals,  that  he  had  not  laid  any  plot 
against  his  father.  This  being  the  usual 
method  of  all  men  destitute  of  virtue,  that, 
when  they  set  about  any  wicked  under- 
takings, they  fall  to  work  according  to 
their  own  inclinations,  as  if  they  believed 
that  God  was  unconcerned  in  human 
affairs ;  but  when  once  they  are  found 
out,  and  are  in  danger  of  undergoing  the 
punishment  due  to  their  crimes,  they  en- 
deavour to  overthrow  all  the  evidence 
against  them,  by  appealing  to  God;  which 
was  the  very  thing  which  Antipater  now 
did  ;  for  whereas  he  had  done  everything 
as  if  there  was  no  God  in  the  world,  when 
he  was  on  all  sides  distressed  by  justice, 
and  when  he  had  no  other  advantage  to 
expect  from  any  legal  proofs,  by  which 
he  might  disprove  the  accusations  laid 
against  him,  he  impudently  abused  the 
majesty  of  God,  and  ascribed  it  to  his 
power,  that  he  had  been  preserved  hither- 
to;  and  produced  before  them  all  what 
difficulties  he  had  ever  undergone  in  his 
bold  acting  for  his  father's  preservation. 

So  when  Varus,  upon  asking  Antipater 
what  he  had  to  say  for  himself,  found  that 
he  had  nothing  to  say  besides  his  appeal 
to  God,  and  saw  that  there  was  uo  end  of 
that,  he  bade  them  bring  the  potion 
before  the  court,  that  he  might  see  what 
virtue  still  remained  in  it;  and  when  it 
was  brought,  and  one  that  was  condemned 
to  die  had  drunk  it  by  Varus's  command, 


Chap  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


47 


he  died  presently.  Then  Varus  got  up,  |  married  to  Sylleus.  Do  thou,  therefore, 
and  departed  out  of  the  court,  and  went  tear  this  letter  in  pieces,  that  1  may  not 
away  the  day  following  to  Autioch,  where  come  into  danger  of  my  life."  Now  Acme 
his  usual  residence  was,  because  that  was  had  written  to  Autipater  himself,  ami 
the  place  of  the  Syrians;  upon  which  informed  him,  that  in  compliance  with 
Herod  laid  his  son  in   bonds;    but  what    his  command,  she  had  both  herself  written 


were  Yarus's  discourses  to  Herod,  was 
not  known  to  the  generality,  and  upon 
what  words   it  was    that   he  went   away ; 


to  Herod,  as  if  Salome  had  laid  a  sudden 
plot  entirely  against  him,  and  had  herself 
sent  a  copy  of  an  epistle,  as  coming  from 


though  it  was  also  generally  supposed,  that .  Salome  to  her  lady.      Now,  Acme  was  a 
whatsoever    Herod    did    afterward    about  j  Jew    by   birth,    and   a   servant    to   Julia, 


his  son,  was  done  with  his  approbation 
but  when  Herod  had  bound  his  son,  he 
sent  letters  to  Rome  to  Csesai  about  him, 
and  such  messengers  withal  as  should,  by 
word  of  mouth,  inform  Caesar  of  Anti- 
pater's  wickedness.  Now,  at  this  very 
time,  there  was  seized  a  letter  of  Anti- 
philus,  written  to  Antipater  out  of  Egypt, 
(for  he  lived  there ;)  and,  when  it  was 
opened  by  the  king,  it  was  found  to  con- 
tain what  follows: — "I  have  sent  thee 
Acme's  letter,  and  hazarded  my  own  life ; 
for  thou  kuowest  that  I  am  in  danger 
from  two  families  if  I  be  discovered.  I 
wish  thee  good  success  in  thy  affair." 
These  were  the  contents  of  this  letter; 
but  the  king  made  inquiry  about  the 
other  letter  also,  for  it  did  not  appear  ; 
and  Antiphilus's  slave,  who  brought  that 
letter  which  had  been  read,  denied  that  he 
had  received  the  other :  but  while  the 
king  was  in  doubt  about  it,  one  of  Herod's 
friends,  seeing  a  seam  upon  the  inner  coat 
of  the  slave,  and  a  doubling  of  the  cloth, 
(for  he  had  two  coats  on,)  he  guessed  that 
the  letter  might  be  within  that  doubling; 
which  accordingly  proved  to  be  true.  So 
they  took  out  the  letter ;  aud  its  contents 
were  these: — "Acme  to  Autipater.  I 
have  written  such  a  letter  to  thy  father 
as  thou  desirest  me.  I  have  also  taken  a 
copy  and  seut  it,  as  if  it  came  from  Salome, 
to  my  lady  [Livia] ;  which  when  thou 
readest,  I  know  that  Herod  will  punish 
Salome,  as  plotting  agaiust  him."  Now, 
this  pretended  letter  of  Salome  to  her 
lady  was  composed  by  Antipater,  in  the 
name  of  Salome,  as  to  its  meaning,  but  in 
the  words  of  Acme.  The  letter  was 
this: — "Acme  to  King  Herod.  I  have 
done  my  endeavour  that  nothing  that  is 
done  against  thee  should  be  concealed 
from  thee.  So,  upon  my  finding  a  letter 
of  Salome's,  written  to  my  lady  against 
thee,  I  have  written  out  a  copy  and  seut 


Caesar's  wife,  and  did  this  out  of  her 
friendship  for  Antipater,  as  having  been 
corrupted  by  him  with  a  large  present  of 
money,  to  assist  in  his  pernicious  designs 
against  his  father  and  his  auut. 

Hereupon  Herod  was  so  amazed  at  the 
prodigious  wickedness  of  Antipater,  that 
he  was  ready  to  have  ordered  him  to  be 
slain  immediately,  as  a  turbuleut  person 
in  the  most  important  concerns,  and  as 
one  that  had  laid  a  plot  not  only  against 
himself,  but  against  his  sister  also  ;  and 
even  corrupted  Caesar's  own  domestics. 
Salome  also  provoked  him  to  it,  beating 
her  breast,  and  bidding  him  kill  her,  if 
he  could  produce  any  credible  testimony 
that  she  had  acted  in  that  manner.  Herod 
also  sent  for  his  son,  and  asked  him  about 
this  matter,  and  bade  him  contradict  it  if 
he  could,  and  not  suppress  any  thing  he 
had  to  say  for  himself;  and  when  he  had 
not  one  word  to  say,  he  asked  him,  since 
he  was  every  way  caught  iu  his  villany, 
that  he  would  make  no  further  delay,  but 
discover  his  associates  in  these  his  wicked 
designs.  So  he  laid  all  upon  Antiphilus; 
but  discovered  nobody  else.  Hereupon 
Herod  was  in  such  great  grief,  that  he 
was  ready  to  send  his  son  to  Rome  to 
Caesar,  there  to  give  an  account  of  these 
his  wicked  contrivances.  But  he  soon 
became  afraid,  lest  he  might  there,  by  the 
assistance  of  his  friends,  escape  the  danger 
he  was  in  :  so  he  kept  him  hound  as  be 
fore,  and  sent  more  ambassadors  and  let- 
ters [to  Rome]  to  accuse  his  son,  aud  an 
account  of  what  assistance  Acme  had 
given  him  in  his  wicked  designs,  with 
copies  of  the  epistles  before  mentioned. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Illness  of  Herod — The  Jews  raise  a  sedition  there- 
on— are  discovered  and  punished. 


Now  Herod's  ambassadors  made  haste 
it  to  thee;  with  hazard  to  thyself,  but  for  to  Rome;  but  sent,  as  instructed  before- 
thy  advantage.  The  reason  why  she  wrote  hand,  what  answers  they  were  to  make  to 
it  was  this,  that  she  had  a  mind  to  be   the   questions  put   to    them.     They  also 


48 


ANTIQUITIES   OP   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII. 


carried  the  epistles  with  them.  But  He- 
rod now  fell  into  a  distemper,  and  made 
his  will,  and  bequeathed  his  kingdom  to 
[Antipas,]  his  youngest  son;  and  this  nut 
of  that  hatred  to  Archelaus  and  Philip 
which  the  calumnies  of  Antipater  had 
raised  against  them.  He  also  bequeathed 
1000  talents  to  Cresar,  and  500  to  Julia, 
Cassar's  wife,  to  Caesar's  children,  and 
friends  and  frecdmen.  He  also  distributed 
among  his  sons  and  their  sons,  his  money, 
his  revenues,  and  his  lands.  He  also 
made  Salome,  his  sister,  very  rich,  be- 
cause she  had  continued  faithful  to  him 
in  all  his  circumstances,  and  was  never  so 
rash  as  to  do  him  any  harm.  And  as  he 
despaired  of  recovering,  for  he  was  about 
the  seventieth  year  of  his  age,  he  grew 
fierce,  and  indulged  the  bitterest  anger 
upon  all  occasions;  the  cause  whereof  was 
this,  that  he  thought  himself  despised, 
and  that  the  nation  was  pleased  with  his 
misfortunes;  besides  which,  he  resented  a 
sedition  which  some  of  the  lower  sort  of 
men  excited  against  him,  the  occasion  of 
which  was  as  follows  : — 

There  was  one  Judas,  the  son  of  Sari- 
pheus,  and  Matthias,  the  son  of  Margalo- 
thus,  two  of  the  most  eloquent  men  among 
the  Jews,  and  the  most  celebrated  inter- 
preters of  the  Jewish  laws,  and  men  well 
beloved  by  the  people,  because  of  their 
education  of  their  youth  ; "  for  all  those 
that  were  studious  of  virtue  frequented 
their  lectures  every  day.  These  men, 
when  they  found  that  the  king's  distemper 
was  incurable,  excited  the  young  men  that 
they  would  pull  down  all  those  works 
which  the  king  had  erected  contrary  to 
the  law  of  their  fathers,  and  thereby  ob- 
tain the  rewards  which  the  law  will  confer 
on  them  for  such  actions  of  piety  :  for  that 
it  was  truly  on  account  of  Herod's  rash- 
ness in  making  such  things  as  the  law  had 
forbidden,  that  his  other  misfortunes,  and 
this  distemper  also,  which  was  so  unusual 
among  mankind,  and  with  which  he  was 
now  afflicted,  came  upon  him  :  for  Herod 
had  caused  such  things  to  be  made,  which 
were  contrary  to  the  law,  of  which  he  was 
accused  by  Judas  and  Matthias;  for  the 
king  had  erected  over  the  great  gate  of 
the  temple  a  large  golden  eagle,  of  great 
value,  and  had  dedicated  it  to  the  temple. 
Now,  the  law  forbids  those  that  propose 
to  live  according  to  it,  to  erect  images,  or 
representations  of  any  living  creature.  So 
these  wise  men  persuaded  [their  scholars] 
to  pull  down  the  golden  eagle :  alleging, 


that  although  they  should  incur  any  danger 
which  might  bring  them  to  their  deaths, 
the  virtue  of  the  action  now  proposed  to 
them  would  appear  much  more  advan- 
tageous to  them  than  the  pleasures  of  life; 
since  they  would  die  for  the  preservation 
and  observation  of  the  law  of  their  fathers  ; 
since  they  would  also  acquire  an  everlast- 
ing fame  and  commendation  ;  since  they 
would  be  both  commended  by  the  present 
generation,  and  leave  an  example  of  life 
that  would  never  be  forgotten  to  posterity  ; 
since  that  common  calamity  of  dying  can- 
not be  avoided  by  our  living  so  as  to  es- 
cape any  such  dangers  :  that,  therefore,  it 
is  a  right  thing  for  those  who  are  in  love 
with  a  virtuous  conduct,  to  wait  for  that 
fatal  hour  by  such  a  behaviour  as  may 
carry  them  out  of  the  world  with  praise 
and  honour;  and  that  this  will  alleviate 
death  to  such  a  degree,  thus  to  come  at  it 
by  the  performance  of  brave  actions,  which 
bring  us  into  danger  of  it;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  to  leave  that  reputation  behind 
them  to  their  children,  and  to  all  their 
relations,  whether  they  be  men  or  women, 
which  will  be  of  great  advantage  to  them 
afterward. 

And  with  such  discourses  as  this  did 
these  men  excite  the  young  men  to  this 
action;  and  a  report  being  come  to  them 
that  the  king  was  dead,  this  was  an  addi- 
tion to  the  wise  men's  persuasions;  so,  in 
the  very  middle  of  the  day,  they  got  upon 
the  place,  they  pulled  down  the  eagle,  and 
cut  it  into  pieces  with  axes,  while  a  great 
number  of  the  people  were  in  the  temple. 
And  now  the  king's  captain,  upon  hearing 
what  the  undertaking  was,  and  supposing 
it  was  a  thing  of  a  higher  nature  than  it 
proved  to  be,  came  up  thither,  having  a 
great  band  of  soldiers  with  him,  such  as 
was  sufficient  to  put  a  stop  to  the  multi- 
tude of  those  who  pulled  down  what  was 
dedicated  to  God  :  so  he  fell  upon  them 
unexpectedly,  and  as  they  were  upon  this 
bold  attempt,  in  a  foolish  presumption 
rather  than  a  cautious  circumspection,  as 
is  usual  with  the  multitude,  and  while 
they  were  in  disorder,  and  incautious  of 
what  was  for  their  advantage,  so  he  caught 
no  fewer  than  forty  of  the  young  men, 
who  had  the  courage  to  stay  behind  wheu 
the  rest  ran  away,  together  with  the  au- 
thors of  this  bold  attempt,  Judas  and 
Matthias,  who  thought  it  an  ignominious 
thing  to  retire  upon  his  approach,  and  led 
them  to  the  king.  And  when  they  had 
come  to  the  king,  and  he  had  asked  them 


Chap.  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


4b 


if  they  had  been  so  bold  as  to  pull  down 
what  he  had  dedicated  to  God,  "  Yes, 
(said  they,)  what  was  contrived  we  con- 
trived, and  what  hath  been  performed,  we 
performed  it;  and  that  with  such  a  virtu- 
ous courage  as  becomes  men  ;  fir  we  have 
given  our  assistance  to  those  things  which 
were  dedicated  to  the  majesty  of  God,  and 
we  have  provided  for  what  we  have  learned 
by  hearing  the  law:  and  it  ouuht  not  to 
be  wondered  at,  if  we  esteem  those  laws 
which  Muses  had  suggested  to  him,  and 
were  taught  him  by  God,  and  which  he 
wrote  and  left  behind  him,  more  worthy 
of  observation  than  thy  commands.  Ac- 
cordingly, we  will  undergo  death,  and  all 
sorts  of  punishments  which  thou  canst 
inflict  upon  us,  with  pleasure,  since  we 
are  conscious  to  ourselves  that  we  shall 
die,  not  for  any  unrighteous  actions,  but 
for  our  love  to  religion."  And  thus  they 
all  said,  and  their  courage  was  still  equal 
to  their  profession,  and  equal  to  that  with 
which  they  readily  set  about  this  under- 
taking. And  when  the  king  had  ordered 
them  to  be  bound,  he  sent  them  to  Jeri- 
cho, and  called  together  the  principal  men 
among  the  Jews;  and  when  they  were 
come,  he  made  them  assemble  in  the  thea- 
tre, and  because  he  could  not  himself 
stand,  he  iay  upon  a  couch,  and  enume- 
rated the  many  labours  that  he  had  long 
endured  on  their  account,  and  his  build- 
ing of  the  temple,  and  what  a  vast  charge 
that  was  to  him;  while  the  Asamoneans, 
during  the  125  years  of  their  government, 
had  not  been  able  to  perform  any  so  great 
a  work  fir  the  honour  of  God  as  that  was  : 
that  he  had  also  adorned  it  with  very 
valuable  donations:  on  which  account  he 
hoped  that  he  had  left  himself  a  memorial, 
and  procured  himself  a  reputation  after 
his  death.  He  then  cried  out,  that  these 
men  had  not  abstained  from  affronting 
him,  even  in  his  lifetime,  but  that,  in  the 
very  daytime,  and  in  the  sight  of  the 
multitude,  they  had  abused  him  to  that 
degree,  as  to  fall  upon  what  he  had  dedi- 
cated, and  in  that  way  of  abuse,  had  pulled 
it  down  to  the  ground.  They  pretended, 
indeed,  that  they  did  it  to  affront  him  ; 
but  if  any  one  consider  the  thing  truly, 
they  will  find  that  they  were  guilty  of 
sacrilege  against  God  therein. 

But  the  people,  on  account  of  Herod's 
barbarous  temper,  and  for  fear  he  should 
be  so  cruel  as  to  inflict  punishment  on 
them,  said,  what  was  done,  was  done  with- 
out approbation,  and  that  it  seemed  to 
Vol.  II.— 4 


them  that  the  actors  might  well  he  pu- 
nished for  what  they  had  done.  Hut  as 
for  Herod,  he  dealt  more  mildly  with 
others  [of  the  assembly]  ;  but  he  deprived 
Matthias  of  the  high-priesthood,  as  in  part 
an  occasion  of  this  action,  and  made  Joa- 
zer,  who  was  Matthias's  wife's  brother, 
high  priest  in  his  stead.  Now  it  happened, 
that  during  the  time  of  the  higb-priest- 
hood  of  this  Matthias,  there  was  another 
person  made  high  priest  for  a  single  day, 
that  very  day  which  the  Jews  observed  as 
a  fast.  The  occasion  was  this  : — This 
Matthias  the  high  priest,  on  the  night 
before  that  day  when  the  fast  was  to  be 
celebrated,  seemed,  in  a  dream,*  to  have 
conversation  with  his  wife ;  and  because 
he  could  not  officiate  himself  on  that  ac- 
count, Joseph,  the  son  of  Ellemus,  his 
kinsman,  assisted  him  in  that  sacred  office. 
But  Herod  deprived  this  Matthias  of  the 
high-priesthood,  and  burnt  the  other  Mat- 
thias, who  bad  raised  the  sedition,  with 
his  companions,  alive.  And  that  very 
night  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  moon.f 

But  now  Herod's  distemper  greatlv  in- 
creased upon  him  after  a  severe  manner, 
and  this  by  God's  judgment  upon  him 
for  his  sins :  for  a  fire  glowed  in  him 
slowly,  which  did  not  so  much  appear  to 
the  touch  outwardly,  as  it  augmented  his 
pains  inwardly;  for  it  brought  upon  him 
a  vehement  appetite  for  eating,  which  he 
could  not  avoid  to  supply  with  one  sort  of 
food  or  other.  His  intestines  were  also 
ulcerated,  and  the  chief  violence  of  his 
pain  lay  on  the  colon ;  an  aqueous  and 
transparent  liquor  had  likewise  settled 
itself  about  his  feet,  and  a  like  matter 
afflicted  him  at  the  bottom  of  his  belly. 
Nay,  further,  his  privy  member  was  putre- 
fied, and  produced  worms;  and  when  he 
sat  upright  he  had  a  difficulty  of  breath- 
ing, which  was  very  loathsome,  on  account 
of  the  stench  of  his  breath,  and  the 
quickness  of  its  returns;  he  had  also 
c  nvulsions  in  all  parts  of  his  body,  which 

:;:  This  fact,  that  one  Joseph  was  made  high 
priest  f'li-  a  single  day,  on  occasion  of  the  action 
here  specified,  that  befell  Matthias,  the  real  high 
priest,  in  his  sleep,  the  night  before  the  great  day 
of  expiation,  is  attested  to  both  in  the  Mishna  and 
Talmud,  as  Dr.  Hudson  here  informs  us. 

f  This  eclipse  of  the  moon  (which  is  the  only 
eclipse  of  either  of  the  luminaries  mentioned  by 
our  Josepbus  in  any  of  his  writings)  is  of  the  great- 
est consequence  for  the  determination  of  the  time 
for  the  death  of  Herod  and  Antrpater,  and  fur  the 
birth  and  entire  chronology  of  Jesus  Christ.  It 
happened  March  13th,  in  the  year  of  the  Julian 
period  4710,  and  the  fourth  year  before  the  Chris- 
tian era. 


50 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Cook  XVII. 


increased  Lis  stench  to  an  insufferable 
degree.  It  was  said  by  those  who  pre- 
tended to  divine,  and  who  were  endued 
with  wisdom  to  foretell  such  things,  that 
God  inflicted  this  punishment  on  the  king 
on  account  of  his  great  impiety;  yet  was 
he  still  in  hopes  of  recovering,  although 
his  afflictions  seemed  greater  than  any  one 
could  bear.  He  also  sent  for  physicians, 
and  did  not  refuse  to  follow  what  they 
prescribed  for  his  assistance;  and  went 
beyond  the  river  Jordan,  and  bathed  him- 
self in  warm  baths  that  were  at  Callirrhoe, 
which,  besides  their  other  general  virtues, 
were  also  fit  to  drink;  which  water  runs 
into  the  lake  called  Asphaltitis.  And 
when  the  physicians  once  thought  fit  to 
have  him  bathed  in  a  vessel  full  of  oil,  it 
was  supposed  that  he  was  just  dying  ;  but 
upon  the  lamentable  cries  of  his  domes- 
tics, he  revived;  and  having  no  longer  the 
least  hopes  of  recovering,  he  gave  order 
that  every  soldier  should  be  paid  fifty 
drachmas;  and  he  also  gave  a  great  deal 
to  their  commanders,  and  to  his  friends, 
and  came  again  to  Jericho,  where  he  grew 
so  choleric,  that  it  brought  him  to  do  all 
things  like  a  madman;  and,  though  he 
was  near  his  death,  he  contrived  the  fol- 
lowing wicked  designs.  He  commanded 
that  all  the  principal  men  of  the  entire 
Jewish  nation,  wheresoever  they  lived, 
should  be  called  to  him.  Accordingly, 
there  were  a  great  number  that  came,  be- 
cause the  whole  nation  was  called,  and  all 
men  heard  of  this  call,  and  death  was  the 
penalty  of  such  as  should  despise  the 
epistles  that  were  sent  to  call  them.  And 
now  the  king  was  in  a  wild  rage  against 
them  all,  the  innocent  as  well  as  those  that 
afforded  him  ground  for  accusations;  and 
when  they  had  come,  he  ordered  them  all 
to  be  shut  up  in  the  hippodrome,*  and 
sent  for  his  sister  Salome,  and  her  husband 
Alexas,  and  spake  thus  to  them  : — "  I  shall 
die  in  a  little  time,  so  great  are  my  pains; 
which  death  ought  to  be  cheerfully  borne, 
and  to  be  welcomed  by  all  men;  but  what 
principally  troubles  me  is  this,  that  I  shall 
die  without  being  lamented,  and  without 
such  mourning  as  men  usually  expect  at  a 
king's  death."  For  that  he  was  not  un- 
acquainted with  the  temper  of  the  Jews, 
that  his  death  would  be  a  thing  very  de- 
sirable, and  exceedingly  acceptable  to 
them;  because  during  his  lifetime  they 
were  ready  to    revolt   from   him,  and  to 


*  A  place  for  the  horse-races. 


abuse  the  donations  he  had  dedicated  to 
God :  "  that  it,  therefore,  was  their  business 
to  resolve  to  afford  him  some  alleviation  of 
his  great  sorrows  on  this  occasion;  for  that 
if  they  do  not  refuse  him  their  consent  in 
what  he  desires,  he  shall  have  a  great 
mourning  at  his  funeral,  and  such  as  never 
any  king  had  before  him;  for  then  the 
whole  nation  would  mourn  from  their  very 
soul,  which  otherwise  would  be  done  in 
sport  and  mockery  only.  He  desires, 
therefore,  that  as  soon  as  they  see  he  hath 
given  up  the  ghost,  they  shall  place  soldiers 
round  the  hippodrome,  while  they  do  not 
know  that  he  is  dead ;  and  that  they  shall 
not  declare  his  death  to  the  multitude  till 
this  is  done,  but  that  they  shall  give  orders 
to  have  those  that  are  in  custody  shot  with 
their  darts;  and  that  this  slaughter  of 
them  all  will  cause  that  he  shall  not  miss 
to  rejoice  on  a  double  account;  that  as  he 
is  dying,  they  will  make  him  secure  that 
his  will  shall  be  executed  in  what  he 
charges  them  to  do;  and  that  he  shall 
have  the  honour  of  a  memorable  mourning 
at  his  funeral."  So  he  deplored  his  con- 
dition, with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  obtested 
them  by  the  kindness  due  from  them,  as 
of  his  kindred,  and  by  the  faitli  they  owed 
to  God,  and  begged  of  them  that  they  would 
not  hinder  him  of  this  honourable  mourn- 
ing at  his  funeral.  So  they  promised  him 
not  to  transgress  his  commands. 

Now,  any  one  may  easily  discover  the  tem- 
per of  this  man's  mind,  which  not  only  took 
pleasure  in  doing  what  he  had  done  for- 
merly against  his  relations,  out  of  the  love 
of  life,  but  by  those  commands  of  his  which 
savoured  of  no  humanity;  since  he  took 
care,  when  he  was  departing  out  of  this 
life,  that  the  whole  nation  should  be  put 
into  mourning,  and,  indeed,  made  desolate 
of  their  dearest  kindred,  when  he  gave 
order  that  one  out  of  every  family  should 
be  slain,  although  they  had  done  nothing 
that  was  unjust  or  against  him,  nor  were 
they  accused  of  any  other  crimes;  while 
it  is  usual  for  those  who  have  any  regard 
to  virtue,  to  lay  aside  their  hatred  at  such 
a  time,  even  with  respect  to  those  they 
justly  esteemed  their  enemies. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Herod  contemplates  self-destruotion — orders  Anti- 
pater  to  be  slain. 

As  he  was  giving  these  commands  to  his 
relations,  there  came  letters  from  his  am- 
bassadors, who  had  been  sent  to  Home,  unto 


Chap.  VIII.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


51 


1! 


Crcsar,  which,  when  they  were  read,  their 
purport  was  this :  that  Acme  was  slain  by 
Caesar,  out  of  his  indignation  at  what  hand 
she  had  in  Antipater's  wicked  practices ; 
and  that,  as  to  Antipater  himself,  Ca;sar 
left  it  to  Herod  to  act  as  became  a  father 
and  a  king,  and  either  to  banish  him  or  to 
take  away  his  life,  which  he  pleased.  When 
Herod  heard  this,  he  was  somewhat  better, 
out  of  the  pleasure  he  had  from  the  con- 
tents of  the  letters,  and  was  elevated  at  the 
death  of  Acme,  and  at  the  power  that  was 
given  him  over  his  son;  but  as  his  pains 
had  become  very  great,  he  was  now  ready 
to  faint  for  want  of  something  to  eat;  so 
he  called  for  an  apple  and  a  knife;  for  it 
was  his  custom  formerly  to  pare  the  apple 
himself,  and  soon  afterward  to  cut  it,  and 
eat  it.  When  he  had  got  the  kuife,  he 
looked  about,  and  had  a  mind  to  stab  him- 
self with  it;  and  he  had  done  it,  had  not 
his  first  cousin,  Achiabus,  prevented  him, 
and  held  his  hand,  and  cried  out  loudly. 
Whereupon  a  woful  lamentation  echoed 
through  the  palace,  and  a  great  tumult 
was  made,  as  if  the  king  were  dead.  Upon 
which  Antipater,  who  verily  believed  his 
father  was  deceased,  grew  bold  in  his  dis- 
course, as  hoping  to  be  immediately  and 
entirely  released  from  his  bonds,  and  to 
take  the  kingdom  into  his  hands,  without 
any  more  ado :  so  he  discoursed  with  the 
jailer  about  letting  him  go,  and,  in  that 
case,  promised  him  great  things,  both  now 
and  hereafter,  as  if  that  were  the  only  thing 
now  in  question;  but  the  jailer  did  not 
only  refuse  to  do  what  Antipater  would  have 
him,  but  informed  the  king  of  his  inten- 
tions, and  how  many  solicitations  he  had 
had  from  him  [of  that  nature].  Hereupon 
Herod,  who  had  formerly  no  affection  nor 
good-will  toward  his  son  to  restrain  him, 
when  he  heard  what  the  jailer  said,  he 
cried  out,  and  beat  his  head,  although  he 
was  at  death's  door,  and  raised  himself 
upon  his  elbow,  and  sent  for  some  of  his 
guards,  and  commanded  them  to  kill  An- 
tipater without  any  further  delay,  and  to 
do  it  presently,  and  to  bury  him  in  an  ig- 
noble manner  at  Hyrcania. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Herod's  death — his  tesUinent — burial. 

And  now  Herod  altered  his  testament 

upon  the  alteration  of  his  mind;  for  he 

appointed  Antipas,  to  whom  he  had  before 

left  the  kingdom,  to  be  tetrarch  of  Ga- 

2M 


lilee  and  Berea,  and  granted  the  kingdom 
to  Archclaus.  He  also  gave  Gaulonitis, 
and  Trachonitis,  and  Paneas  to  Philip, 
who  was  his  son,  but  own  brother  to  Ar- 
chelaus,  by  the  name  of  a  tetrarchy;  and 
bequeathed  Jamnia,  and  Ashdodj  and 
Phasaelis,  to  Salome,  his  sister,  with 
500,000  [drachma;]  of  silver  that  wag 
coined.  He  also  made  provision  for  all 
the  rest  of  his  kindred,  by  giving  them 
sums  of  money  and  annual  revenues,  and 
so  left  them  all  in  a  wealthy  condition. 
He  bequeathed  also  to  Caasar  10,000,000 
[of  drachma;]  of  coined  money;  besides 
both  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  and  gar- 
ments  exceedingly  costly,  to  Julia,  Caesar's 
wife;  and  to  certain  others,  5,000,000. 
When  he  had  done  those  things,  he  died, 
the  fifth  day  after  he  had  caused  Antipater 
to  be  slain;  having  reigned,  since  he  had 
procured  Antigonus  to  be  slain,  thirty-four 
years;  but  since  he  had  been  declared  king 
by  the  Romans,  thirty-seven  years.  A  man 
he  was  of  great  barbarity  toward  all  men 
equally,  and  a  slave  to  his  passions;  but 
above  the  consideration  of  what  was  right; 
yet  was  he  favoured  by  fortune  as  much  as 
any  man  ever  was,  for,  from  a  private  man, 
he  became  a  king;  and  though  he  was  en- 
compassed with  ten  thousand  dangers,  he 
got  clear  of  them  all,  and  continued  his 
life  till  a  very  old  age;  but  then,  as  to  the 
affairs  of  his  family  and  children,  in  which, 
indeed,  according  to  his  own  opinion,  he. 
was  also  very  fortunate,  because  he  was 
able  to  conquer  his  enemies;  yet,  in  my 
opinion,  he  was  herein  very  unfortunate. 

But  then  Salome  and  Alexa^,  before  the 
king's  death  was  made  known,  dismissed 
those  that  were  shut  up  in  the  hippodrome, 
and  told  them  that  the  king  ordered  them 
to  go  away  to  their  own  lands,  and  take 
care  of  their  own  affairs,  which  was  esteem- 
ed by  the  nation  a  great  benefit;  and  now 
the  king's  death  was  made  public,  when 
Salome  and  Alexas  gathered  the  soldiery 
together  in  the  amphitheatre  at  Jericho; 
and  the  first  thing  they  did  was,  they  read 
Herod's  letter,  written  to  the  soldiery, 
thanking  them  for  their  fidelity  and  good- 
will to  him,  and  exorting  them  to  afford 
his  son  Archelaus,  whom  he  had  appointed 
for  their  king,  like  fidelity  and  good-will. 
After  which  Ptolemy,  who  had  the  king's 
seal  intrusted  to  him,  read  the  king's  tes- 
tament, which  was  to  be  of  force  no  other- 
wise than  as  it  should  stand  when  C;e>;ir 
had  inspected  it;  so  there  was  presently 
an  acclamation  made  to  Archelaus,  asking. 


52 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII 


and  the  soldiers  came  by  bands,  and  their 
commanders  with  them,  and  promised  the 
same  good-will  to  him,  and  readiness  to 
serve  him,  which  they  had  exhibited  to 
Herod ;  and  they  prayed  God  to  be  assist- 
ant to  him. 

After  this  was  over,  they  prepared  for 
his  funeral,  it  being  Archelaus's  care  that 
the  procession  to  his  father's  sepulchre 
should  be  very  sumptuous.  Accordingly, 
he  brought  out  all  his  ornaments  to  adorn 
the  pomp  of  the  funeral.  The  body  was 
carried  upon  a  golden  bier,  embroidered 
with  very  precious  stones  of  great  variety, 
and  it  was  covered  over  with  purple,  as 
well  as  the  body  itself;  he  had  a  diadem 
upon  his  head,  and  above  it  a  crown  of 
gold;  he  also  had  a  sceptre  in  his  right 
hand.  About  the  bier  were  his  sons,  and 
his  numerous  relations;  next  to  these  were 
the  soldiery,  distinguished  according  to  their 
several  countries  and  denominations ;  and 
they  were  put  in  the  following  order :  first 
of  all  went  his  guards;  then  the  band  of 
Thracians;  and  after  them  the  Germans; 
and  next,  the  band  of  Galatians,  every 
one  in  their  habiliments  of  war;  and  be- 
hind these  marched  the  whole  army  in 
the  same  manner  as  they  used  to  go  out  to 
war,  and  as  they  used  to  be  put  in  array 
by  their  muster-masters  and  centurions  : 
these  were  followed  by  five  hundred  of  his 
domestics,  carrying  spices.  So  they  went 
eight  furlongs,*  to  Herodium;  for  there, 
by  his  own  command,  he  was  to  be  buried; 
— and  thus  did  Herod  end  his  life. 

Now  Archelaus  paid  him  so  much  re- 
spect as  to  continue  his  mourning  till  the 
seventh  day;  for  so  many  days  are  ap- 
pointed for  it  by  the  law  of  our  fathers; 
and  when  he  had  given  a  treat  to  the 
multitude,  and  left  off  his  mourning,  he 
went  up  into  the  temple;  he  had  also  ac- 
clamations and  praises  given  him,  which 
way  soever  he  went,  every  one  striving 
with  the  rest  who  should  appear  to  use 
the  loudest  acclamations.  So  he  ascended 
a  high  elevation  made  for  him,  and  took 
his  seat  on  a  throne  made  of  gold,  and 
spake  kindly  to  the  multitude,  and  de- 
clared with  what  joy  he  received  their 
acclamations,  and  the  marks  of  the  good- 
will they  showed  to  him  :  and  returned 
them  thanks  that  they  did  not  remember 

*  At  eitcht  stadia  (or  furlongs)  a  day,  as  here, 
Herod's  funeral,  conducted  to  Herodium.  (which  lay 
at  the  distance  from  Jericho,  where  he  died,  of  200 
stadia,  or  furlongs,)  must  have  taken  up  no  less  than 
twenty-five  days. 


the  injuries  his  father  had  done  them,  to 
his  disadvantage ;  and  promised  them  he 
would  endeavour  not  to  be  behindhand 
with  them  in  rewarding  their  alacrity  in 
his  service,  after  a  suitable  manner;  but 
that  he  should  abstain  at  present  from  the 
name  of  king;  and  that  he  should  have 
the  honour  of  that  dignity,  if  Caesar 
should  confirm  and  settle  that  testament 
which  his  father  had  made;  and  that  it 
was  on  this  account,  that  when  the  army 
would  have  put  the  diadem  on  him  at 
Jericho,  he  would  not  accept  of  that  ho- 
nour, which  is  so  usually  so  much  desired, 
because  it  was  not  yet  evident  that  he 
who  was  to  be  principally  concerned  in 
bestowing  it  would  give  it  him;  although, 
by  his  acceptance  of  the  government,  he 
should  not  want  the  ability  of  rewarding 
their  kindness  to  him;  and  that  it  should 
be  his  endeavour,  as  to  all  things  wherein 
they  were  concerned,  to  prove  in  every 
respect  better  than  his  father.  Where- 
upon the  multitude,  as  it  is  usual  with 
them,  supposed  that  the  first  days  of  those 
that  enter  upon  such  governments,  declare 
the  intentions  of  those  that  accept  them ; 
and  so,  by  how  much  Archelaus  spake  the 
more  gently  and  civilly  to  them,  by  so 
much  did  they  more  highly  commend  him, 
and  made  application  to  him  for  the  grant 
of  what  they  desired.  Some  made  a  cla- 
mour that  he  would  ease  them  of  some  of 
their  annual  payments ;  but  others  desired 
him  to  release  those  that  were  put  into 
prison  by  Herod,  who  were  many,  and 
had  been  put  there  at  several  times ; 
others  of  them  required  that  he  would 
take  away  those  taxes  which  had  been 
severely  laid  upon  what  was  publicly  sold 
and  bought.  So  Archelaus  contradicted 
them  in  nothing,  since  he  pretended  to  do 
all  things  so  as  to  get  the  good-will  of  the 
multitude  to  him,  as  looking  upon  that 
good-will  to  be  a  great  step  toward  his 
preservation  of  the  government.  Here- 
upon he  went  and  offered  sacrifice  to  God, 
and  then  betook  himself  to  feast  with  his 
friends. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The  people  raise  a  sedition  against  Archelaus,  who 
sails  to  Home. 

At  this  time  also  it  was,  that  some  of 
the  Jews  got  together,  out  of  a  desire  of 
innovation.  They  lamented  Matthias,  and 
those  that  were  slain  with  him  by  Herod, 
who  had  not  any  respect  paid  them  by  a 


Chap.  IX.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


funeral  mourning,  out  of  the  fear  men 
were  in  of  that  man;  tliey  were  those  who 
had  been  condemned  for  pulling  down  the 
gulden  eagle.  The  people  made  a  great 
clamour  and  lamentation  hereupon,  and 
cast  out  some  reproaches  against  the  ting 
also,  as  if  that  tended  to  alleviate  the 
miseries  of  the  deceased.  The  people  as- 
sembled together,  and  desired  of  Arche- 
laus  that,  in  way  of  revenge  on  their 
account,  he  would  inflict  punishment  on 
those  who  had  been  honoured  by  Herod; 
and  that,  in  the  first  and  principal  place, 
he  would  deprive  that  high-priest  whom 
Herod  had  made,  and  would  choose  one 
more  agreeable  to  the  law,  and  of  greater 
purity,  to  officiate  as  high-priest.  This 
was  granted  by  Archelaus,  although  he 
was  mightily  offended  at  their  importunity,  j 
because  he  proposed  to  himself  to  go  to 
Rome  immediately,  to  look  after  Caesar's 
determination  about  him.  However,  he 
sent  the  general  of  his  forces  to  use  per- 
suasions, and  to  tell  them  that  the  death 
which  was  inflicted  on  their  friends,  was 
according  to  the  law ;  and  to  represent  to 
them,  that  their  petitions  about  these 
things  were  carried  to  a  great  height  of 
injury  to  him  ;  that  the  time  was  not  now 
proper  for  such  petitions,  but  required 
their  unanimity  until  such  time  as  he 
should  be  established  in  the  government 
by  the  consent  of  Ca?sar,  and  should  then 
be  come  back  to  them ;  for  that  he  would 
then  consult  with  them  in  common  con- 
cerning the  purport  of  their  petitions; 
but  that  the}7  ought  at  present  to  be  quiet, 
lest  they  should  seem  seditious  persons. 

So  when  the  king  had  suggested  these 
things,  and  instructed  his  general  in  what 
he  was  to  say,  he  sent  him  away  to  the 
people;  but  they  made  a  clamour,  and 
would  not  give  him  leave  to  speak,  and  put 
him  in  danger  of  his  life,  and  as  many  more 
as  were  desirous  to  venture  upon  saying 
openly  any  thing  which  might  reduce  them 
to  a  sober  mind,  and  prevent  their  going 
on  in  their  present  courses,  because  they 
had  more  concern  to  have  all  their  own 
wills  performed  than  to  yield  obedience  to 
their  governors;  thinkiug  it  to  be  a  thing 
insufferable  that,  while  Herod  was  alive, 
they  should  lose  those  that  were  the  most 
dear  to  them,  and  that  when  he  was  dead 
they  could  not  get  the  actors  to  be  pu- 
nished. So  they  went  on  with  their  de- 
signs after  a  violent  manner,  and  thought 
all  to  be  lawful  and  right  which  tended  to 
please  them,  and  being  unskilful  in  fore- 


seeing what  dangers  they  incurred ;  and 
when  they  had  suspicion  of  such  a  thing, 
yet  did  the  present  pleasure  they  took  in 
the  punishment  of  those  they  deemed 
their  enemies  overweigh  all  such  consi- 
derations j  and  although  Archelaus  sent 
many  to  speak  to  them,  yet  they  treated 
them  not  as  messengers  sent  by  him,  but 
as  persons  that  came  of  their  own  accord 
to  mitigate  their  anger,  and  would  not  let 
one  of  them  speak.  The  sedition,  also, 
was  made  by  such  as  were  in  a  great  pas- 
sion ;  and  it  was  evident  that  they  were 
proceeding  further  in  seditious  practices,  by 
the  multitude  running  so  fast  upon  them. 

Now,  upon  the  approach  of  that  feast 
of  unleavened  bread,  which  the  law  of 
their  fathers  had  appointed  for  the  Jews 
at  this  time,  which  feast  is  called  the 
Passover,*  and  is  a  memorial  of  their  de- 
liverance out  of  Egypt,  (when  they  offer 
sacrifices  with  great  alacrity;  and  when 
they  are  required  to  slay  more  sacrifices 
in  number  than  at  any  other  festival;  and 
when  an  innumerable  multitude  came 
thither  out  of  the  country,  nay,  from 
beyond  its  limits  also,  in  order  to  worship 
God,)  the  seditious  lamented  Judas  and 
Matthias,  those  teachers  of  the  law,  and 
kept  together  in  the  temple,  and  had 
plenty  of  food,  because  these  seditious 
persons  were  not  ashamed  to  beg  it.  And 
as  Archelaus  was  afraid  lest  some  terrible 
thing  should  spring  up  by  meaus  of  these 
men's  madness,  he  sent  a  regiment  of 
armed  men,  and  jvith  them  a  captain  of  a 
thousand,  to  suppress  the  violent  efforts 
of  the  seditious,  before  the  whole  multi- 
tude should  be  infected  with  the  like 
madness;  and  gave  them  this  charge,  that 
if  they  found  any  much  more  openly 
seditious  than  others,  and  more  busy  in 
tumultuous  practices,  they  should  bring 
them  to  him.  But  those  that  were  sedi- 
tious on  account  of  those  teachers  of  the 
law,  irritated  the  people  by  the  noise  and 
clamour  they  used  to  encourage  the  people 
in  their  designs ;  so  they  made  an  assault 
upon  the  soldiers,  and  came  up  to  them, 
and  stoned  the  greatest  part  of  them,  al- 
though some  of  them  ran  away  wounded, 
and  their  captain  among  them;  and  when 
they  had  thus  done,  they  returned  to  the 
sacrifices  which  were  already  in  their 
hands.     Now,    Archelaus    thought    there 

*  This  passover,  when  the  sedition  here  men- 
tinned  was  moved  against  Archelaus,  was  not  one. 
but  thirteen  months,  alter  the  eclirse  of  the  muun 
already  mentioned. 


51 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII 


■was  no  way  to  preserve  the  entire  go- 
vernment, but  by  cutting  off  those  who 
made  this  attempt  upon  it;  so  he  sent  out 
the  whole  army  upon  them  ;  and  sent  the 
horsemen  to  prevent  those  that  had  their 
tents  without  the  temple,  from  assisting 
those  that  were  within  the  temple,  and  to 
kill  such  as  ran  away  from  the  footmen 
when  they  thought  themselves  out  of  dan- 
ger ;  which  horsemen  slew  8000  men, 
while  the  rest  went  to  the  neighbouring 
mountains.  Then  did  Archelaus  order 
proclamation  to  be  made  to  them  all,  that 
they  should  retire  to  their  own  homes ;  so 
they  went  away,  and  left  the  festival,  out 
of  fear  of  somewhat  worse  which  would 
follow,  although  they  had  been  so  bold  by 
reason  of  their  want  of  instruction.  So 
Archelaus  went  down  to  the  sea  with  his 
mother,  and  took  with  him  Nicolaus  and 
Ptolemy,  and  many  others  of  his  friends, 
and  left  Philip,  his  brother,  as  governor  of 
all  things  belonging  both  to  his  own  family 
and  to  the  public.  There  went  out  also  with 
him  Salome,  Herod's  sister,  who  took  with 
her  her  children,  and  many  of  her  kindred 
were  with  her;  which  kindred  of  hers  went, 
as  they  pretended,  to  assist  Archelaus  in 
gaining  the  kingdom,  but  in  reality  to 
oppose  him,  and  chiefly  to  make  loud  com- 
plaints of  what  he  had  done  in  the  temple. 
But  Sabinus,  Caesar's  steward  for  Syrian 
affairs,  as  he  was  making  haste  into  Judea, 
to  preserve  Herod's  effects,  met  with  Ar- 
chelaus at  Caesarea;  but  Varus  (presi- 
dent of  Syria)  came  at  that  time,  and 
restrained  him  from  meddling  with  them, 
for  he  was  there  as  sent  for  by  Archelaus, 
by  the  means  of  Ptolemy.  And  Sabinus, 
out  of  regard  to  Varus,  did  neither  seize 
upon  any  of  the  castles  that  were  among 
the  Jews,  nor  did  he  seal  up  the  treasures 
in  them,  but  permitted  Archelaus  to  have 
them,  until  Caesar  should  declare  his  reso- 
lution about  them;  so  that,  upon  this  his 
promise,  he  tarried  still  at  Caesarea.  But 
after  Archelaus  had  sailed  for  Borne,  and 
Varus  had  removed  to  Antioch,  Sabinus 
went  to  Jerusalem,  and  seized  on  the 
king's  palace.  He  also  sent  for  the  keep- 
ers of  the  garrisons,  and  for  all  those  that 
had  the  charge  of  Herod's  effects,  and 
declared  publicly  that  he  should  require 
them  to  give  an  account  of  what  they  had; 
and  he  disposed  of  the  castles  in  the  man- 
ner he  pleased  :  but  those  who  kept  them 
did  not  neglect  what  Archelaus  had  given 
them  in  command,  but  continued  to  keep 
all  tilings  in  the  manner  that  had  been 


enjoined  them;    and  their  pretence  was, 
that  they  kept  them  all  for  Caesar. 

At  the  same  time  also,  did  Antipas, 
another  of  Herod's  sons,  sail  to  Borne,  in 
order  to  gain  the  government;  being 
buoyed  up  by  Salome  with  promises  that 
he  should  take  that  government;  and  that 
he  was  a  much  more  honest  and  more  fit 
man  than  Archelaus  for  that  authority, 
since  Herod  had,  in  his  former  testament, 
deemed  him  the  worthiest  to  be  made 
king ;  wdiich  ought  to  be  esteemed  more 
valid  than  his  latter  testament.  Antipas 
also  brought  with  him  his  mother,  and 
Ptolemy,  the  brother  of  Nicolaus,  one  that 
had  been  Herod's  most  honoured  friend, 
and  was  now  zealous  for  Antipas ;  but  it 
was  Ireneus  the  orator,  and  one  who,  on 
account  of  his  reputation  for  sagacity,  was 
iutrusted  with  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom, 
who  most  of  all  encouraged  him  to  at- 
tempt to  gain  the  kingdom;  by  whose 
means  it  was  that,  when  some  advised  him 
to  yield  to  Archelaus,  as  to  his  elder  bro- 
ther, and  who  had  been  declared  king  by 
their  father's  last  will,  he  would  not  sub- 
mit so  to  do.  And  when  he  had  come  to 
Borne,  all  his  relations  revolted  to  him  ; 
not  out  of  their  good-will  to  him,  but  out 
of  their  hatred  to  Archelaus ;  though,  in- 
deed, they  were  most  of  all  desirous  of  gain- 
ing their  liberty,  and  to  be  put  under  a  Bo- 
man  governor;  but  if  there  were  too  great 
an  opposition  made  to  that,  they  thought 
Antipas  preferable  to  Archelaus,  and  so 
joined  with  him,  in  order  to  procure  the 
kingdom  for  him.  Sabinus  also,  by  let- 
ters, accused  Archelaus  to'  Caesar. 

Now  when  Archelaus  had  sent  in  his 
papers  to  Caesar,  wherein  he  pleaded  his 
right  to  the  kingdom  and  his  father's  tes- 
tament, with  the  accounts  of  Herod's 
money,  and  with  Ptolemy,  who  brought 
Herod's  seal,  he  so  expected  the  event; 
but  when  Caesar  had  read  these  papers, 
and  Varus's  and  Sabinus's  letters,  with 
the  accounts  of  the  money,  and  what  were 
the  annual  incomes  of  the  kingdom,  and 
understood  that  Antipas  had  also  sent 
letters  to  lay  claim  to  the  kingdom,  he 
summoned  his  friends  together,  to  know 
their  opinions,  and  with  them  Caius,  the 
son  of  Agrippa,  and  of  Julia  his  daugh- 
ter, whom  he  had  adopted,  and  took  him, 
and  made  him  sit  first  of  all,  and  desired 
such  as  pleased  to  speak  their  minds 
about  the  affairs  now  before  them.  Now 
Antipater,  Salome's  son,  a  very  subtle 
orator,  and    bitter   enemy    to  Archelaus, 


Chap  IX.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


55 


spake  first  to  this  purpose :  that,  it  was 
ridiculous  in  Arehelaus  to  plead  now  to 
have  the  kingdom  given  him,  since  he 
had,  in  reality,  taken  already  the  power 
over  it  to  himself,  hefore  Caesar  had  grant- 
ed it  to  him ;  and  appealed  to  those  bold 
actions  of  his,  in  destroying  so  many  at 
the  Jewish  festival;  and,  if  the  men  had 
acted  unjustly,  it  was  but  fit  the  punish- 
ing of  them  should  be  reserved  to  those 
that  were  out  of  the  country,  but  had  the 
power  to  punish  them,  and  not  been  exe- 
cuted by  a  man  that,  if  he  pretended  to  be 
a  king,  he  did  an  injury  to  Cassar,  by 
usurping  that  authority  before  it  was  de- 
termined for  him  by  Caesar;  but,  if  he 
owned  himself  to  be  a  private  person,  his 
case  was  much  worse,  since  he  who  was 
putting  in  for  the  kingdom,  could  by  no 
means  expect  to  have  that  power  granted 
him  of  which  he  had  already  deprived 
Caesar  [by  taking  it  to  himself].  He  also 
touched  sharply  upon  him,  and  appealed 
to  his  changing  the  commanders  in  the 
army,  and  his  sitting  in  the  royal  throne 
beforehand,  and  his  determination  of  law- 
suits; all  done  as  if  he  were  no  other 
than  a  king.  He  appealed  also  to  his 
concessions  to  those  that  petitioned  him 
on  a  public  account,  and,  indeed,  doing 
such  things,  than  which  he  could  devise 
no  greater  if  he  had  been  already  settled 
in  the  kingdom  by  Cassar.  He  also  as- 
cribed to  him  the  releasing  of  the  prison- 
ers that  were  in  the  hippodrome,  and 
many  other  things,  that  either  had  been 
certainly  done  by  him,  or  were  believed  to 
be  done,  and  easily  might  be  believed  to 
have  been  done,  because  they  were  of  such 
a  nature  as  to  be  usually  done  by  young 
men,  and  by  such  as,  out  of  a  desire  of 
ruling,  seize  upon  the  government  too 
soon.  He  also  charged  him  with  his 
neglect  of  the  funeral  mourning  for  his 
father,  and  with  having  merry  meetings 
the  very  night  in  which  he  died;  and 
that  it  was  thence  the  multitude  took  the 
handle  of  raising  a  tumult;  and  if  Arehe- 
laus could  thus  recpuite  his  dead  father, 
who  had  bestowed  such  great  benefits 
upon  him,  and  bequeathed  such  great 
things  to  him,  by  pretending  to  weep  for 
him  in  the  daytime,  like  an  actor  on  the 
stage,  but  every  night  making  mirth  for 
having  gotten  the  government,  he  would 
appear  to  be  the  same  Arehelaus  with  re- 
gard to  Cajsar,  if  he  granted  him  the 
kingdom,  which  he  had  been  to  his  father; 
since  he  had  then  dancing  and  singing,  as 


though  an  enemy  of  his  were  fallen,  and 
not  as  though  a  man  were  carried  to  his 
funeral  that  was  so  nearly  related,  and 
had  been  so  great  a  benefactor  to  him. 
But  he  said  that  the  greatest  crime  of  all 
was  this,  that  he  came  now  before  Caesar 
to  obtain  the  government  by  his  grant, 
while  he  had  before  acted  in  all  things  as 
he  could  have  acted  if  Caesar  himself,  who 
ruled  all,  had  fixed  him  firmly  iu  the 
government.  And  what  he  most  aggra- 
vated in  his  pleading,  was  the  slaughter 
of  those  about  the  temple,  and  the  impiety 
of  it,  as  done  at  the  festival ;  and  how 
they  were  slain  like  sacrifices  themselves, 
some  of  whom  were  foreigners,  and  others 
of  their  own  country,  till  the  temple  was 
full  of  dead  bodies:  and  all  this  was  done, 
not  by  an  alien,  but  by  one  who  pre- 
tended to  the  lawful  title  of  a  king,  that 
he  might  complete  the  wicked  tyranny 
which  his  nature  prompted  him  to,  and 
which  is  hated  by  all  men.  On  which 
account,  his  father  never  so  much  as 
dreamed  of  making  him  his  successor  in 
the  kingdom,  when  he  was  of  a  sound 
mind,  because  he  knew  his  disposition  ; 
and,  in  his  former  and  more  authentic 
testament,  he  appointed  his  antagonist 
Antipas  to  succeed;  but  that  Arehelaus 
was  called  by  his  father  to  that  dignity, 
when  he  was  in  a  dying  condition,  both 
of  body  and  mind;  while  Antipas  was 
called  when  he  was  ripest  in  judgment, 
and  of  such  strength  of  body  as  made  him 
capable  of  managing  his  own  affairs  :  and 
if  his  father  had  the  like  notion  of  him 
formerly  that  he  had  now  shown,  yet  hath 
he  given  a  sufficient  specimen  what  a  king 
he  is  likely  to  be  when  he  hath  [in  effect] 
deprived  Caesar  of  that  power  of  disposing 
of  the  kingdom,  which  he  justly  hath,  and 
hath  not  abstained  from  making  a  terrible 
slaughter  of  his  fellow-citizens  in  the  tem- 
ple, while  he  was  but  a  private  person. 

So  when  Antipater  had  made  this 
speech,  and  had  confirmed  what  he  had 
said  by  producing  many  witnesses  from 
among  Archelaus's  own  relations,  he  made 
an  end  of  his  pleading.  Upon  which 
Nicolaus  arose  up  to  plead  for  Arehelaus, 
and  said,  "  That  what  had  been  done  at 
the  temple  was  rather  to  be  attributed  to 
the  mind  of  those  that  had  been  killed, 
than  to  the  authority  of  Arehelaus;  for 
that  those  who  were  the  authors  of  such 
things,  are  not  only  wicked  in  the  injuries 
they  do  of  themselves,  but  in  forcing 
sober  persons  to  avenge  themselves  upon 


50 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS 


[Book  XY11 


them.     Now,  it  is  evident  that  what  these 
did  in  way  of  opposition  was  done   under 
pretence,  indeed  against  Archelaus,  but  in 
reality    against  Caesar   himself,   for    they, 
after   au  injurious  wanner,  attacked  and 
slew  those  who  were  sent  by  Archelaus, 
and  who  came  only  to  put  a  stop  to  their 
doings.     They   had  no  regard,   either  to 
God  or  to  the  festival,  whom   Antipater 
yet  is  not  ashamed  to  patronize,  whether 
it  be  out  of  his  indulgence  of  an  enmity 
to  Archelaus,  or  out  of  his  hatred  of  virtue 
and  justice.      For  as  to  those  who  begin 
such  tumults,  and  first  set  about  such  un- 
righteous actions,  they  are  the  men  who 
force  those   that   punish   them   to  betake 
themselves    to    arms   even    against    their 
will.     So  that  Antipater  in  effect  ascribes 
the  rest  of  what  was  done  to  all  those  who 
were  of  counsel  to  the  accusers;  for  nothing 
which  is  here  accused  of  injustice  has  been 
done,  but  what  was  derived  from  them  as 
its  authors:  nor  are  those  things  evil  in 
themselves,  but   so  represented  only,   in 
oider  to  do  harm  to  Archelaus.      Such  is 
these  wen's- inclination  to  do  an  injury  to 
a    man    that    is    of   their    kindred,    their 
father's    benefactor,     and     familiarly    ac- 
quainted with  them,  and  that  hath  ever 
lived  in  friendship  with  them;  for  that, 
as  to  this   testament,  it  was   made  by  the 
king  when  he  was  of  a  sound  mind,  and 
so  ought  to  be  of  more  authority  than  his 
former  testament;  and  that  for  this  reason, 
because  Caesar  is  therein  left  to  be  judge 
and  disposer  of  all  therein  contained;  and 
for  Caesar,  he  will  not,  to  be  sure,  at  all 
imitate  the   unjust    proceedings  of   those 
men,  who,  during  Herod's  whole  life,  had 
on  all  occasions   been  joint  partakers  of 
power  with    him,  and   yet,  do  zealously 
endeavour    to    injure    his    determination, 
while   they  have  not  themselves  had  the 
same    regard    to    their    kinsman     [which 
Archelaus    had].     Caesar  will  not  there- 
fore   disannul    the    testament    of   a   man 
whom  he  had  entirely  supported,  of  his 
friend   and   confederate,  and  that  which  is 
committed   to  him  in   trust  to  ratify;  nor 
will    Caesar's    virtuous   and    upright    dis- 
position, which  is  known  and  uncontested 
through   all  the  habitable  world,   imitate 
the  wickedness  of  these  men  iu  condemn- 
ing a  king  as  a  madman,  and  as  having 
lost  his  reason,  while  he  hath  bequeathed 
the  succession  to  a  good  son  of  his,  and  to 
one  who   flies  to  Caesar's   upright  deter- 
mination for  refuge.     Nor  cau  Herod  at 
auy  time  have  been  nristaken  in  his  judg- 


ment about  a  successor,  while  he  showed 
so  much  prudence  as  to  submit  all  to 
Caesar's  determination. 

Now  when  Nicolaus  had  laid  these 
things  before  Ciosar,  he  ended  his  plea; 
whereupon  Caesar  was  so  obliging  to 
Archelaus,  that  he  raised  him  up  when 
he  had  cast  himself  down  at  his  feet,  and 
said,  that  he  well  deserved  the  kingdom  : 
and  he  soon  let  them  know  that  he  was  so 
far  moved  in  his  favour,  that  be  would 
not  act  otherwise  than  his  father's  testa- 
ment directed,  and  that  was  for  the  ad- 
vantage of  Archelaus.  However,  while 
he  gave  this  encouragement  to  Archelaus 
to  depend  on  him  securely,  he  made  no 
full  determination  about  him;  and,  when 
the  assembly  was  broken  up,  he  con- 
sidered by  himself  whether  he  should  con- 
firm the  kingdom  to  Archelaus,  or  whether 
he  should  part  it  among  all  Herod's  pos- 
terity; and  this  because  they  all  stood  in 
need  of  much  assistance  to  support  them. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Sedition  of  tho  Jews  against  Sabinus. 
But  before  these  things  could  be 
brought  to  a  settlement,  Malthace,  Arche- 
laus's  mother,  fell  into  a  distemper,  and 
died  of  it;  and  letters  came  from  Varus, 
the  president  of  Syria,  which  informed 
Caesar  of  the  revolt  of  the  Jews ;  for  after 
Archelaus  was  sailed,  the  whole  nation 
was  in  a  tumult.  So  Varus,  since  he  was 
there  himself,  brought  the  authors  of  the 
disturbance  to  punishment ;  and  when  he 
had  restrained  them  for  the  most  part 
from  this  sedition,  which  was  a  great  one, 
he  took  his  journey  to  Antioch,  leaving 
one  legion  of  his  army  at  Jerusalem  to 
keep  the  Jews  quiet,  who  were  now  very 
fond  of  innovation.  Yet  did  not  this  at 
all  avail  to  put  an  end  to  that  their  sedi- 
tion, for,  after  Varus  was  gone  away, 
Sabinus,  Caesar's  procurator,  stayed  behind, 
and  greatly  distressed  the  Jews,  relying 
on  the  forces  that  were  left  there,  that 
they  would  by  their  multitude  protect 
him  ;  for  he  made  use  of  them,  and  armed 
them  as  his  guards,  thereby  so  oppressing 
the  Jews,  and  giving  them  so  great  dis- 
turbance, that  at  length  they  rebelled; 
for  he  used  force  in  seizing  the  citadels, 
and  zealously  pressed  on  the  search  after 
the  king's  money,  iu  order  to  seize  upon 
it  by  force,  on  accouut  of  his  love  of  gain 
and  his  extraordinary  covetousness. 

But    on    the    approach    of    Pentecost, 


Chap.  X.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


57 


which  is  a  festival  of  ours,  so  called  from 
the  days  of  our  forefathers,  a  great  many 
ten  thousands  of  men  got  together ;  nor 
did  they  come  only  to  celebrate  the  fes- 
tival, but  out  of  their  indignation  at  the 
madness  of  Sabinus,  and  at  the  injuries  he 
offered  them.  A  great  number  there  was 
of  Galileans,  and  Idumeans,  and  many 
men  from  Jericho,  and  others  who  had 
passed  over  the  river  Jordan,  and  in- 
habited those  parts.  This  wliole  multi- 
tude joined  themselves  to  all  the  rest,  and 
were  more  zealous  than  the  others  in 
making  an  assault  on  Sabinus,  in  order  to 
be  avenged  on  him ;  so  they  parted  them- 
selves into  three  bands,  and  encamped 
themselves  into  the  places  following: — 
some  of  them  seized  on  the  hippodrome ; 
and  of  the  other  two  bands,  one  pitched 
themselves  from  the  northern  part  of  the 
temple  to  the  southern,  on  the  east 
quarter;  but  the  third  band  held  the 
western  part  of  the  city,  where  the  king's 
palace  was.  Their  work  tended  entirely 
to  besiege  the  llomans,  and  to  enclose 
them  on  all  sides.  Now  Sabinus  was 
afraid  of  the  number  of  men,  and  of 
their  resolution,  who  had  little  regard  to 
their  lives,  but  were  very  desirous  not  to 
be  overcome,  while  they  thought  it  a  point 
of  puissance  to  overcome  their  enemies; 
so  he  sent  immediately  a  letter  to  Varus, 
and,  as  he  used  to  do,  was  very  pressing 
with  him,  and  entreated  him  to  come 
quickly  to  his  assistance;  because  the 
forces  he  had  left  were  in  imminent  dan- 
ger, and  would  probably,  in  no  long  time, 
be  seized  upon,  and  cut  to  pieces;  while 
he  did  himself  get  up  to  the  highest  tower 
of  the  fortress  Rhasaelus,  which  had  been 
built  in  honour  of  Phasuelus,  Herod's 
brother,  and  called  so  when  the  Parthians 
had  brought  him  to  his  death.  So  Sabi- 
nus gave  thence  a  signal  to  the  Romans 
to  fall  upon  the  Jews,  although  he  did 
not  himself  venture  so  much  as  to  come 
down  to  his  friends,  and  thought  he  might 
expect  that  the  others  should  expose  them- 
selves first  to  die  on  account  of  his  avarice. 
However,  the  llomans  ventured  to  make 
a  sally  out  of  the  place,  and  a  terrible 
battle  ensued;  wherein,  though  it  is  true 
the  llomans  beat  their  adversaries,  yet 
were  not  the  Jews  daunted  in  their  reso- 
lutions, even  when  they  had  the  sight  of 
that  terrible  slaughter  that  was  made  of 
them  :  but  they  went  round  about,  and 
got  upon  those  cloisters  which  encom- 
passed  the   outer  court   of    the   temple, 


where  a  great  fight  was  still  continued, 
and  thoycast  stones  at  the  llomans,  partly 
with  their  hands,  and  partly  with 
as  being  much  used  to  those  exercises. 
All  the  archers  also  in  array  did  the 
Romans  a  great  deal  of  mischief,  because 
they  used  their  hands  dexterously  from  a 
place  superior  to  the  others,  and  because 
the  others  were  at  an  utter  loss  what  to 
do;  for  when  they  tried  to  shoot  their 
arrows  against  the  Jews  upward,  these 
arrows  could  not  reach  them,  insomuch 
that  the  Jews  were  easily  too  hard  fir 
their  enemies.  And  this  sort  of  fight 
lasted  a  great  while,  till  at  last  the 
Romans,  who  were  greatly  distressed  by 
what  was  done,  set  fire  to  the  cloisters  so 
privately,  that  those  who  were  gotten 
upon  them  did  not  perceive  it.  This 
fire,  bciug  fed  by  a  great  deal  of  com- 
bustible matter,  caught  hold  immediately 
on  the  roof  of  the  cloisters ;  so  the  wood, 
which  was  full  of  pitch  and  wax,  and 
whose  gold  was  laid  on  it  with  wax, 
yielded  to  the  flame  presently,  and  those 
vast  works,  which  were  of  the  highest 
value  and  esteem,  were  destroyed  utterly, 
while  those  that  were  on  the  roof  unex- 
pectedly perished  at  the  same  time ;  for 
as  the  roof  tumbled  down,  some  of  these 
men  tumbled  down  with  it,  and  others  of 
them  were  killed  by  their  enemies  who 
encompassed  them.  There  was  a  great 
number  more,  who  out  of  despair  of  saving 
their  lives,  and  out  of  astonishment  at  the 
misery  that  surrounded  them,  did  either 
cast  themselves  into  the  fire,  or  threw 
themselves  upon  their  own  swords,  and  so 
got  out  of  their  misery.  But  as  to  those 
that  retired  behind  the  same  way  by 
which  they  ascended,  and  thereby  escaped, 
they  were  all  killed  by  the  Romans,  as 
being  unarmed  men,  and  their  courage 
failing  them  ;  their  wild  fury  being  now 
not  able  to  help  them,  because  the}'  were 
destitute  of  armour,  insomuch  that  of 
those  that  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  roof, 
not  one  escaped.  The  Romans  also 
rushed  through  the  fire,  where  it  gave 
them  room  so  to  do,  and  seized  on  that 
treasure  where  the  sacred  money  was  de- 
posited ;  a  great  part  of  which  was  stolen 
by  the  soldiers;  aud  Sabinus  got  opeuly 
400  talents. 

But  this  calamity  of  the  Jews'  friends, 
who  fell  in  this  battle,  grieved  them,  as 
did  also  this  plundering  of  the  money 
dedicated  to  God  in  the  temple.  Accord- 
ingly, that  body  of  them  which  continued 


58 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS 


[Book  XVII. 


best  together,  and  was  the  most  warlike, 
encompassed  the  palace,  and  threatened 
to  set  fire  to  it,  and  kill  all  that  were  in 
it.  Yet  still  they  commanded  them  to 
go  out  presently,  and  promised  that  if 
they  would  do  so,  they  would  not  hurt 
them,  nor  Sabinus  neither;  at  which  time 
the  greatest  part  of  the  king's  troops  de- 
serted to  them,  while  Rufus  and  Gratus, 
who  had  3000  of  the  most  warlike  of 
Herod's  army  with  them,  who  were  men 
of  active  bodies,  went  over  to  the  Romans. 
There  was  also  a  band  of  horsemen  under 
the  command  of  Rufus,  which  itself  went 
over  to  the  Romans  also.  However,  the 
Jews  went  on  with  the  siege,  and  dug 
mines  under  the  palace  walls,  and  be- 
sought those  that  were  gone  over  to  the 
other  side,  not  to  be  their  hinderance, 
now  they  had  such  a  proper  opportunity 
for  the  recovery  of  their  country's  ancient 
liberty:  and  for  Sabinus,  truly  he  was 
desirous  of  going  away  with  his  soldiers, 
but  was  not  able  to  trust  himself  with  the 
enemy,  on  account  of  what  mischief  he 
had  already  done  them ;  and  he  took  this 
great  [pretended]  lenity  of  theirs  for  an 
argument  why  he  should  not  comply 
with  them ;  and  so,  because  he  expected 
that  Varus  was  coming,  he  still  bore  the 
siege. 

Now,  at  this  time  there  were  ten  thou- 
sand other  disorders  in  Judea,  which  were 
like  tumults,  because  a  great  number  put 
themselves  into  a  warlike  posture,  either 
out  of  hopes  of  gain  to  themselves,  or  out 
of  enmity  to  the  Jews.  In  particular, 
2000  of  Herod's  old  soldiers,  who  had 
been  already  disbanded,  got  together  in 
Judea  itself,  and  fought  against  the  king's 
troops,  although  Achiabus,  Herod's  first 
cousin,  opposed  them ;  but  as  he  was 
driven  out  of  the  plains  into  the  moun- 
tainous parts  by  the  military  skill  of 
those  men,  he  kept  himself  in  the  fast- 
nesses that  were  there,  and  saved  what  he 
could. 

There  was  also  Judas,  the  son  of  that 
Ezekias  who  had  been  head  of  the  robbers; 
which  Ezekias  was  a  very  strong  man,  and 
had  with  great  difficulty  been  caught  by 
Herod.  This  Judas,  having  gotten  to- 
gether a  multitude  of  men  of  a  profligate 
character  about  Sepphoris  in  Galilee, 
made  an  assault  upon  the  palace  [there], 
and  seized  upon  all  the  weapons  that  were 
laid  up  in  it,  and  with  them  armed  every 
one  of  those  that  were  with  him,  and  car- 
ried away  what  money  was  left  there;  and 


he  became  terrible  to  all  men,  by  tearing 
and  rending  those  that  came  ne;ir  him  ; 
and  all  this  in  order  to  raise  himself,  and 
out  of  an  ambitious  desire  of  the  royal 
dignity;  and  he  hoped  to  obtain  that  as 
the  reward,  not  of  his  virtuous  skill  in 
war,  but  of  his  extravagance  in  doing  in- 
juries. 

There  was  also  Simon,  who  had  been  a 
slave  to  Herod  the  king,  but  in  other  re- 
spects a  comely  person,  of  a  tall  and  robust 
body;  he  was  one  that  was  much  superior 
to  others  of  his  order,  and  had  had  great 
things  committed  to  his  care.  This  man 
was  elevated  at  the  disorderly  state  of 
things,  and  was  so  bold  as  to  put  a  diadem 
on  his  head,  while  a  certain  number  of 
the  people  stood  by  him,  and  by  them  he 
was  declared  to  be  a  king,  and  thought 
himself  more  worthy  of  that  dignity  than 
any  one  else.  He  burnt  down  the  royal 
palace  at  Jericho,  and  plundered  what  was 
left  in  it.  He  also  set  fire  to  many  others 
of  the  king's  houses  in  several  places  of 
the  country,  and  utterly  destroyed  them, 
and  permitted  those  that  were  with  him 
to  take  what  was  left  in  them  for  a  prey ; 
and  he  would  have'  done  greater  things, 
unless  care  had  been  taken  to  repress  him 
immediately ;  for  Gratus,  when  he  had 
joined  himself  to  some  Roman  soldiers, 
took  the  forces  he  had  with  him,  and  met 
Simon,  and  after  a  great  and  a  long  fight, 
no  small  part  of  those  that  came  from 
Perea,  who  were  a  disordered  body  of  men, 
and  fought  rather  in  a  bold  than  in  a  skil- 
ful manner,  were  destroyed;  and  although 
Simon  had  saved  himself  by  flying  away 
through  a  certain  valley,  yet  Gratus  over- 
took him,  and  cut  off  his  head.  The  royal 
palace  also,  at  Amathus,  by  the  river 
Jordan,  was  burnt  down  by  a  party  of 
men  that  were  got  together,  as  were  those 
belonging  to  Simou.  And  thus  did  a 
great  and  wild  fury  spread  itself  over  the 
nation,  because  they  had  no  king  to  keep 
the  multitude  in  good  order;  and  because 
those  foreigners,  who  came  to  reduce  the 
seditious  to  sobriety,  did,  on  the  contrary, 
set  them  more  in  a  flame,  because  of  the 
injuries  they  offered  them,  and  the  avari- 
cious management  of  their  affairs. 

Rut  because  Athronges,  a  person  neither 
eminent  by  the  dignity  of  progenitors,  nor 
for  any  great  wealth  he  was  possessed  of, 
but  one  that  had  in  all  respects  been  a 
shepherd  only,  and  was  not  known  l>y  any- 
body; yet,  because  he  was  a  tall  man,  and 
excelled    others    in    the    strength    of   his 


Chap.  XI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


59 


hands,  he  was  so  bold  as  to  set  up  for 
king.  This  man  thought  it  so  sweet  a 
thing  to  do  more  than  ordinary  injuries 
to  others,  that  although  he  should  be 
killed,  he  did  not  much  care  if  he  lost  his 
life  in  so  great  a  design.  He  had  also 
four  brethren,  who  were  tall  men  them- 
selves, and  were  believed  to  be  superior 
to  others  in  the  strength  of  their  hands, 
and  thereby  were  encouraged  to  aim  at 
great  things,  and  thought  that  strength 
of  theirs  would  support  them  in  retaining 
the  kingdom.  Each  of  these  ruled  over 
a  band  of  men  of  their  own ;  for  those 
that  got  together  to  them  were  very  nu- 
merous. They  were  every  one  of  them 
also  commanders;  but,  when  they  came 
to  fight,  they  were  subordinate  to  him, 
and  fought  for  him,  while  he  put  a  diadem 
about  his  head,  and  assembled  a  council  to 
debate  about  what  things  should  be  done ; 
and  all  things  were  done  according  to  his 
pleasure.  And  this  man  retained  his 
power  a  great  while;  he  was  also  called 
king,  and  had  nothing  to  hinder  him  from 
doing  what  he  pleased.  He  also,  as  well 
as  his  brethren,  slew  a  great  many,  both 
of  his  Romans  and  of  the  king's  forces, 
and  managed  matters  with  the  like  hatred 
to  each  of  them.  The  king's  forces  they 
fell  upon,  because  of  the  licentious  con- 
duct they  had  been  allowed  under  Herod's 
government;  and  they  fell  upon  the  Ro- 
mans, because  of  the  injuries  they  had  so 
lately  received  from  them.  But  in  pro- 
cess of  time,  they  grew  more  cruel  to  all 
sorts  of  men ;  nor  could  any  one  escape 
from  one  or  other  of  these  seditions,  since 
they  slew  some  out  of  the  hopes  of  gain, 
and  others  from  a  mere  custom  of  slaying 
men.  They  once  attacked  a  company  of 
Romans  at  Emmaus,  who  were  bringing 
corn  and  weapons  to  the  army,  and  fell 
upon  Arius,  the  centurion,  who  command- 
ed the  company,  and  shot  forty  of  the  best 
of  his  foot-soldiers;  but  the  rest  of  them 
were  affrighted  at  their  slaughter,  and  left 
their  dead  behind  them,  but  saved  them- 
selves by  the  means  of  Gratus,  who  came 
with  the  king's  troops  that  were  about 
him  to  their  assistance.  Now  these  four 
brethren  continued  the  war  a  long  while 
by  such  sort  of  expeditions,  and  much 
grieved  the  Romans,  (but  did  their  own 
nation  also  a  great  deal  of  mischief;)  yet 
were  they  afterward  subdued ;  one  of 
them  in  a  fight  with  Gratus,  another  with 
Ptolemy ;  Archelaus  also  took  the  eldest 
of  them  prisoner;  while  the  last  of  them 


was  so  dejected  at  the  others'  n.isfortune, 
and  saw  so  plainly  that  he  had  no  way  now 
left  to  save  himself,  his  army  being  worn 
away  with  sickness  and  continual  hibours, 
that  he  also  delivered  himself  up  to  Arche- 
laus, upon  his  promise  and  oath  to  God  to 
[preserve  his  life.]  But  these  things  came 
to  pass  a  good  while  afterward. 

And  now  Judea  was  full  of  robberies ; 
and,  as  the  several  companies  of  the  sedi- 
tious lighted  upon  any  one  to  head  them, 
he  was  created  a  king  immediately,  in 
order  to  do  mischief  to  the  public.  They 
were  in  some  small  measure  iudeed,  and 
in  small  matters,  hurtful  to  the  Romans, 
but  the  murders  they  committed  upon 
their  own  people  lasted  a  long  while. 

As  soon  as  Varus  was  once  informed 
of  the  state  of  Judea,  by  Sabinus's  writ- 
ing to  him,  he  was  afraid  for  the  legion 
he  had  left  there ;  so  he  took  the  two 
other  legions  (for  there  were  three  legions 
in  all  belonging  to  Syria)  and  four  troops 
of  horsemen,  with  the  several  auxiliary 
forces  which  either  the  kings  or  certain 
of  the  tetrarchs  afforded  him,  and  made 
what  haste  he  could  to  assist  those  that 
were  then  besieged  in  Judea.  He  also 
gave  order,  that  all  that  were  sent  out  for 
this  expedition  should  make  haste  to 
Ptolemais.  The  citizens  of  Berytus  also 
gave  him  1500  auxiliaries,  as  he  passed 
through  their  city.  Aretas  also,  the  king 
of  Arabia  Petrea,  out  of  his  hatred  to 
Herod,  and  in  order  to  purchase  the  fa- 
vour of  the  Romans,  sent  him  no  small 
assistance,  besides  their  footmen  and 
horsemen  :  and,  when  he  had  now  col- 
lected all  his  forces  together,  he  committed 
part  of  them  to  his  son,  and  to  a  friend 
of  his,  and  sent  them  upon  an  expedition 
into  Galilee,  which  lies  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Ptolemais ;  who  made  an  attack 
upon  the  enemy,  and  put  them  to  flight, 
and  took  Sepphoris  and  made  its  inhabit- 
ants slaves,  and  burnt  the  city.  But 
Varus  himself  pursued  his  march  to  Sa- 
maria with  his  whole  army:  yet  did  not 
he  meddle  with  the  city  of  that  name,  be- 
cause it  had  not  at  all  joined  with  the  sedi- 
tious, but  pitched  his  camp  at  a  certain 
village  that  belonged  to  Ptolemy,  whose 
name  was  Arus,  which  the  Arabians  burnt, 
out  of  their  hatred  to  Herod,  and  out  of 
the  enmity  they  bore  to  his  friends; 
whence  they  marched  to  another  village, 
whose  name  was  Sampho,  which  the  Ara- 
bians plundered  and  burnt,  although  it 
was  a  fortified  and  strong  place ;  and  all 


60 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII 


along  this  march  nothing  escaped  them, 
but  all  places  were  full  of  fire  and  slaugh- 
ter. Emmnus  was  also  burnt  by  Varus's 
order,  after  its  inhabitants  had  deserted 
it,  that  he  might  avenge  those  that  had 
there  been  destroyed.  From  thence  he 
now  marched  to  Jerusalem  :  whereupon 
those  Jews  whose  camp  lay  there,  and 
who  had  besieged  the  Roman  legion,  not 
bearing  the  coming  of  this  army,  left  the 
siege  imperfect :  but  as  to  the  Jerusalem 
Jews,  when  Varus  reproached  them  bit- 
terly for  what  had  been  done,  they  cleared 
themselves  of  the  accusation  ;  and  alleged 
that  the  conflux  of  the  people  was  occa- 
sioned by  the  feast;  that  the  war  was  not 
made  with  their  approbation,  but  by  the 
rashness  of  the  strangers;  while  they 
were  on  the  side  of  the  Romans,  and  be- 
sieged together  with  them,  rather  than 
having  any  inclination  to  besiege  them. 
There  also  came  beforehand  to  meet  Varus, 
Joseph,  the  cousin  german  of  King  Herod, 
as  also  Gratus  and  Rufus,  who  brought 
their  soldiers  along  with  them,  together 
with  those  Romans  who  had  been  be- 
sieged :  but  Sabinus  did  not  come  into 
Varus's  presence,  but  stole  out  of  the  city 
privately,  and  went  to  the  seaside. 

Upon  this,  Varus  sent  a  part  of  his 
army  into  the  country,  to  seek  out  those 
that  had  been  the  authors  of  the  revolt; 
and  when  they  were  discovered,  he  pu- 
nished some  of  them  that  were  most  guilty, 
and  some  he  dismissed;  now  the  number 
of  those  that  were  crucified  on  this  ac- 
count were  2000  :  after  which  he  disband- 
ed his  army,  which  he  found  nowise  useful 
to  him  in  the  affairs  he  came  about;  for 
they  behaved  themselves  very  disorderly, 
and  disobeyed  his  orders,  and  what  Varus 
desired  them  to  do  :  and  this  out  of  regard 
to  that  gain  which  they  made  by  the  mis- 
chief they  did.  As  for  himself,  when  he 
was  informed  that  10,000  Jews  had  got- 
ten together,  he  made  haste  to  catch  them; 
but  they  did  not  proceed  so  far  as  to  fight 
him,  but,  by  the  advice  of  Achiabus,  they 
came  together,  and  delivered  themselves 
up  to  him  :  hereupon  Varus  forgave  the 
crime  of  revolting  to  the  multitude,  but 
sent  their  several  commanders  to  Caesar, 
many  of  whom  Caesar  dismissed ;  but 
for  the  several  relations  of  Herod  who 
had  been  among  these  men  in  this  war, 
they  were  the  only  persons  whom  he 
punished,  who,  without  the  least  regard 
to  justice,  fought  against  their  own  kin- 
dred. 


CHAPTER  XT. 


An  Embassage  of  the  Jews  to  Cresar  —  Csesar  con- 
firms Herod's  testament. 

So  when  Varus  had  settled  these  affairs, 
and  had  placed  the  former  legion  at  Jeru- 
salem, he  returned  back  to  Antioch ;  but 
as  for  Archelaus,  he  had  new  sources  of 
trouble  come  upon  him  at  Rome,  on  the 
occasions  following  : — For  an  embassage 
of  the  Jews  was  come  to  Rome,  Varus 
having  permitted  the  nation  to  send  it, 
that  they  might  petition  for  the  liberty  of 
living  by  their  own  laws.  Now,  the  num- 
ber of  the  ambassadors  that  were  sent  by 
the  authority  of  the  nation  were  fifty,  to 
which  they  joined  above  8000  of  the  Jews 
that  were  at  Rome  already.  Hereupon 
Caesar  assembled  his  friends,  and  the  chief 
men  among  the  Romans,  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo,  which  he  had  built  at  a  vast  charge ; 
whither  the  ambassadors  came,  and  a  mul- 
titude of  the  Jews  that  were  there  already 
came  with  them,  as  did  also  Archelaus 
and  his  friends ;  but  as  for  the  several 
kinsmen  which  Archelaus  had,  they  would 
not  join  themselves  with  him,  out  of  their 
hatred  to  him;  and  yet  they  thought  it 
too  gross  a  thing  for  them  to  assist  the 
ambassadors  [against  him],  as  supposing 
it  would  be  a  disgrace  to  them  in  Caesar's 
opinion  to  think  of  thus  acting  in  oppo- 
sition to  a  man  of  their  own  kindred : 
Philip*  also  was  come  hither  out  of  Syria, 
by  the  persuasion  of  Varus,  with  this 
principal  intention  to  assist  his  brother 
[Archelaus] ;  for  Varus  was  his  great 
friend  :  but  still  so,  that  if  there  should 
any  change  happen  in  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, (which  Varus  suspected  there  would,) 
and  if  any  distribution  should  be  made  on 
account  of  the  number  that  desired  the 
liberty  of  living  by  their  own  laws,  that 
he  might  not  be  disappointed,  but  might 
have  his  share  in  it. 

Now,  upon  the  liberty  that  was  given  to 
the  Jewish  ambassadors  to  speak,  they  who 
hoped  to  obtain  a  dissolution  of  kingly 
government,  betook  themselves  to  accuse 
Herod  of  his  iniquities;  and  they  declared 
that  he  was  indeed  in  name  a  king,  but 
that  he  had  taken  to  himself  that  uncon- 
trollable authority  which  tyrants  exercise 
over  their  subjects,  and  had  made  use  of 
that  authority  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Jews,  and  did  not  abstain  from  making 
many  innovations    among    them    besides. 


*  He  was  tetrarch  afterward 


Chap.  XL] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


Gl 


1 


according  to  his   own   inclinations;    and 
that  whereas  there  were  a  great  many  who 
perished  by  that  destruction  he  brought 
upon  them,  so  many  indeed  as  no  other 
history  relates,  they   that    survived  were 
far  more  miserable  than    those  that   suf- 
fered under  him,  not  only  by  the  anxiety 
they  were  in  from  his  looks  and  disposition 
toward  them,  but  from  the  danger  then- 
estates  were  in  of  being  taken  away  by  him. 
That  he  did  never  leave  off  adorning  these 
cities  that  lay  in  their  neighbourhood,  but 
were  inhabited  by  foreigners;  but  so  that 
the  cities  belonging  to  his  own  government 
were  ruined,  and  utterly  destroyed:  that 
whereas,   when  he  took  the  kingdom,   it 
was  in  an  extraordinary  flourishing  condi- 
tion, he  had  filled  the  nation  with  the  ut- 
most degree  of  poverty;  and  when,  upon 
unjust  pretences,  he  had  slain  any  of  the 
nobility,  he  took  away  their  estates :  and 
when  he  permitted  any  of  them  to  live,  he 
condemned  them  to  the  forfeiture  of  what 
they  possessed.     And,  besides  the  annual 
impositions  which  he  laid  upon  every  one 
of  them,  they  were  to  make  liberal  presents 
to  himself,  to  his  domestics  and  friends,  and 
to  such  of  his  slaves  as  were  vouchsafed  the 
favour  of  being  his  tax-gatherers;  because 
there  was  no  way  of  obtaining  a  freedom 
from  unjust  violence,  without  giving  either 
gold  or  silver  for  it.    That  they  would  say 
nothing  of   the  corruption  of  the  chastity 
of  then-  virgins,  and  the  reproach  laid  on 
their  wives  for   ineontinency,  and    those 
things  acted  after  an  insolent  and  inhuman 
manner;    because   it   was  not   a    smaller 
pleasure   to    the    sufferers    to   have    such 
things  concealed,  than  it  would  have  been 
not  to  have  suffered  them.     That  Herod 
had  put  such  abuses  upon  them  as  a  wild 
beast  would  not  have  put  on  them,  if  he 
had  power  given  him  to  rule  over  us :  and 
that   although    their   nation    had    passed 
through  many  subversions  and  alterations 
of  government,  their  history  gave  no  ac- 
couut  of  any  calamity  they  had  ever  been 
under,  that  could  be  compared  with  this 
which    Herod    had    brought    upon    their 
nation  ;  that  it  was  for  this  reason  that  they 
thought  they  might  justly  and  gladly  salute 
Archelaus  as  kiug,  upon  this  supposition, 
that  whosoever  should  be  set  oyer  their 
kingdom,  he  would  appear  more  mild  to 
them  than  Herod  had  been;  and  that  they 
had  joined  with  him  in  the  mourning  for 
his  father,  in  order  to  gratify  him,   and 
were  ready  to  oblige  him  in  other  points 
also,  if  they  could  meet  with  any  degree 


of   moderation    from    him;    but    that    he 
seemed  to  be  afraid  lest  he  should  not  be 
deemed  Herod's  own  son;  and  so,  without 
any  delay,  he  immediately  let  the  nation 
understand  his  meaning,  and  this  before 
his  dominion  was  well  established,  since 
the  power  of  disposing  of  it  belonged  to 
Csesar,  who  could  either  give  it  to  him  or 
not  as  he  pleased.     That  he  had  given  a 
specimen  of  his  future  virtue  to  his  sub- 
jects, and  with  what  kind   of  moderation 
and  good  administration  he  would  govern 
them,  by  that  his  first  action  which  con- 
cerned them,  his  own  citizens,  and  God 
himself  also,  when  he  made  the  slaughter 
of  3000  of  his  own   countrymen   at  the 
temple.     How,  then,  could  they  avoid  the 
just  hatred  of  him,  who,  to  the  rest  of  his 
barbarity,  hath  added  this  as  one  of  our 
crimes,  that  we  have  opposed  and  contra- 
dicted him  in  the  exercise  of  his  autho- 
rity?    Now,  the  main  thing  they  desired 
was  this:  that  they   might  be   delivered 
from   kingly  and  other  forms  of  govern- 
ment, and  might  be  added  to  Syria,  and 
be  put  under  the  authority  of  such  presi- 
dents of  theirs  as  should  be  sent  to  them; 
for  that  it  would  thereby  be  made  evident, 
whether  they  be  really  a  seditious  people, 
and   generally    fond    of    innovations,    or 
whether   they    would  live  in  an   orderly 
manner,  if  they  might  have  governors  of 
any  sort  of  moderation  set  over  them. 

Now  when  the  Jews  had  said  this,  Ni- 
colaus  vindicated  the  kings  from  those  ac- 
cusations, and  said,  that  as  for  Herod,  since 
he  had  never  been   thus  accused  all  the 
time  of  his  life,  it  was  not  fit  for  those  that 
might  have  accused  him  of  lesser  crimes 
than    those   now   mentioned,    and    might 
have  procured  him  to  be  punished  during 
his  lifetime,  to  bring  an  accusation  against 
him  now  he  is  dead.     He  also  attributed 
the  actions  of  Archelaus  to  the  Jews'  in- 
juries  to  him,  who,   affecting  to   govern 
contrary  to  the  laws,  and  going  about  to 
kill  those  that  would  have  hindered  them 
from  acting  unjustly,  wheu  they  were  by 
him  punished  for   what   they    had  done, 
made  their  complaints  against  him;  so  he 
accused  them  of  their  attempts  for  inno- 
vation, and  of  the  pleasure  they  took  in 
sedition,  by  reason  of   their   not  having 
learned  to   submit  to  justice   and   to   the 
laws,  but  still  desiriug  to  be  superior  in 
all    things.     This  was  the  substance   ot 
what  Nicolaus  said. 

When  Caesar  had  heard  these  pleadings, 
he  dissolved  the  assembly;  but  a  few  days 


62 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVII 


afterward  he  appointed  Archelaus,  not  in- 
deed to  be  the  king  of  the  whole  country, 
but  ethnarch  of  one-half  of  that  which  had 
been  subject  to  Herod,  and  promised  to  give 
him  the  royal  dignity  hereafter,  if  he  go- 
verned his  part  virtuously.  But  as  for  the 
other  half,  he  divided  it  into  two  parts,  and 
gave  it  to  two  other  of  Herod's  sons,  to 
Philip  and  to  Antipas;  that  Antipas  who 
disputed  with  Arehelausfor  the  whole  king- 
dom. Now,  to  him  it  was  that  Perea  and 
Galilee  paid  their  tribute,  which  amounted 
annually  to  two  hundred  talents,*  while  Ba- 
tanea  with  Trachonitis,  as  well  as  Auraui- 
tis,  with  a  certain  part  of  what  was  called 
the  House  of  Zenodorus,  paid  the  tribute 
of  one  hundred  talents  to  Philip;  but 
Idumea,  and  Judea,  and  the  country  of 
Samaria,  paid  tribute  to  Archelaus,  but 
had  now  a  fourth  part  of  that  tribute  taken 
off  by  the  order  of  Caesar,  who  decreed 
them  that  mitigation,  because  they  did  not 
join  in  this  revolt  with  the  rest  of  the 
multitude.  There  were  also  certain  of  the 
cities  which  paid  tribute  to  Archelaus : — 
Strato's  Tower  and  Sebaste,  with  Joppa 
and  Jerusalem  ;  for  as  to  Gaza,  Gadara, 
and  Hippos,  they  were  Grecian  cities, 
which  Caesar  separated  from  his  govern- 
ment, and  added  them  to  the  province  of 
Syria.  Now  the  tribute-money  that  came 
to  Archelaus  every  year  from  his  own  do- 
minions amounted  to  six  hundred  talents. 
And  so  much  came  to  Herod's  sons 
from  their  father's  inheritance;  but  Sa- 
lome, besides  what  her  brother  left  her 
by  his  testament,  which  were  Jamnia, 
Ashdod,    and    Phasaelis,    and     500,000 


*  Josephus  here  informs  us  that  Archelaus  had 
one-half  of  the  kingdom  of  Herod,  and  presently 
informs  us  further,  that  Archelaus's  annual  income, 
after  an  abatement  of  one-quarter  for  the  present, 
was  six  hundred  talents:  we  may  therefore  gather 
pretty  nearly  Herod's  yearly  income — about  1600 
talents,  which  at  the  known  value  of  3000  shekels 
to  a  talent,  and  about  2s.  l()d.  to  a  shekel,  amounts 
to  £680,000  sterling  per  annum;  which  income, 
though  great  in  itself,  bearing  no  proportion  to  his 
vast  expenses  everywhere  visible  in  Josephus,  and 
to  the  vast  sums  he  left  behind  him  in  his  will,  the 
rest  must  have  risen  either  from  his  confiscation  of 
those  great  men's  estates  whom  he  put  to  death,  or 
made  to  pay  fine  for  the  saving  of  their  lives,  or  from 
some  other  heavy  method  of  oppression  which  such 
savage  tyrants  usually  exercise  upon  their  misera- 
ble subjects;  or  rather  from  these  several  methods 
put  together,  all  which  yet  seem  very  much  too 
small  for  his  expenses,  being  drawn  from  no  larger 
nation  than  that  of  the  Jews,  which  was  very  popu- 
lous, but  without  the  advantage  of  trade  to  bring 
them  riches  :  leaving  room  to  suspect  that  no  small 
part  of  this  wealth  arose  from  another  source  ;  pro- 
bably from  the  vast  sums  he  took  out  of  David's 
lepulchre,  but  concealed  from  the  people. 


[drachmae]  of  coined  silver,  Caesar  made 
her  a  present  of  a  royal  habitation  at  As- 
kelon :  in  all,  her  revenues  amounted  to 
sixty  talents  by  the  year,  and  her  dwell- 
ing house  was  within  Archelaus's  govern- 
ment. The  rest  also  of  the  king's  relations 
received  what  his  testament  allotted  them. 
Moreover,  Caosar  made  a  present  to  each 
of  Herod's  two  virgin  daughters,  besides 
what  their  father  left  them,  of  250,000 
[drachmae]  of  silver,  and  married  them  to 
Pheroras's  sons:  he  also  granted  all  that 
was  bequeathed  to  himself  to  the  king's 
sons,  which  was  1500  talents,  excepting  a 
few  of  the  vessels,  which  he  reserved  for 
himself;  and  they  were  acceptable  to  him, 
not  so  much  for  the  great  value  they  were 
of,  as  because  they  were  memorials  of  the 
king  to  him. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Concerning  a  spurious  Alexander. 

When  these  affairs  had  been  thus  settled 
by  Caesar,  a  certain  young  man,  by  birth 
a  Jew,  but  brought  up  by  a  Roman  freed- 
man  in  the  city  of  Sidon,  ingrafted  him- 
self into  the  kingdom  of  Herod,  by  the 
resemblance  of  his  countenance,  which 
those  that  saw  him  attested  to  be  that  of 
Alexander,  the  son  of  Herod,  whom  he 
had  slain ;  and  this  was  an  incitement  to 
him  to  endeavour  to  obtain  the  govern- 
ment; so  he  took  to  him  as  an  assistant 
a  man  of  his  own  country,  (one  that  was 
well  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  the 
palace,  but,  on  other  accounts,  an  ill  man, 
and  one  whose  nature  made  him  capable  of 
causing  great  disturbances  to  the  public, 
and  one  that  became  a  teacher  of  such  a 
mischievous  contrivance  to  the  other,)  and 
declared  himself  to  be  Alexander,  and  the 
son  of  Herod,  but  stolen  away  by  one  of 
those  that  were  sent  to  slay  him,  who,  in 
reality,  slew  other  men,  in  order  to  de- 
ceive the  spectators,  but  saved  both  him 
and  his  brother  Aristobulus.  Thus  was 
this  man  elated,  and  able  to  impose  on 
those  that  came  to  him  ;  and  when  he  had 
come  to  Crete,  he  made  all  the  Jews  that 
came  to  discourse  with  him  believe  him  to 
be  [Alexander].  And  when  he  had  gotten 
much  money  which  had  been  presented  to 
him  there,  he  passed  over  to  Melos,  where 
he  got  much  more  money  than  he  had 
before,  out  of  the  belief  they  had  that  he 
was  of  the  royal  family,  and  their  hopes 
that  he  would  recover  his  father's  princi- 
pality, and  reward  his  benefactors;    so  he 


Chap.  XIII. ] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


63 


made  haste  to  Rome,  and  was  conducted 
thither  by  those  strangers  who  entertained 
him.  He  was  also  so  fortunate  as,  upon 
his  landing  at  Picearchia,  to  bring  the 
Jews  that  were  there  into  the  same  delu- 
sion; and  not  only  other  people,  but  also 
all  those  who  had  been  great  with  Herod, 
or  had  a  kindness  for  him,  joined  them- 
selves to  this  man  as  to  their  king.  The 
cause  of  it  was  this,  that  men  were  glad 
of  his  pretences,  which  were  seconded  by 
the  likeness  of  his  countenance,  which 
made  those  that  had  been  acquainted  with 
Alexander  strongly  to  believe  that  he  was 
no  other  but  the  very  same  person,  which 
they  also  confirmed  to  others  by  oath ;  in- 
somuch that  when  the  report  went  about 
him  that  he  was  coming  to  Rome,  the 
whole  multitude  of  the  Jews  that  were 
there  went  out  to  meet  him,  ascribing  it 
to  Divine  Providence  that  he  had  so  un- 
expectedly escaped,  and  being  very  joyful 
on  account  of  his  mother's  family.  And 
when  he  was  come,  he  was  carried  in  a 
royal  litter  through  the  streets ;  and  all 
the  ornaments  about  him  were  such  as 
kings  are  adorned  withal ;  and  this  was 
at  the  expense  of  those  that  entertained 
him.  The  multitude  also  flocked  about 
him  greatly,  and  made  mighty  acclama- 
tions to  him,  and  nothing  was  omitted 
which  could  be  thought  suitable  to  such 
as  had  been  so  unexpectedly  preserved. 

When  this  thing  was  told  Ctesar,  he 
did  not  believe  it,  because  Herod  was  not 
easily  to  be  imposed  upon  in  such  affairs 
as  were  of  great  concern  to  him ;  yet, 
having  some  suspicion  it  might  be  so,  he 
sent  one  Celadus,  a  freedman  of  his,  and 
one  that  had  conversed  with  the  young 
men  themselves,  and  bade  him  bring  Alex- 
ander into  his  presence :  so  he  brought 
him,  being  no  more  accurate  in  judgment 
about  him  than  the  rest  of  the  multitude. 
Yet  did  not  he  deceive  Caesar;  for  al- 
though there  was  a  resemblance  between 
him  and  Alexander,  yet  it  was  not  so 
exact  as  to  impose  on  such  as  were  pru- 
dent in  discerning  j  for  this  spurious  Alex- 
ander had  his  hands  rough,  by  the  labours 
he  had  been  put  to ;  and  instead  of  that 
softness  of  body  which  the  other  had,  and 
this  as  derived  from  his  delicate  and  ge- 
nerous education,  this  man,  for  the  con- 
trary reason,  had  a  rugged  body.  When, 
therefore,  Caesar  saw  how  the  master  aud 
the  scholar  agreed  in  this  lying  story,  and 
in  a  bold  way  of  talking,  lie  inquired 
about  Aristobulus,  and  asked  what  became 


of  him,  who  (it  seems)  was  stolen  awaji 
together  with  him,  and  for  what  reason  it 
was  that  he  did  not  come  along  with  him, 
and  endeavour  to  recover  that  dominion 
which  was  due  to  his  high  birth  also. 
And  when  he  said  that  he  had  been  left 
in  the  Isle  of  Crete,  for  fear  of  the  dangers 
of  the  sea,  that,  in  case  any  accident  should 
come  to  himself,  the  posterity  of  Mariamne 
might  not  utterly  perish,  but  that  Aristo- 
bulus might  survive,  and  punish  those 
that  laid  such  treacherous  designs  against 
them ;  and  when  he  persevered  in  his 
affirmations,  and  the  author  of  the  impos- 
ture agreed  in  supporting  it,  Caesar  took 
the  young  man  by  himself,  and  said  to 
him,  "If  thou  wilt  not  impose  upon  me, 
thou  shalt  have  this  for  thy  reward,  that 
thou  shalt  escape  with  thy  life  ;  tell  me, 
then,  who  thou  art,  and  who  it  was  that 
had  boldness  enough  to  contrive  such  a 
cheat  as  this.  For  this  contrivance  is  too 
considerable  a  piece  of  villany  to  be  under- 
taken by  one  of  thy  age."  Accordingly, 
because  he  had  no  other  way  to  take,  he 
told  Coesar  the  contrivance,  and  after  what 
manner,  and  by  whom,  it  was  laid  toge- 
ther. So  Ctesar,  upon  observing  the 
spurious  Alexander  to  be  a  strong,  active 
man,  and  fit  to  work  with  his  hands,  that 
he  might  not  break  his  promise  to  him, 
put  him  among  those  that  were  to  row 
among  the  mariners,  but  slew  him  that 
induced  him  to  do  what  he  had  done;  for 
as  for  the  people  of  Melos,  he  thought 
them  sufficiently  punished,  in  having 
thrown  away  so  much  of  their  money 
upon  this  spurious  Alexander.  And  such 
was  the  ignominious  conclusion  of  this 
bold  contrivance  about  the  spurious  Alex- 
ander. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Archelaus,  upon  a  second  accusation,  banished  to 
Vienna. 

When  Archelaus  had  entered  on  his 
ethnarchy;  and  had  come  into  Judea,  he 
accused  Joazar,  the  son  of  Boethus,  of  as- 
sisting the  seditious,  and  took  away  the 
high-priesthood  from  him,  and  put  Pleazar 
his  brother  in  his  place.  He  also  magnifi- 
cently rebuilt  the  royal  palace  that  had 
been  at  Jericho,  and  he  diverted  half  the 
water  with  which  the  village  of  Neara  used 
to  be  watered,  and  drew  oft'  that  water 
into  the  plain,  to  water  those  palm-trees 
which  he  had  there  planted  :  he  also  Im'lt 


04 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS.        [Book  XVII.  Chap.  XIII. 


a  village,  anrl  put  his  own  name  upon  it, 
and  called  it  Archelais.  Moreover,  he 
transgressed  the  law  of  our  fathers,  and 
married  Glaphyra,  the  daughter  of  Arche- 
laus, who  had  been  the  wife  of  his  brother 
Alexander,  which  Alexander  had  three 
children  by  her,*  while  it  was  a  thing 
detestable  among  the  Jews  to  marry  the 
brother's  wife.  Nor  did  this  Eleazar 
abide  long  in  the  high-priesthood,  Jesus, 
the  sou  of  Sie,  being  put  in  his  room 
while  he  was  still  living. 

But  m  the  tenth  year  of  Archelaus's 
government,  both  his  brethren  and  the 
principal  men  of  Judea  and  Samaria,  not 
being  able  to  bear  his  barbarous  and  ty- 
rannical usage  of  them,  accused  him  be- 
fore Caesar,  and  that  especially  because 
they  knew  he  had  broken  the  commands 
of  Caesar,  which  obliged  him  to  behave 
himself  with  moderation  among  them. 
Whereupon  Caesar,  when  he  heard  it,  was 
very  angry,  and  called  for  Archelaus's 
steward,  who  took  care  of  his  affairs  at 
Rome,  and  whose  name  was  Archelaus 
also;  and  thinking  it  beneath  him  to  write 
to  Archelaus,  he  bade  him  sail  away  as 
soon  as  possible,  aud  bring  him  to  Rome; 
so  the  man  made  haste  in  his  voyage,  and 
when  he  came  into  Judea  he  found  Arche- 
laus feasting  with  his  friends;  so  he  told 
him  what  Caesar  had  sent  him  about,  and 
hastened  him  away.  And  when  he  had 
come  [to  Rome],  to  Caesar,  upon  hearing 
what  certain  accusers  of  his  had  to  say, 
and  what  reply  he  could  make,  both  ba- 
nished him,  and  appointed  Vienna,  a  city 
of  Gaul,  to  be  the  place  of  his  habitation, 
and  took  his  money  away  from  him. 

Now,  before  Archelaus  was  gone  up  to 
Rome  upon  this  message,  he  related  this 
dream  to  his  friends :  that  he  saw  cars  of 
corn,  in  number  ten,  full  of  wheat,  per- 
fectly ripe;  which  ears,  as  it  seemed  to 
him,  were  devoured  by  oxen.  And  when 
he  was  awake  and  gotten  up,  because  the 
vision  appeared  to  be  of  great  importance 
to  him,  he  sent  for  the  diviners,  whose 
study  was  employed  about  dreams.  And 
while  some  were  of  one  opinion  and  some 
of  another,  (for  all  their  interpretations 
did  not  agree.)  Simon,  a  man  of  the  sect 
of  the  Essenes,  desired  leave  to  speak  his 
mind  freely,  and  said,  that  the  vision  de- 


*  Spanheim  seasonably  observes  here,  that  it 
was  forbidden  the  Jewa  to  marry  their  brother's 
wife  when  she  bad  children  by  her  first  husband: 
and  that  Zenoras  (cites,  or)  interprets  the  clause 
before  us  accordingly. 


noted  a  change  in  the  affairs  of  Archelaus. 
and  that  not  for  the  better;  that  oxen, 
because  that  animal  takes  uneasy  pains  in 
his  labours,  denoted  afflictions;  and  indeed 
denoted,  further,  a  change  of  affairs,  be- 
cause that  land  which  is  ploughed  by  oxen 
cannot  remain  in  its  former  state;  and 
that  the  ears  of  corn  being  ten,  determined 
the  like  number  of  years,  because  an  ear 
of  corn  grows  in  one  year;  and  that  the 
time  of  Archelaus's  government  was  over. 
And  thus  did  this  man  expound  the  dream. 
Now,  on  the  fifth  day  after  this  dream 
came  first  to  Archelaus,  the  other  Arche- 
laus, that  was  sent  to  Judea  by  Caesar  to 
call  him  away,  came  hither  also. 

The  like  accident  befell  Glaphvra  his 
wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  King  Ar- 
chelaus, who,  as  I  said  before,  was  mar- 
ried, while  she  was  a  virgin,  to  Alexander, 
the  son  of  Herod,  and  brother  of  Arche- 
laus ;  but  since  it  fell  out  so  that  Alex- 
ander was  slain  by  his  father,  she  was 
married  to  Juba,  the  king  of  Libya;  and 
when  he  was  dead,  and  she  lived  in  widow- 
hood in  Cappadociawith  her  father,  Arche- 
laus divorced  his  former  wife  Mariamne, 
and  married  her,  so  great  was  his  affection 
for  her ;  who,  during  her  marriage  to  him, 
saw  the  following  dream  : — She  thought 
she  saw  Alexander  standing  by  her;  at 
which  she  rejoiced,  and  embraced  him 
with  great  affection;  but  that  he  com- 
plained of  her,  and  said,  "  0  G-laphyra  ! 
thou  provest  that  saying  to  be  true,  which 
assures  us  that  women  are  not  to  be  trusted. 
Didst  thou  not  pledge  thy  faith  to  me? 
and  wast  thou  not  married  to  me  when 
thou  wast  a  virgin?  and  had  we  not  chil- 
dren between  us  ?  Yet  hast  thou  forgotten 
the  affection  I  bare  to  thee,  out  of  desire 
of  a  second  husband.  Nor  hast  thou  been 
satisfied  with  that  injury  thou  didst  me, 
but  thou  hast  been  so  bold  as  to  procure 
thee  a  third  husband  to  lie  by  thee,  and 
in  an  indecent  and  imprudent  manner 
hast  entered  into  my  house,  and  hast  been 
married  to  Archelaus,  thy  husbaud  and 
my  brother.  However,  I  will  not  forget 
thy  former  kind  affection  for  me  ;  but  will 
set  thee  free  from  every  such  reproachful 
action,  and  cause  thee  to  be  mine  again, 
as  thou  once  wert."  When  she  had  re- 
lated this  to  her  female  companions,  in  a 
few  days'  time  she  departed  this  life. 

Now,  I  did  not  think  these  histories 
improper  for  the  present  discourse,  both 
because  my  discourse  now  is  concerning 
kings,  and  otherwise  also  on  account  of 


1?ook  XVIII.     Chap.  I.]  ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


~  1 

Go 


the  advantage  hence  to  he  drawn,  as  well 
for  the  confirmation  of  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  as  of  the  providence  of  God  over 
human  affairs,  I  thought  them  fit  to  be 
set  down ;  hut  if  any  one  does  not  believe 
such  relations,  let  him  indeed  enjoy  his 
own  opinion,  but  let  him  not  hinder  an- 


other that  would  thereby  encourage  him- 
self in  virtue.  So  Archelaus's  country 
was  laid  to  the  province  of  Syria;  and 
Cyrenius,  one  that  had  been  consul,  was 
sent  by  Caesar  to  take  account  of  people's 
effects  in  Syria,  and  to  sell  the  house  of 
Archelaus. 


BOOK  XVIII. 


CONTAINING  AN  INTERVAL  OF  THIRTY-TWO  YEARS,  FROM  THE  BANISH- 
MENT  OF  ARCHELAUS  TO  THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  JEWS  FROM 
BABYLON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Cyrenius  sent  by  Cresar  to  tax  Syria  and  Judea; 
Coponius  sent  as  procurator  of  Judea — Judas  of 
Galilee — Sects  among  the  Jews. 

Now  Cyrenius,  a  Roman  senator,  and 
one  who  had  gone  through  other  magis- 
tracies, and  had  passed  through  them  till 
he  had  been  consul,  and  one  who,  on  other 
accounts,  was  of  great  dignity,  came  at 
this  time  into  Syria,  with  a  few  others, 
being  sent  by  Caesar  to  be  a  judge  of  that 
nation,  and  to  take  an  account  of  their 
substance :  Coponius  al^o,  a  man  of  the 
equestrian  order,  was  sent  together  with 
him,  to  have  the  supreme  power  over  the 
Jews.  Moreover,  Cyrenius  came  himself 
into  Judea,  which  was  now  added  to  the 
province  of  Syria,  to  take  an  account  of 
their  substance,  and  to  dispose  of  Arche- 
laus's money;  but  the"  Jews,  although  at 
the  beginning  they  took  the  report  of  a 
taxation  heinously,  yet  did  they  leave  off 
any  further  opposition  to  it,  by  the  per- 
suation  of  Joazar,  who  was  the  son  of 
Boethus,  and  high  priest.  So  they,  being 
overpersuaded  by  Joazar's  words,  gave 
an  account  of  their  estates,  without  any 
dispute  about  it ;  yet  there  was  one  Judas, 
a  Gaulonite,  of  a  city  whose  name  was 
Gamala,  who,  taking  with  him  Saddue,* 
a  Pharisee,  became  zealous  to  draw  them 
to  a  revolt,  who  both  said  that  this  taxa- 
tion was  no   better  than   an  introduction 


*  It  seems  not  very  improbable  that  this  Saddue, 
the  Pharisee,  was  the  very  same  man  of  whom  the 
rabbins  speak,  as  the  unhappy  but  undesigning  oc- 
casion of  the  impiety  or  infidelity  of  the  Sadducees  ; 
nor  perhaps  had  the  men  this  name  of  Sadducees 
till  tli is  very  time,  though  they  were  a  distinct  sect 
long  before. 

Vol.  II.— 5 


to  slavery,  and  exhorted  the  nation  to 
assert  their  liberty ;  as  if  they  could  pro- 
cure them  happiness  and  security  for  what 
they  possessed,  and  an  assured  enjoyment 
of  a  still  greater  good,  which  was  that  of 
the  honour  and  glory  they  would  thereby 
acquire  for  magnanimity.  They  also  said 
that,  God  would  not  otherwise  be  assisting 
to  them,  than  upon  their  joining  with  one 
another  in  such  counsels  as  might  be  suc- 
cessful, and  for  their  own  advantage;  and 
this  especially,  if  they  would  set  about 
great  exploits,  and  not  grow  weary  in 
executing  the  same;  so  men  received  what 
they  said  with  pleasure,  and  this  bold  at- 
tempt proceeded  to  a  great  height.  All 
sorts  of  misfortunes  also  sprang  from 
these  men,  and  the  nation  was  infected 
with  this  doctrine  to  an  incredible  degree; 
one  violent  war  came  upon  us  after  another, 
and  we  lost  our  friends  who  used  to  alle- 
viate our  pains ;  there  were  also  very  great 
robberies  and  murders  of  our  principal 
men.  This  was  done  in  pretence  indeed 
for  the  public  welfare,  but  in  reality  for 
the  hopes  of  gain  to  themselves;,  whence 
arose  seditions,  and  from  them  murders  of 
men,  which  sometimes  fell  on  those  of  their 
own  people,  (by  the  madness  of  these  men 
toward  one  another,  while  their  desire  was 
that  none  of  the  adverse  party  might  be 
left,)  and  sometimes  on  their  enemies ;  a 
famine  also  coming  upon  us,  reduced  us 
to  the  last  degree  of  despair,  as  did  also 
the  taking  and  demolishing  of  cities  ;  nay, 
the  sedition  at  last  increased  so  high,  that 
the  very  temple  of  God  was  burnt  down 
by  their  enemies'  fire.  Such  were  the 
consequences  of  this,  that  the  custoni3  of 
our  fathers  were  altered,  and  such  a  change 


66 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


was  made,  as  added  a  mighty  weight  to- 
ward briri'nnfj  all  to  destruction,  which 
these  men  occasioned  by  thus  conspiring 
together;  for  Judas  and  Sadduc,  who  ex- 
cited a  fourth  philosophic  sect  among  us, 
and  had  a  great  many  followers  therein, 
failed  our  civil  government  with  tumults 
at  present,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  our 
future  miseries,  by  this  system  of  philo- 
sophy, which  we  were  before  unacquainted 
withal;  concerning  which  I  shall  discourse 
a  little,  and  this  the  rather,  because  the 
infection  which  spread  thence  among  the 
younger  sort,  who  were  zealous  for  it, 
brought  the  public  to  destruction. 

The  Jews  had  for  a  great  while  three 
sects  of  philosophy  peculiar  to  themselves  ; 
the  sect  of  the  Essenes,  and  the  sect  of 
the  Sadducees,  and  the  third  soit  of  opi- 
nions was  that  of  those  called  Pharisees; 
of  which  sects,  although  I  have  already 
spoken  in  the  second  book  of  the  Jewish 
War,  yet  will  I  a  little  touch  upon  them 
now. 

Now,  for  the  Pharisees,  they  live  mean- 
ly, and  despise  delicacies  in  diet ;  and  they 
follow  the  conduct  of  reason,  and  what 
that  prescribes  to  them  as  good  for  them, 
they  do;  and  they  think  they  ought  earn- 
estly to  strive  to  observe  reason's  dictates 
for  practice.  They  also  pay  a  respect  to 
such  as  are  in  years ;  nor  are  they  so  bold 
as  to  contradict  them  in  any  thing  which 
they  have  introduced ;  and,  when  they 
determine  that  all  things  are  done  by  fate, 
they  do  not  take  away  from  men  the  free- 
dom of  acting  as  they  think  fit;  since 
their  notion  is,  that  it  hath  pleased  God 
to  make  a  temperament  whereby  what  he 
wills  is  done,  but  so  that  the  will  of  nK'n 
can  act  virtuously  or  viciously.  They  also 
believe  that  souls  have  an  immortal  vigour 
in  them,  and  that  under  the  earth  there 
will  be  rewards  or  punishments,  according 
as  they  have  lived  virtuously  or  viciously 
in  this  life ;  and  the  latter  are  to  be  de- 
tained in  an  everlasting  prison,  but  that 
the  former  shall  have  power  to  revive  and 
live  again ;  on  account  of  which  doctrines, 
they  are  able  greatly  to  persuade  the  body 
of  the  people ;  and  whatsoever  they  do 
about  divine  worship,  prayers,  and  sacri- 
fices, they  perform  them  according  to  their 
direction;  insomuch  that  the  cities  gave 
great  attestations  to  them  on  account  of 
their  entire  virtuous  conduct,  both  in  the 
actions  of  their  lives  and  their  discourses 
also. 

But  the  doctrine  of  the  Sadducees  is 


this : — That  souls  die  with  the  bodies ;  nor 
do  they  regard  the  observation  of  any 
thing  besides  what  the  law  enjoius  them; 
for  they  think  it  an  instance  of  virtue  to 
dispute  with  those  teachers  of  philosophy 
whom  they  frequent;  but  this  doctrine  is 
received  but  by  a  few,  yet  by  those  of  the 
greatest  dignity ;  but  they  are  able  to  do 
almost  nothing  of  themselves;  for  when 
they  become  magistrates,  as  they  are  un- 
willingly and  by  force  sometimes  obliged 
to  be,  they  addict  themselves  to  the  no- 
tions of  the  Pharisees,  because  the  multi- 
tude would  not  otherwise  bear  them. 

The  doctrine  of  the  Essenes  is  this  : — 
That  all  things  are  best  ascribed  to  God. 
They  teach  the  immortality  of  souls,  and 
esteem  that  the  rewards  of  righteousness 
are  to  be  earnestly  striven  for ;  and  when 
they  send  what  they  have  dedicated  to 
God  into  the  temple,  they  do  not  offer 
sacrifices,  because  they  have  more  pure 
lustrations  of  their  own ;  on  which  ac- 
count they  are  excluded  from  the  common 
court  of  the  temple,  but  offer  their  sacri- 
fices themselves ;  yet  is  their  course  of 
life  better  than  that  of  other  men;  and 
they  entirely  addict  ^themselves  to  hus- 
bandry. It  also  deserves  our  admiration, 
how  much  they  exceed  all  other  men  that 
addict  themselves  to  virtue,  and  this  in 
righteousness :  and  indeed  to  such  a  de- 
gree, that  as  it  hath  never  appeared  among 
any  other  men,  neither  Greeks  nor  bar- 
barians, no,  not  for  a  little  time,  so  hath 
it  endured  a  long  time  among  them.  This 
is  demonstrated  by  that  institution  of 
theirs,  which  will  not  suffer  any  thing  to 
hinder  them  from  having  all  things  in 
common;  so  that  a  rich  man  enjoys  no 
more  of  his  own  wealth  than  he  who  hath 
nothing  at  all.  There  are  about  4000  men 
that  live  in  this  way,  and  neither  marry 
wives,  nor  are  desirous  to  keep  servants; 
as  thinking  the  latter  tempts  men  to  be 
unjust,  and  the  former  gives  the  handle 
to  domestic  quarrels;  but  as  they  live  by 
themselves,  they  minister  one  to  another. 
They  also  appoint  certain  stewards  to  re- 
ceive the  incomes  of  their  revenues,  and 
of  the  fruits  of  the  ground;  such  as  are 
good  men  and  priests,  who  are  to  get  their 
corn  and  their  food  ready  for  them.  They 
none  of  them  differ  from  others  of  the 
Essenes  in  their  way  of  living,  but  do  the 
most  resemble  those  Dacae  who  are  called 
Polistae  [dwellers  in  cities]. 

But  of  the  fourth  sect  of  Jewish  philo- 
sophy, Judas  the  Galilean  was  the  author, 


Chap.  II.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


67 


These  men  agree  in  all  other  things  with 
the  Pharisaic  notions;  but  they  have  an 

inviolable  attachment  to  liberty  ;  and  say 
that  God  is  to  be  their  only  Ruler  and 
Lord.  •  They  also  do  not  value  dying  any 
kinds  of  death,  nor  indeed  do  they  heed 
the  deaths  of  their  relations  and  friends, 
nor  can  any  such  fear  make  them  call  any 
man  lord;  and  since  this  immovable  reso- 
lution of  theirs  is  well  known  to  a  great 
many,  I  shall  speak  uo  further  about  that 
matter;  nor  am  I  afraid  that  any  thing  I 
have  said  of  them  should  be  disbelieved, 
but  rather  fear  that  what  I  have  said  is 
beneath  the  resolution  they  show  when 
they  undergo  pain;  and  it  was  in  Gessius 
Florus's  time  that  the  nation  began  to 
grow  mad  with  this  distemper,  who  was 
our  procurator,  and  who  occasioned  the 
Jews  to  go  wild  with  it  by  the  abuse  of 
his  authority,  and  to  make  them  revolt 
from  the  Romans ;  aud  these  are  the  sects 
of  Jewish  philosophy. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Herod  and  Philip  build  several  cities  in  honour  of 
Csesar. 

When  Cyrenius  had  now  disposed  of 
Archelaus's  money,  and  when  the  taxings 
were  come  to  a  conclusion,  which  were 
made  in  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  Caesar's 
victory  over  Antony  at  Aetiuni,  he  de- 
prived Joazar  of  the  high-priesthood,  which 
dignity  had  been  conferred  on  him  by  the 
multitude,  and  he  appointed  Ananus,  the 
son  of  Seth,  to  be  high  priest ;  while 
Herod  and  Philip  had  each  of  them  re- 
ceived their  own  tetrarchy,  aud  settled  the 
affairs  thereof.  Herod  also  built  a  wall 
about  Sepphoris,  (which  is  the  security  of 
all  Galilee,)  and  made  it  the  metropolis 
of  the  country.  He  also  built  a  wall 
round  Betharamphtha,  which  was  itself  a 
city  also,  and  called  it  Julias,  from  the 
name  of  the  emperor's  wife.  When  Philip, 
also,  bad  built  Paneas,  a  city  at  the  foun- 
tains of  Jordan,  he  named  it  Cesarea.  He 
also  advanced  the  village  Bethsaida,  situate 
at  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  unto  the  dig- 
nity of  a  city,  both  by  the  number  of 
inhabitants  it  contained,  and  its  other 
grandeur,  and  called  it  by  the  name  of 
Julias,  the  same  name  with  Caesar's  daugh- 
ter. 

As  Coponius,  who  we  told  you  was  sent 

along  with  Cyreuius,  was  exercising   his 

office  of  procurator,  and  governing  Judea, 

the    following    accidents    happened  : — As 

2N 


the  Jews  were  celebrating  the  feast  of  un- 
leavened bread,  which  we  call  the  Pass- 
over, it  was  customary  for  the  priests  to 
open  the  temple-gates  just  after  midnight. 
When,  therefore,  those  gates  were  first, 
opened,  some  of  the  Samaritans  came 
privately  into  Jerusalem,  and  threw  about 
dead  men's  bodies  in  the  cloisters;  on 
which  account  the  Jews  afterward  ex- 
cluded them  out  of  the  temple,  which 
they  had  not  used  to  do  at  such  festivals; 
and  on  other  accounts  also  they  watched 
the  temple  more  carefully  than  they  had 
formerly  done.  A  little  after  which  ac- 
cident, Coponius  returned  to  Rome,  and 
Marcus  Ambivius  came  to  be  his  successor 
in  that  government ;  under  whom  Salome, 
the  sister  of  King  Herod,  died,  and  left 
to  Julia  [Caesar's  wife],  Jamnia,  all  its 
toparchy,  and  Phasaelis  in  the  plain,  and 
Archelaus,  where  is  a  great  plantation  of 
palm-trees,  and  their  fruit  is  excellent  in 
its  kind.  After  him  came  Annius  Rufus, 
under  whom  died  Cojsar,  the  second  em- 
peror of  the  Romans,  the  duration  of 
whose  reign  was  fifty-seven  years,  besides 
six  months  and  two  days,  (of  which  time 
Antonius  ruled  together  with  him  four 
teen  years;  but  the  duration  of  his  life 
was  seventy-seven  years;)  upon  whose 
death  Tiberius  Nero,  his  wife  Julia's  son, 
succeeded.  He  was  now  the  third  em- 
peror; and  he  sent  Valerius  Gratus  to  be 
procurator  of  Judea,  and  to  succeed  An- 
nius Rufus.  This  man  deprived  Ananus 
of  the  high-priesthood,  and  appointed  Is- 
mael,  the  son  of  Phabi,  to  be  high  priest. 
He  also  deprived  him  in  a  little  time,  and 
ordained  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Ananus,  who 
had  been  high  priest  before,  to  be  high 
priest :  which  office,  when  he  had  held  for 
a  year,  Gratus  deprived  him  of  it,  and 
gave  the  high-priesthood  to  Simou,  the 
son  of  Camithus ;  and,  when  he  had  pos- 
sessed that  dignity  no  longer  than  a  year, 
Joseph  Caiaphas  was  made  his  success  r. 
When  Gratus  had  done  those  things,  he 
went  back  to  Rome,  after  he  had  tarried 
in  Judea  eleven  years,  when  Pontius  Pi- 
late came  as  his  successor. 

And  now  Herod  the  tetrarch,  who  was 
in  great  favour  with  Tiberius,  built  a  city 
of  the  same  name  with  him,  and  called  it 
Tiberias.  He  built  it  in  the  best  part  of 
Galilee,  at  the  lake  of  Gennesareth.  There 
are  warm  baths  at  a  little  distance  from 
it,  in  a  village  named  Emmaus.  Strangers 
came  aud  inhabited  this  city;  a  great 
number  of  the  inhabitants  were  Galileans 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE    JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


also ;  and  many  were  necessitated  by  He- 
rod to  come  thither  out  of  the  country 
belonging  to  him,  and  were  by  force  com- 
pelled to  be  its  inhabitants;  some  of  them 
were  persons  of  condition.  He  also  ad- 
mitted poor  people,  such  as  those  that 
were  collected  from  all  parts,  to  dwell  in 
it.  Nay,  some  of  them  were  not  qui-te 
freemen ;  and  these  he  was  a  benefactor 
to,  and  made  them  free  in  great  numbers; 
but  obliged  them  not  to  forsake  the  city, 
by  building  them  very  good  houses  at  his 
own  expenses,  and  by  giving  them  land 
also;  for  he  was  sensible,  that  to  make 
this  place  a  habitation  was  to  transgress 
the  Jewish  ancient  laws,  because  many 
sepulchres  were  to  be  here  taken  away,  in 
order  to  make  room  for  the  city  Tiberias  ;* 
whereas  our  law  pronounces,  that  such 
inhabitants  are  unclean  for  seven  days.f 

About  this  time  died  Phraates,  king  of 
tbe  Parthians,  by  the  treachery  of  Phra- 
ataces,  his  son,  upon  the  occasion  follow- 
ing: — When  Phraates  had  had  legitimate 
sons  of  his  own,  he  had  also  an  Italian 
maidservant  whose  name  was  Thermusa, 
who  had  formerly  been  sent  to  him  by 
Julius  Caesar,  among  otber  presents.  He 
first  made  her  his  concubine;  but  he  being 
a  great  admirer  of  her  beauty,  in  process 
of  time  having  a  son  by  her,  whose  name 
was  Phraataces,  he  made  her  his  legiti- 
mate wife,  and  had  a  great  respect  for 
her.  Now  she  was  able  to  persuade  him 
to  do  any  thing  that  she  said,  and  was 
earnest  in  procuring  the  government  of 
Parthia  for  her  son ;  but  still  she  saw  that 
her  endeavours  would  not  succeed,  unless 
she  could  contrive  how  to  remove  Phra- 
ates's  legitimate  sons  [out  of  the  king- 
dom] ;  so  she  persuaded  him  to  send  those 
his  sons  as  pledges  of  his  fidelity  to  Home; 
and  they  were  sent  to  Pome  accordingly, 
because  it  was  not  easy  for  him  to  con- 
tradict her  commands.  Now,  while  Phra- 
ataces was  alone  brought  up  in  order  to 
succeed  in  the  government,  he  thought  it 
very  tedious  to  expect  that  government 
by  his  father's  donation  [as  his  successor]  ; 
he  therefore  formed  a  treacherous  design 
against  his  father,  by  his  mother's  assist- 
ance, with  whom,  as  the  report  went,  he 
had  criminal  conversation  also.  So  he 
was  hated  for  both  these  vices,  while  his 
subjects  esteemed  this   [wicked]  love  of 


*  After  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  the 
succession  of  Arehelaus,  Jbsephus  is  very  brief  in 
his  accounts  of  Judca,  till  near  his  own  time. 

f  Num.  six.  11-14. 


his  mother  to  be  noway  inferior  to  his 
parricide ;  and  he  was  by  them,  in  a  sedi- 
tion, expelled  out  of  the  country  before 
he  grew  too  great,  and  died.  But,  as  the 
best  sort  of  Parthians  agreed  together 
that  it  was  impossible  they  should  be  go- 
verned without  a  king,  while  also  it  was 
their  constant  practice  to  choose  one  of 
the  family  of  Arsaces  [nor  did  their  law 
allow  of  any  others;  and  they  thought 
this  kingdom  had  been  sufficiently  injured 
already  by  the  marriage  with  an  Italian 
concubine,  and  by  her  issue],  they  sent 
ambassadors,  and  called  Orodes  [to  take 
the  crown] ;  for  the  multitude  would  not 
otherwise  have  borne  them;  and  though 
he  was  accused  of  very  great  cruelty,  and 
was  of  an  untractable  temper,  and  prone 
to  wrath,  yet  still  he  was  one  of  the  family 
of  Arsaces.  However,  they  made  a  con- 
spiracy against  him,  and  slew  him,  and 
that,  as  some  say,  at  a  festival,  and  among 
their  sacrifices,  (for  it  is  the  universal 
custom  there  to  carry  their  swords  with 
them  ;)  but  as  the  more  general  report  is, 
they  slew  him  when  they  had  drawn  him 
out  a-hunting.  So  they  sent  ambassadors 
to  Rome  and  desired  they  would  send  one 
of  those  that  were  there  as  pledges,  to  be 
their  king.  Accordingly,  Vonones  was 
preferred  before  the  rest,  and  sent  to  them, 
(for  he  seemed  capable  of  such  great  for- 
tune, which  two  of  the  greatest  kingdoms 
under  the  sun  now  offered  him,  his  own 
and  a  foreign  one.)  However,  the  bar- 
barians soon  changed  their  minds,  they 
being  naturally  of  a  mutable  disposition, 
upon  the  supposition  that  this  man  was 
not  worthy  to  be  their  governor ;  for  they 
could  not  think  of  obeying  the  commands 
of  one  that  had  been  a  slave,  (for  so  they 
called  those  that  had  been  hostages,)  nor 
could  they  bear  the  ignominy  of  that 
name;  and  this  was  the  more  intolerable, 
because  then  the  Parthians  must  have 
such  a  king  set  over  them,  not  by  right 
of  war,  but  in  time  of  peace.  So  they 
presently  invited  Artabanusj  king  of  Me- 
dia, to  be  their  king,  he  being  also  of  the 
race  of  Arsaces.  Artabanus  complied  with 
the  offer  that  was  made  him,  and  came  to 
them  with  an  army.  So  Vonones  met 
him,  and  at  first  the  multitude  of  the 
Parthians  stood  on  his  side,  and  he  put 
his  army  in  array;  but  Artabanus  was 
beaten,  and  fled  to  the  mountains  of  Media. 
Yet  did  he  a  little  after  gather  a  great 
army  together,  and  fought  with  Vonones, 
and  beat  him ;  whereupon  Vonones  fled 


Chap.  III.] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


6S 


away  on  horseback,  with  a  few  of  his  at- 
tendants about  him,  to  Selucia  [upon  Ti- 
gris]. So  when  Artabanus  had  slain  a 
great  number,  and  this,  after  he  had  gotten 
the  victory  by  reason  of  the  very  great 
dismay  t lie  barbarians  were  in,  he  retired 
to  Ctesiphon  with  a  great  number  of  his 
people ;  and  so  he  now  reigned  over  the 
Parthians.  But  Vonones  fled  away  to 
Armenia;  and  as  soon  as  he  came  thither, 
he  had  an  inclination  to  have  the  govern- 
ment of  the  country  given  him,  and  sent 
ambassadors  to  Rome  [for  that  purpose]. 
But,  because  Tiberius  refused  it  him,  and, 
because  he  wanted  courage,  and  because 
the  Parthian  king  threatened  him,  and 
sent  ambassadors  to  him  to  denounce  war 
against  him  if  he  proceeded,  and  because 
he  had  no  way  to  take  to  regain  any  other 
kingdom,  (for  the  people  of  authority 
among  the  Armenians  about  Niphates 
joined  themselves  to  Artabanus,)  he  de- 
livered up  himself  to  Silanus,  the  presi- 
dent of  Syria,  who,  out  of  regard  to  his 
education  at  Rome,  kept  him  in  Syria, 
while  Artabanus  gave  Armenia  to  Orodes, 
one  of  his  own  sons. 

At  this  time  died  Antiochus,  the  king 
of  Comrnagene;  whereupon  the  multitude 
contended  with  the  nobility,  and  both  sent 
ambassadors  [to  Rome] ;  for  the  men  of 
power  were  desirous  that  their  form  of 
government  might  be  changed  into  that 
of  a  [Roman]  province ;  as  were  the  mul- 
titude desirous  to  be  under  kings,  as  their 
fathers  had  been.  So  the  senate  made  a 
decree,  that  Germanicus  should  be  sent  to 
settle  the  affairs  of  the  east,  fortune  here- 
by taking  a  proper  opportunity  for  de- 
priving him  of  his  life;  for  when  he  had 
been  in  the  east,  and  settled  all  affairs 
there,  his  life  was  taken  away  by  the 
poison  which  Piso  gave  him,  as  hath  been 
related  elsewhere.* 


CHAPTER  III. 

Sedition  of  the  Jews  against  Pontius  Pilate. 

But  now  Pilate,  the  procurator  of  Ju- 
dea,  removed  the  army  from  Cesarca  to 
Jerusalem,  to  take  their  winter  quarters 
there,  in  order  to  abolish  the  Jewish  laws. 
So  he  introduced  Cffisair's  effigies,  which 
were  upon  the  ensigus,  and  brought  them 
into  the  city;  whereas  our  law  forbids  us 
the   very    making  of  images;  on   which 

*  This  citation  is  now  wanting. 


account  the  former  procurators  were  wont 
to  make  their  entry  into  the  city  with 
such  ensigns  as  had  not  those  ornaments. 
Pilate  was  the  "first  who  brought  those 
images  to  Jerusalem,  and  set  them  up 
there;  which  was  done  without  the  know- 
ledge of  the  people,  because  it  was  done 
in  the  night-time;  but  as  soon  as  they 
knew  it,  they  came  in  multitudes  to  Ce- 
sarca, and  interceded  with  Pilate  many 
days,  that  he  would  remove  the  images  ; 
and  when  he  would  not  grant  their  re- 
quests, because  it  would  tend  to  the 
injury  of  Caesar,  while  yet  they  persevered 
in  their  request,  on  the  sixth  day  ho 
ordered  his  soldiers  to  have  their  weapons 
privately,  while  he  came  and  sat  upon 
his  judgment-seat,  which  seat  was  so 
prepared  in  the  open  place  of  the  city, 
that  it  concealed  the  army  that  lay  ready 
to  oppress  them ;  and  when  the  Jews 
petitioned  him  again,  he  gave  a  signal  to 
the  soldiers  to  encompass  them  round, 
and  threatened  that  their  punishment 
should  be  no  less  than  immediate  death, 
unless  they  would  leave  off  disturbing 
him,  and  go  their  waj's  home.  But  they 
threw  themselves  upon  the  ground,  and 
laid  their  necks  bare,  and  said  they  would 
take  their  death  very  willingly,  rather 
than  the  wisdom  of  their  laws  should  be 
transgressed ;  upon  which  Pilate  was  deep- 
ly affected  with  their  firm  resolution  to 
keep  their  laws  inviolable,  and  presently 
commanded  the  images  to  be  carried  back 
from  Jerusalem  to  Cesarea. 

But  Pilate  undertook  to  bring  a  cur- 
rent of  water  to  Jerusalem,  and  did  it 
with  the  sacred  money,  and.  derived  the 
origin  of  the  stream  from  the  distance  of 
200  furlongs.     However,  the  Jews*  were 


*  These  Jews,  as  they  are  here  called,  whose 
blood  Pilate  shed  on  this  occasion,  may  very  well 
be  those  very  Galilean  Jews,  "whose  blood  Pilate 
had  mingled  with  their  sacrifices/'  (Luke  xiii.  1,2:) 
these  tumults  being  usually  excited  at  some  of  the 
Jews'  great  festivals,  when  they  slew  abuu'daiiee  of 
sacrifices,  and  th«'  Galileans  being  commonly  much 
more  busy  in  such  tumults  than  those  of  Judea  and 
Jerusalem,  as  we  learn  from  the  history  of  Arche- 
laus,  (Antiq.  b.  xvii.  chap.  ix.  and  chap,  x ;  |  though, 
indeed,  Josephus's  present  copies  say  not  on 
of  "those  eighteen  upon  whom  the  tower  in  SUoam 
fell,  and  slew  them,''  which  the  -ttli  verse  of  the 
same  loth  chapter  of  St.  Luke  informs  us  of:  but 
since  the  gospel  teaches  as  (Luke  xxiii.  6,  7)  that 
"when  Pilate  heard  of  Galilee,  he  asked  whether 
Jesus  was  a  Galilean?  And  as  soon  as  he  knew 
that  he  belonged  to  Herod's  jurisdiction,  he  sent 
him  to  liennl :"  and  (ver.  \2)  "the  same  day  Pilate 
and  Herod  were  made  friends  together;  P 
they  had  been  at  enmity  between  themselves  ;''  take 
ihe'very  probable  key  of  this  matter  in  the  words 
of  the  learned  Noldius,  do  Herod.  .No.  2-19.     "The 


•o 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


not  pleased  with  what  had  been  done 
about  this  water;  and  many  ten  thou- 
sands of  the  people  got  together,  and 
made  a  clamour  against  him,  and  insisted 
that  he  should  leave  off  that  design. 
Some  of  them,  also,  used  reproaches,  and 
abused  the  man,  as  crowds  of  such  people 
usually  do.  So  he  habited  a  great  num- 
ber of  his  soldiers  in  their  habit,  who 
carried  daggers  under  their  garments,  and 
sent  them  to  a  place  where  they  might 
surround  them.  So  he  bade  the  Jews 
himself  go  away;  but  they  boldly  casting 
reproaches  upon  him,  he  gave  the  soldiers 
that  signal  which  had  been  beforehand 
agreed  on ;  who  laid  upon  them  much 
greater  blows  than  Pilate  had  commanded 
them,  and  equally  punished  those  that 
were  tumultuous  and  those  that  were  not, 
nor  did  they  spare  them  in  the  least;  and 
since  the  people  were  unarmed,  and  were 
caught  by  men  prepared  for  what  they 
were  about,  there  were  a  great  number  of 
them  slain  by  this  means,  and  others  of 
them  ran  away  wounded.;  and  thus  an  end 
was  put  to  this  sedition. 

Now,  there  was  about  this  time  Jesus, 
a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a 
man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful 
works, — a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive 
the  truth  with  pleasure.  He  drew  over 
to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews  and  many 
of  the  Gentiles.  He  was  [the]  Christ; 
and  when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned 
him  to  the  cross,*  those  that  loved  him 
at  the  first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he 
appeared  to  them  alive  again  the  third 
day,f  as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold 
these  and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful 
things  concerning  him ;  and  the  tribe  of 
Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not 
extinct  at  this  day. 

About  the  same  time,  also,  another  sad 
calamity  put  the  Jews  into  disorder;  and 
certain  shameful  practices  happened  about 
the  temple  of  Isis  that  was  at  Rome.  I 
will  now  first  take  notice  of  the  wicked  at- 
tempt about  the  temple  of  Isis,  and  will 
then  give  an  account  of  the  Jewish  affairs. 
There  was  at  Rome  a  woman  whose  name 
was  Paulina — one  who,  on  account  of  the 


cause  of  the  enmity  .between  Herod  and  Pilate 
(says  he)  seems  to  have  been  this,  that  Pilate  had 
intermeddled  with  the  tetrarch's  jurisdiction,  and 
had  slain  some  of  his  Galilean  subjects,  (Luke  xiii. 
1 ;)  and,  as  he  was  willing  to  correct  that  error,  he 
sent  Christ  to  Herod  at  this  time." 

*  A.  D.  33,  April  3. 

■j-  April  3. 


dignity  of  her  ancestors,  and  by  the  regu- 
lar conduct  of  a  virtuous  lire,  had  a  great 
reputation  :  she  was  also  very  rich ;  and, 
although  she  was  of  a  beautiful  counte- 
nance, and  in  that  flower  of  her  age 
wherein  women  are  the  most  gay,  yet  did 
she  lead  a  life  of  great  modesty.  She 
was  married  to  Saturninus,  one  that  was 
every  way  answerable  to  her  in  an  excel- 
lent character.  P/ecius  Mundus  fell  in 
love  with  this  woman,  who  was  a  man 
very  high  in  the  equestrian  order;  and  as 
she  was  of  too  great  dignity  to  be  caught 
by  presents,  aud  had  aheady  rejected 
them,  though  they  had  beeu  sent  in  great 
abundance,  he  was  still  more  inflamed  with 
love  to  her,  insomuch  that  he  promised 
to  give  her  200,000  Attic  drachmae  for 
one  night's  lodging;  and  when  this  would 
not  prevail  upon  her,  and  he  was  not  able 
to  bear  this  misfortune  in  his  amours,  he 
thought  it  the  best  way  to  famish  himself 
to  death  for  want  of  food,  on  account  of 
Paulina's  sad  refusal ;  and  he  determined 
with  himself  to  die  after  such  a  manner, 
and  he  went  on  with  his  purpose  accord- 
ingly. Now,  Mundus  had  a  freed-woman, 
who  had  been  made  free  by  his  father, 
whose  name  was  Ide,  one  skilful  in  all 
sorts  of  mischief.  This  woman  was  very 
much  grieved  at  the  young  man's  resolu- 
tion to  kill  himself,  (for  he  did  not  conceal 
his  intentions  to  destroy  himself  from 
others,)  and  came  to  him,  and  encouraged 
him  by  her  discourse,  and  made  him  to 
hope,  by  some  promises  she  gave  him, 
that  he  might  obtain  a  night's  lodging 
with  Paulina;  and  when  he  joyfully 
hearkened  to  her  entreaty,  she  said  she 
wanted  no  more  than  50,000  drachmae 
for  the  entrapping  of  the  woman.  So 
when  she  had  encouraged  the  young  man, 
and  gotten  as  much  money  as  she  re- 
quired, she  did  not  take  the  same  methods 
as  had  been  taken  before,  because  she 
perceived  that  the  woman  was  by  no 
means  to  be  tempted  by  money;  but  as 
she  knew  that  she  was  very  much  given 
to  the  worship  of  the  goddess  Isis,  she 
devised  the  following  stratagem:  she  went 
to  some  of  Isis's  priests,  and,  upon  the 
strongest  assurances  of  [concealment],  she 
persuaded  them  by  words,  but  chiefly  by 
the  offer  of  money,  of  25,000  drachmae  in 
hand,  and  as  much  more  when  the  thing 
had  taken  effect;  and  told  them  the  pas- 
sion of  the  young  man,  and  persuaded 
them  to  use  all  means  possible  to  beguile 
the  woman.      So   they  were  drawn  in  to 


Chap.  III.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


71 


promise  so  to  do,  by  that  large  sum  of 
gold  they  were  to  have.  Accordingly, 
tin'  uldest  of  them  went  immediately  to 
Paulina;  and,  upon  his  admittance,  he 
desired  to  speak  with  her  by  herself. 
When  that  was  granted  him,  he  told  her 
that  he  was  sent  by  the  god  Anubis,  who 
had  fallen  in  love  with  her,  and  enjoined 
her  to  come  to  him.  Upon  this,  she  took 
the  message  very  kindly,  and  valued  her- 
self greatly  upon  this  condescension  of 
Anubis  ;  and  told  her  husband  that  she 
had  a  message  sent  her,  and  was  to  sup 
and  lie  with  Anubis ;  so  he  agreed  to  her 
acceptance  of  the  offer,  as  fully  satisfied 
with  the  chastity  of  his  wife.  Accord- 
ingly, she  went  to  the  temple ;  and  after 
she  had  supped  there,  and  it  was  the  hour 
to  go  to  sleep,  the  priest  shut  the  doors  of 
the  temple;  when,  in  the  holy  part  of  it, 
the  lights  were  also  put  out.  Then  did 
Mundus  leap  out  (for  he  was  hidden 
therein)  and  did  not  fail  of  enjoying  her, 
who  was  at  his  service  all  the  night  long, 
as  supposing  he  was  the  god;  and  when 
he  had  gone  away,  which  was  before  those 
priests  who  knew  nothing  of  this  strata- 
gem were  stirring,  Paulina  came  early  to 
her  husband,  and  told  him  how  the  god 
Anubis  had  appeared  to  her.  Among 
her  friends,  aLo,  she  declared  how  great 
a  value  she  put  upon  this  favour,  who 
partly  disbelieved  the  thing,  when  they 
reflected  on  its  nature,  and  partly  were 
amazed  at  it,  as  having  no  preteuce  for 
not  believing  it,  when  they  considered 
the  modesty  and  the  dignity  of  the  per- 
son ;  but  now,  on  the  third  day  after 
what  had  been  done,  Mundus  met  Pau- 
lina, and  said,  "Nay,  Paulina,  thou  hast 
saved  me  200,000  drachma?,  which  sum 
thmi  mightest  have  added  to  thy  own 
family:  yet  hast  thou  not  failed  to  be  at 
my  service  in  the  manner  I  invited  thee. 
As  for  the  reproaches  thou  hast  laid  upon 
Mundus,  I  value  not  the  business  of 
names;  but  I  rejoice  in  the  pleasure  I 
reaped  by  what  I  did,  while  I  took  to 
myself  the  name  of  Anubis."  When  he 
had  said  this,  he  went  his  way  :  but  now 
she  began  to  come  to  the  sense  of  the  gross- 
uess  of  what  she  had  done,  and  rent  her 
garments,  aud  told  her  husband  of  the 
horrid  nature  of  this  wicked  contrivance, 
and  prayed  him  not  to  neglect  to  assist 
her  in  this  case.  So  he  discovered  the 
fact  to  the  emperor;  whereupon  Tiberius 
inquired  into  the  matter  thoroughly,  by 
examining  the  priests  about  it,  and  order- 


ed them  to  be  crucified,  as  well  as  Ide, 
who  was  the  occasion  of  their  perdition, 
and  who  had  contrived  the  whole  matter, 
which  was  so  injurious  to  the  woman. 
He  also  demolished  the  temple  of  Isis, 
and  gave  order  that  her  statue  should  be 
thrown  into  the  river  Tiber;  while  ho 
only  banished  Mundus,  but  did  no  more 
to  him,  because  he  supposed  that  what 
crime  he  had  committed  was  done  out  of 
the  passion  of  love ;  and  these  were  the 
circumstances  which  concerned  the  temple 
of  Isis,  and  the  injuries  occasioned  by  her 
priests.  I  now  return  to  the  relation  of 
what  happened  about  this  time  to  the 
Jews  at  llome,  as  I  formerly  told  you  I 
would. 

There  was  a  man  who  was  a  Jew,  but 
had  been  driven  away  from  his  owu  coun- 
try by  an  accusation  laid  against  him  for 
transgressing  their  laws,  and  by  the  fear 
he  was  under  of  punishment  for  the  same ; 
but  in  all  respects  a  wicked  man  : — he  then 
living  at  Home,  professed  to  instruct  men 
in  the  wisdom  of  the  laws  of  Moses.  He 
procured  also  three  other  men,  entirely  of 
the  same  character  with  himself,  to  be  his 
partners.  These  men  persuaded  Fulvia, 
a  woman  of  great  dignity,  and  one  that 
had  embraced  the  Jewish  religion,  to 
send  purple  and  gold  to  the  temple  at 
Jerusalem;  and,  when  they  had  gotten 
them,  they  employed  them  for  their  own 
uses,  and  spent  the  money  themselves; 
on  which  account  it  was  that  they  at 
first  required  it  of  her.  Whereupon  Ti- 
berius, who  had  been  informed  of  the 
thing  by  Saturninus,  the  husband  of 
Fulvia,  who  desired  inquiry  might,  be 
made  about  it,  ordered  all  the  Jews  to  be 
banished  out  of  Rome;  at  which  time 
the  consuls  listed  4000  men  out  of  them, 
and  sent  them  to  the  island  Sardiuia;  but 
punished  a  greater  number  of  them,  who 
were  unwilling  to  become  soldiers  on  ac- 
count of  keeping  the  laws  of  their  fore- 
fathers.*    Thus  were  the  Jews  banished 


•  Of  the  banishment  of  these  4000  Jews  into 
Sardinia  by  Tiberius,  see  Suetonius  in  Tiber,  sect. 
36.  But  as  for  Mr.  Keland's  note  here,  which  sup- 
poses that  Jews  could  not,  consistently  with  their 
laws,  be  soldiers,  it  is  contradicted  by  one  branch 
of  the  history  before  us,  and  contrary  to  innumera- 
ble instances  of  their  lighting,  and  proving  excel- 
lent soldiers  in  war  ;  and,  indeed,  many  of  the  best 
of  them,  and  even  under  heathen  kings  themselves, 
did  so  ;  those  who  allowed  them  their  rest  on  the 
Sabbath-da}r  and  other  solemn  festivals,  and  let 
them  live  according  to  their  own  laws,  as  Alexan- 
der the  Great  and  the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  did.  It 
is  true,  they  could  not  always  obtain  these  privi- 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


out  of  the  city  by  the  ■wickedness  of  four 
men. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Samaritans  make  a  tumult — Pilate  destroys 
many  of  them — ?\late  is  accused. 

But  the  nation  of  the  Samaritans  did 
not  escape  without  tumults.  The  man  who 
excited  them  to  it  was  one  who  thought 
lying  a  thing  of  little  consequence,  and 
who  contrived  every  thing  so,  that  the 
multitude  might  be  pleased;  so  he  bade 
them  get  together  upon  Mount  Gerizzim, 
which  is  by  them  looked  upon  as  the  most 
holy  of  all  mountains,  and  assured  them 
that  when  they  had  come  thither,  he 
would  show  them  those  sacred  vessels 
•which  were  laid  under  that  place,  because 
Moses  put  them  there.  So  they  came 
thither  armed,  and  thought  the  discourse 
of  the  man  probable ;  and  as  they  abode 
at  a  certain  village,  which  'was  called 
Tirathaba,  they  got  the  rest  together  to 
them,  and  desired  to  go  up  the  mountain 
in  a  great  multitude  together.  But  Pilate 
prevented  their  going  up,  by  seizing  upon 
the  roads  with  a  great  band  of  horsemen 
and  footmen,  who -fell  upon  those  that  had 
gotten  together  in  the  village  ;  and  when 
they  came  to.  an  action,  some  of  them 
they  slew,  and  others  of. them  they  put 
to  flight,  and  took  a  great  many  alive,  the 
principal  of  whom,  and  also  the  most 
potent  of  those  that  fled  away,  Pilate  or- 
dered to  be  slaiu. 

But  when  this  tumult  was  appeased,  the 
Samaritan  senate  sent  an  embassy  to  Vi- 
tellius,  a  man  that  had  been  consul,  and 
who  was  now  president  of  Syria,  and  ac- 
cused Pilate  of  the  murder  of  those  that 
were  killed  ;  for  that  they  did  not  go  to 
Tirathaba  in  order  to  revolt  from  the 
Romans,  but  to  escape  the  violence  of 
Pilate.  So  Vitellius  sent  Marcellus,  a 
friend  of  his,  to  take  care  of  the  affairs  of 
Judea,  and  ordered  Pilate  to  go  to  Rome, 
to  answer  before  the  emperor  to  the  accu- 
sation of  the  Jews.  So  Pilate,  when  he 
had  tarried  ten  years  in  Judea,  made 
haste  to  Rome,  and  this,  in  obedience  to 
the  orders  of  Vitellius,  which  he  durst 
not  contradict  j  but,  before  he  could  get 
to  Rome,  Tiberius  was  dead. 

leges,  and  then  they  got  excused  as  well  as  they 
could,  or  sometimes  absolutely  refused  to  fight, 
which  seems  to  have  been  the  case  here,  as  to  the 
major  part  of  the  Jews  cow  banished,  but  nothing 
more.  See  several  of  the  Romas  decrees  in  their 
favour  as  to  *uch  metiers,  b.  aiv.  chap.  x. 


But  Vitellius  came  into  Judea,  and 
went  up  to  Jerusalem;  it  was  at  the  time 
of  that  festival  which  is.  called  the  Pass- 
over. Vitellius  was  there  magnificently 
received,  and  released  the  inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  from  all  the  taxes  upon  the 
fruits  that  were  bought  and  sold,  and 
gave  them  leave  to  have  the  care  of  the 
high  priest's  vestments,  with  all  their 
Ornaments,  and  to  have  them  under  the 
custody  of  the  priests  in  the  temple ; 
which  power  they  used  to  have  formerly, 
although  at  this  time  they  were  laid  up  in 
the  tower  of  Antonia,  the  citadel  so 
called,  and  that  on  the  occasion  follow- 
ing : — There  was  one  of  the  [high]  priests, 
named  Hyrcanus,  and  as  there  were  many 
of  that  name,  he  was  the  first  of  them ; 
this  man  built  a  tower  near  the  temple, 
and  when  he  had  so  done,  he  generally 
dwelt  in  it,  and  had  these  vestments  with 
him  ;  because  it  was  lawful  for  him  alone 
to  put  them  on,  and  he  had  them  there 
deposited  when  he  went  down  into  the 
city,  and  took  his  ordinary  garments;  the 
same  things  were  continued  to  be  done  by 
his  sons,  and  by  their  sons  after  them  ;  but 
when  Herod  came  to  be  king,  he  rebuilt  this 
tower,  which  was  very  conveniently  situ- 
ated, in  a  magnificent  manner ;  and  be- 
cause he  was  a  friend  to  Antonius,  he 
called  it  by  the  name  of  Antonia,  and  as 
he  found  these  vestments  lying  there,  he 
retained  them  in  the  same  place,  as  be- 
lieving that,  while  he  had  them  in  his 
custody,  the  people  would  make  no  in- 
novations against  him.  The  like  to  what 
Herod  did  was  done  by  his  son  Archelaus, 
who  was  made  king  after  him ;  after 
whom  the  Romans,  when  they  entered  on 
the  government,  took  possession  of  these 
vestments  of  the  high  priest,  and  had 
them  deposited  in  a  stone  chamber,  under 
the  seal  of  the  priests,  and  of  the  keepers 
of  the  temple,  the  captain  of  the  guard 
lighting  a  lamp  there  every  day;  and, 
seven  days  before  a  festival*  they  were 
delivered  to  them  by  the  captain  of  the 
guard,  when  the  high  priest  having  puri- 
fied them,  and  made  use  of  them,  laid 
them  up  again  in  the  same  chamber  where 
they  had  been  laid  up  before,  and  this, 
the  very  next  day  after  the  feast  was 
over.     This  was  the  practice  at  the  three 


*  This  mention  of  the  high  priest* s  sacred  gar- 
ments, received  seven  days  before  a  festival,  and 
purified  in  those  days  against  a  festival,  as  having 
been  polluted  by  being  in  the  custody  of  heathens, 
in  Josephus,  agrees  with  the  traditions  of  the  Tal- 
mudists. 


CflAP.   IV.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


73 


yearly  festivals,  and  on  the  fast-day; 
but  Vitellius  put  those  garments  iuto  our 
own  power,  as  in  the  days  of  our  fore- 
fathers, and  ordered  the  captain  of  the 
guard  not  to  trouble  himself  to  inquire 
where  they  were  laid,  or  when  they  were 
to  be  used ;  and  this  he  did  as  an  act  of 
kindness  to  oblige  the  nation  to  him. 
Besides  which,  he  also  deprived  Joseph, 
who  was  called  Caiaphas,  of  the  high- 
priesthood,  and  appointed  Jonathan,  the 
son  of  Ananus,  the  former  high  priest,  to 
succeed  him.  After  which,  he  took  his 
journey  back  to  Antiocli. 

Moreover,  Tiberius  sent  a  letter  to  Vi- 
tellius, and  commanded  him  to  make  a 
league  of  friendship  with  Artabanus,  the 
king  of  Parthia ;  for,  while  he  was  his 
enemy,  he  terrified  him  because  he  had 
taken  Armenia  away  from  him,  lest  he 
should  proceed  farther,  and  told  him  he 
should  not  otherwise  trust  him  than  upon 
his  giving  him  hostages,  and  especially  his 
son  Artabanus.  Upon  Tiberius's  writing 
thus  to  Vitellius,  by  the  offer  of  great 
presents  of  money,  he  persuaded  both  the 
king  of  Iberia  and  the  king  of  Albania  to 
make  no  delay,  but  to  fight  against  Arta- 
banus :  and,  although  they  would -not  do 
it  themselves,  yet  did  they  give  the  Scy- 
thians a  passage  through  their  country, 
and  opened  the  Caspian  gates  to  them, 
and  brought  them  upon  Artabanus.  So 
Armeuia  was  again  taken  from  the  Par- 
thians,  and  the  country  of  Parthia  was 
filled  with  war,  and  the  principal  of  their 
men  were  slain,  and  all  things  were  in 
disorder  among  them  :  the  king's  son  also 
himself  fell  in  these  wars,  together  with 
many  ten  thousands  of  his  army.  Vitel- 
lius had  also  sent  such  great  sums  of 
money  to  Artabauus's  father's  kinsmen 
and  friends,  that  he  had  almost  procured 
him  to  be  slain  by  the  means  of  those 
bribes  which  they  had  taken.  And  when 
Artabanus  perceived  that  the  plot  laid 
against  him  was  not  to  be  avoided,  because 
it  was  laid  by  the  principal  men,  and 
those  a  great  many  in  number,  and  that 
it  would  certainly  take  effect, — when  he 
had  estimated  the  number  of  those  that 
were  truly  faithful  to  him,  as  also  of 
those  who  were  already  corrupted,  but 
were  deceitful  in  the  kindness  they  pro- 
fessed to  him,  and  were  likely,  upon 
trial,  to  go  over  to  his  enemies,  he  made 
his  escape  to  the  upper  provinces,  where 
he  afterward  raised  a  great  army  out 
of  the  Dahae  and  Sacae,  and  fought  with 


his    enemies,    and     retained    his    princi- 
pality. 

When  Tiberius  had  heard  of  these 
things,  he  desired  to  have  a  league  of 
friendship  made  between  him  and  Artaba^ 
nus ;  and  wheu,  upon  this  invitation,  he 
received  the  proposal  kindly,  Artabanus 
and  Vitellius  went  to  Euphrates,  and,  as 
a  bridge  was  laid  over  the  river,  they  each 
of  them  came  with  their  guards  about 
them,  and  met  one  another  on  the  midst 
of  the  bridge.  And  wheu  they  had  agreed 
upon  the  terms  of  peace,  Herod  the  te- 
trach  erected  a  rich  teut  on  the  midst  of 
the  passage,  and  made  them  a  feast  there. 
Artabanus  also,  not  long  afterward,  sent 
his  son  Darius  as  an  hostage,  with  many 
presents,  among  which  there  was  a  man 
seven  cubits  tall — a  Jew  he  was  by  birth, 
and  his  name  was  Eleazar,  who,  for  his 
tallness,  was  called  a  giant.  After  which, 
Vitellius  went  to  Antioch,  and  Artabanus 
to-  Babylon;  but  Herod  [the  tetrarch], 
being  desirous  to  give  Caesar  the  first 
information  that  they  had  obtained  host- 
ages, sent  posts  with  letters,  wherein  he 
had  accurately  described  all  the  particu- 
lars, and  had  left  nothing  for  the  consular 
Vitellius  to  inform  him  of.  Put  when 
Vitellius's  letters  were  sent,  and  Ctesar 
had  let  him  know  that  he  was  acquainted 
with  the  affairs  already,  because  Herod 
had  given  him  an  account  of  them  before, 
Vitellius  was  very  much  troubled  at  it; 
and  supposing  that  he  had  been  thereby 
a  greater  sufferer  than  he  really  was,  he 
kept  up  a  secret  anger  upon  this  occasion, 
till  he  could  be  revenged  on  him,  which 
he  was  after  Caius  had  taken  the  govern- 
ment. 

About  this  time  it  was  that  Philip, 
Herod's  brother,  departed  this  life,  in  the 
twentieth  year  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,* 
after  be  had  been  tetrarch  of  Trachouitis, 
and  Gaulonitis,  and  of  the  nation  of  the 
Bataneans  also,  thirty-seven  years.  He 
had  shown  himself  a  person  of  modera- 
tion and  quietness  in  the  conduct  of  his 
life  and  government;  he  constantly  lived 
in  that  country  which  was  subject  to  him; 
he  used  to  make  his  progress  with  a  few 
chosen  friends;  his  tribunal  also,  on  which 
he  sat  in  judgment,  followed  him  in  his 
progress;  and  when  any  one  met  him  who 
wanted  his  assistance,  he  made  no  delay, 
but  had  his  tribuual  set  down  immediately, 

*  Herod  died  about  September,  in  the  fourth 
year  before  the  Christian  era,  and  Tiberius  began 
to  reign  August  19,  A.  D.  1-1. 


74 


ANTIQUITIES    OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XVIIL 


,  wheresoever  he  happened  to  be,  and  sat 
down  upon  it,  and  heard  the  complaint; 
he  there  ordered  the  guilty  that  were  con- 
victed to  be  punished,  and  absolved  those 
that  were  accused,  unjustly.  He  died  at 
Julias;  and  when  he  was  carried  to  that 
monument  which  he  had  already  erected 
for  himself  beforehand,  he  was  buried 
with  great  pomp.  His  principality  Ti- 
berius took  (for  he  left  no  sons  behind 
him)  and  added  it  to  the  province  of 
Syria,  but  gave  order  that  the  tributes 
which  arose  from  it  should  be  collected, 
and  laid  up  in  his  tetrarchy. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Herod  the  tetrarch  makes  war  with  Aretas,  king  of 
Arabia — is  beaten  by  him — Death  of  John  the 
Baptist. 

About  this  time  Aretas  (the  king  of 
Arabia  Petrea)  and  Herod  had  a  quarrel, 
on  the  account  following  : — Herod  the  te- 
trarch had  married  the  daughter  of  Aretas, 
and  had  lived  with  her  a  great  while; 
but  when  he  was  once  at  Rome,  he  lodged 
with  Herod,  who  was  his  brother,  indeed, 
but  not  by  the  same  mother;  for  this 
Herod  was  the  son  of  the  high-priest 
Simon's  daughter.  However,  he  fell  in 
love  with  Herodias,  this  last  Herod's  wife, 
who  was  the  daughter  of  Aristobulus  their 
brother,  and  the  sister  of  Agrippa  the 
Great.  This  man  ventured  to  talk  to  her 
about  a  marriage  between  them  ;  which 
address  when  she  admitted,  an  agreement 
was  made  for  her  to  change  her  habita- 
tion, aud  come  to  him  as  soon  as  he 
should  return  from  Rome:  one  article  of 
this  marriage  also  was  this,  that  he  should 
divorce  Aretas's  daughter.  So  Antipas, 
when  he  had  made  this  agreement,  sailed 
to  Rome;  but  when  he  had  done  there 
the  business  he  went  about,  and  had  re- 
turned again,  his  wife  having  discovered 
the  agreement  he  had  made  with  Herodias, 
and  having  learned  it  before  he  had  notice 
of  her  knowledge  of  the  whole  design, 
she  desired  him  to  send  her  to  Macherus, 
which  is  a  place  on  the  borders  of  the  do- 
minions of  Aretas  and  Herod,  without 
informing  him  of  any  of  her  intentions. 
Accordingly  Herod  sent  her  thither,  as 
thinking  his  wife  had  not  perceived  any 
thing ;  now  she  had  sent  a  good  while 
before  to  Macherus,  which  was  subject  to 
her  father,  and  so  all  things  necessary  for 
her  journey  were  made  ready  for  her  by 


the  general  of  Aretas's  arm}';  and  by 
that  means  she  soon  came  into  Arabia, 
under  the  conduct  of  the  several  generals, 
who  carried  her  from  one  another  suc- 
cessively ;  and  she  soon  came  to  her 
father,  and  told  him  of  Herod's  intentions. 
So  Aretas  made  this  the  first  occasion  of 
his  enmity  between  him  and  Herod,  who 
had  also  some  quarrel  with  him  about 
their  limits  at  the  country  of  Gamalitis. 
So  they  raised  armies  on  both  sides,  and 
prepared  for  war,  and  sent  their  generals 
to  fight  instead  of  themselves;  and,  when 
they  had  joined  battle,  all  Herod's  army 
was  destroyed  by  the  treachery  of  some 
fugitives,  who,  though  they  were  of  the 
tetrarchy  of  Philip,  joined  with  Aretas's 
army.  So  Herod  wrote  about  these  affairs 
to  Tiberius;  who,  being  very  angry  at 
the  attempt  made  by  Aretas,  wrote  to  Vi- 
tellius  to  make  war  upon  him,  and  either 
to  take  him  alive,  and  bring  him  to  him 
in  bonds,  or  to  kill  him,  and  send  him 
his'  head.  This  was  the  charge  that  Ti- 
berius gave  to  the  president  of  Syria. 

Now  some  of  the  Jews  thought  that 
the  destruction  of  Herod's  army  came  from 
God,  and  that  very  justly,  as  a  punish- 
ment of  what  he  did  against  John,  that 
was  called  the  Baptist;  for  Herod  slew 
him,  who  was  a  good  man,  and  commanded 
the  Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  both  as  to 
righteousness  toward  one  another,  and 
piety  toward  God,  and  so  to  come  to  bap- 
tism; for  that  the  washing  [with  water] 
would  be  acceptable  to  him,  if  they  made 
use  of  it,  not  in  order  to' the  putting  away 
[or  the  remission]  of  some  sins  [only],  but 
for  the  purification  of  the  body  :  suppos- 
ing still  that  the  soul  was  thoroughly  pu- 
rified beforehand  by  righteousness.  Now, 
when  [many]  others  came  in  crowds  about 
him,  for  they  were  greatly  moved  [or 
pleased]  by  hearing  his  words,  Herod,  who 
feared  lest  the  great  influence  John  had 
over  the  people  might  put  it  into  his  power 
and  inclination  to  raise  a  rebellion,  (for 
they  seemed  ready  to  do  any  thing  he 
should  advise,)  thought  it  best,  by  put- 
ting him  to  death,  to  prevent  any  mis- 
chief he  might  cause,  and  not  bring 
himself  into  difficulties,  by  sparing  a  man 
who  might  make  him  repent  of  it  when 
it  should  be  too  late.  Accordingly,  he 
was  sent  a  prisoner,  out  of  Herod's  sus- 
picious temper,  to  Macherus,  the  castle  I 
before  mentioned,  and  was  there  put  to 
death.  Now  the  Jews  had  an  opinion  that 
the  destruction  of  this  army  was  sent  as  a 


Chap.  V. 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


punishment  upon  Herod,  and  a  mark  of 
God's  displeasure  against  him.     y/ 

So  Vitellius  prepared  to  make  war  with 
Aretas,  having  with  him  two  legions  of 
armed  men ;  he  also  took  with  him  all 
those  of  light  armature,  and  of  the  horse- 
men which  belonged  to  them,  and  were 
drawn  out  of  those  kingdoms  which  were 
under  the  Romans,  and  made  haste  for 
Petra,  and  came  to  Ptolemais.  But  as  he 
was  marching  very  busily,  and  leading  his 
army  through  Judea,  the  principal  men 
met  him,  and  desired  that  he  would  not 
thus  march  through  their  land ;  for  that 
the  laws  of  their  country  would  not  per- 
mit them  to  overlook  those  images  which 
were  brought  into  it,  of  which  there  were 
a  great  many  in  their  ensigns ;  so  he  was 
persuaded  by  what  they  said,  and  changed 
that  resolution  of  his,  which  he  had  before 
taken  in  this  matter.  Whereupon  he 
ordered  the  army  to  march  along  the 
Great  Plain,  while  he  himself,  with  Herod 
the  tetrarch,  and  his  friends,  went  up  to 
Jerusalem  to  offer  sacrifice  to  God,  an 
ancient  festival  of  the  Jews  being  then 
just  approaching;  and  when  he  had  been 
there,  and  been  honourably  entertained  by 
the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  he  made  a  stay 
there  for  three  days,  within  which  time  he 
deprived  Jonathan  of  the  high-priesthood, 
and  gave  it  to  his  brother  Theophilus ; 
but  when  on  the  fourth  day  letters  came 
to  him,  which  informed  him  of  the  death 
of  Tiberius,  he  obliged  the  multitude  to 
take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  Caius ;  he  also 
recalled  his  army,  and  made  them  every 
one  go  home,  and  take  their  winter-quar- 
ters there,  since,  upon  the  devolution  of 
the  empire  upon  Caius,  he  had  not  the 
like  authority  of  making  this  war  which 
he  had  before.  It  was  also  reported,  that 
when  Aretas  heard  of  the  coming  of  Vitel- 
lius to  fight  him,  he  said,  upon  his  consult- 
ing the  diviners,  that  it  was  impossible 
that  this  army  of  Vitellius's  could  enter 
Petra;  for  that  one  of  the  rulers  would 
die,  either  he  that  gave  orders  for  the  war, 
or  he  that  was  marching  at  the  other's 
desire,  in  order  to  be  subservient  to  his 
will,  or  else  he  against  vvhom  this  army  is 
prepared.  So  Vitellius  truly  retired  to 
Antioch;  but  Agrippa,  the  son  of  Aristo- 
bulus,  went  up  to  llome,  a  year  before 
the  death  of  Tiberius,  in  order  to  treat  of 
.some  affairs  with  the  emperor,  if  he  might 
be  permitted  so  to  do.  I  have  now  a  mind 
to  describe  Herod  and  his  family,  how  it 
fared  with  them,  partly  because  it  is  suit- 


able to  this  history  to  fpeak  of  that  matter, 
and  partly  because  this  thing  is  a  demon- 
stration of  the  interposition  of  Providence ; 
how  a  multitude  of  children  is  of  no 
advantage,  no  more  than  any  other  strength 
that  mankind  set  their  hearts  upon,  besides 
those  acts  of  piety  which  are  done  toward 
God ;  for  it  happened,  that  within  the 
revolution  of  100  years,  the  posterity  of 
Herod,  who  were  a  great. many  in  number, 
were,  excepting  a  few,  utterly  destroyed. 
One  may  well  apply  this  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  mankind,  and  learn  thence  how 
unhappy  they  were  :  it  will  also  show  us 
the  history  of  Agrippa,  who,  as  he  was  a 
person  most  worthy  of  admiration,  so  was 
he  from  a  private  man,  beyond  all  the 
expectation  of  those  that  knew  him,  ad- 
vanced to  great  power  aud  authority.  I 
have  said  something  of  them  formerly; 
but  I  shall  now  also  speak  accurately 
about  them. 

Herod  the  Great  had  two  daughters  by 
Mariamne,  the  [grand]  daughter  of  Hyr- 
canus;  the  one  was  Salampsio,  who  was 
married  to  Phasaelus,  her  first  cousin,  who 
was  himself  the  son  of  Phasaelus,  Herod's 
brother,  her  father  making  the  match : 
the  other  was  Cypros,.  who  was  herself 
married  also  to  her  first  cousin  Antipater, 
the  son  of  Salome,  Herod's  sister.  Pha- 
saelus had  five  children  by  Salampsio — 
Antipater,  Herod,  and  Alexander,  and 
two  daughters,  Alexandra  and  Cypros; 
which  last,  Agrippa,  the  son  of  Aristobu- 
lus,  married ;  and  Timius  of  Cyprus  mar- 
ried Alexandra;  he  was  a  man  of  note, 
but  had  by  her  no  children.  Agrippa  had 
by  Cypros  two  sons  aud  three  daughters, 
which  daughters  were  named  Bernice,  Ma- 
riamne, and  Drusilla;  but  the' names  of  the 
sons  were  Agrippa  and  Drusus,  of  which 
Drusus  died  before  he  came  to  the  years 
of  puberty;  but  their  father,  Agrippa, 
was  brought  up  with  his  other  brethren, 
Herod  and  Aristobulus,  for  these  were 
also  the  sons  of  the  son  of  Herod  the 
Great  by  Bernice;  but  Bernice  was  the 
daughter  of  Costobarus  and  of  Salome, 
who  was  Herod's  sister.  Aristobulus  left 
these  infants  when  he  was  slain  by  his 
father,  together  with  his  brother  Alexan- 
der, as  we  have  already  related ;  but  when 
they  had  arrived  at  the  years  of  puberty, 
this  Herod,  the  brother  of  Agrippa,  mar- 
ried Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Olympias, 
who  was  the  daughter  of  Herod  the  king, 
and  of  Joseph,  the  son  of  Joseph,  who 
was  brother  to  Herod  the  king,  and  had 


76 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


by  her  a  son,  Aristobulus;  but  Aristobu- 
lus, the  third  brother  of  Agrippa,  married 
Jotape,  the  daughter  of  Sampsigeramus, 
king  of  Eraesaj*  they  had  a  daughter 
■who  was  deaf,  whose  name  also  was  Jo- 
tape  ;  and  these  hitherto  were  the  children 
of  the  male  line ;  but  Herodias,  their 
sister,  was  married  to  Herod  [Philip],  the 
son  of  Herod  the  Great,  who  was  born  of 
Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Simon  the 
high  priest,  who  had  a  daughter,  Salome ; 
after  whose  birth  Herodias  took  upon  her 
to  confound  the  laws  of  our  country,  and 
divorce  herself  from  her  husband  while  he 
was  alive,  aud  was  married  to  Herod  [An- 
tipas],  her  husband's  brother  by  the  fa- 
ther's side ;  he  was  tetrarch  of  Galilee ; 
but  her  daughter,  Salome,  was  married  to 
Philip,  the  son  of  Herod,  and  tetrarch  of 
Trachonitis;  and,  as  he  died  childless, 
Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Herod,  the  brother 
of  Agrippa,  married  her;  they  had  three 
sons,  Herod,  Agrippa,  and  Aristobulus ; 
and  this  was  the  posterity  of  Phasaelus 
and  Salampsio ;  but  the  daughter  of  An- 
tipater  by  Cypros,  was  Cypros,  whom 
Alexas  Selcias,  the  son  of  Alexas,  married; 
they  had  a  daughter,  Cypros ;  but  Herod 
and  Alexander,  who  as  we  told  you  were 
the  brothers  of  Antipater,  died  childless. 
As  to  Alexander,  the  son  of  Herod  the 
king,  who  was  slain  by  his  father,  he  had 
two  sons,  Alexander  aud  Tigranes,  by  the 
daughter  of  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappado- 
cia.  Tigranes,  who  was  king  of  Armenia, 
was  accused  at  Home,  aud  died  childless  ; 
Alexander  had  a  son  of  the  same  name 
with  his  brother  Tigranes,  and  was  sent  to 
take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Arme- 
nia by  Nero ;  he  had  a  son,  Alexander, 
who  married  Jotape,f  the  daughter  of 
Antiochus,  the  king  of  Commagena;  Ves- 
spasian  made  him  king  of  an  island  in 
Cilicia.  But  these  descendants  of  iUex- 
ander,  soon  after  their  birth,  deserted  the 
Jewish  religion,  and  went  over  to  that  of 
the  Greeks ;  but  for  the  rest  of  the  daugh- 
ters of  Herod  the  king,  it  happened  that 
they  died  childless;  and  as  these  descend- 
ants of  Herod,  whom  we  have  enume- 
rated, were  in  being  at  the  same  time  that 
Agrippa  the  Great  took  the  kingdom,  and 
I  have  now  given  an  account  of  them,  it 
now  remains  that  I  relate  the  several  hard 
fortunes  which  befell  Agrippa,  and  how 

*  There  are  coins  still  extant  of  this  Emesa. 

f  Spanhoim  also  informs  us  of  a  coin  still  ex 
tant  of  this  Jotape,  daughter  of  the  king  of  Com- 
magena. 


he  got  clear  of  them,  and  was  advanced  ta 
the  greatest  height  of  dignity  and  powei. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Agrippa  visits  Rome — accused  before  Tiberius  Cre- 
sar — imprisoned — -is  set  at  liberty  by  Caius,  after 
the  death  of  Tiberius. 

A  little  before  the  death  of  Herod 
the  king,  Agrippa  lived  at  Rome,  and  was 
generally  brought  up  and  conversed  with 
Drusus,  the  Emperor  Tiberius's  son,  and 
contracted  a  friendship  with  Antouia,  the 
wife  of  Drusus  the  Great,  who  had  his 
mother  Bernice  in  great  esteem,  and  was 
very  desirous  of  advancing  her  son.  Now, 
as  Agrippa  was  by  nature  magnanimous 
and  generous  in  the  presents  he  made 
while  his  mother  was  alive,  this  inclination 
of  his  mind  did  not  appear,  that  he  might 
be  able  to  avoid  her  anger  for  such  his 
extravagance;  but  when  Bernice  was  dead, 
and  he  was  left  to  his  own  conduct,  he 
spent  a  great  deal  extravagantly  in  his 
daily  way  of  living,  and  a  great  deal  in 
the  immoderate  presents  he  made,  and 
those  chiefly  among  Caesar's  freed-men,  in 
order  to  gain  their  assistance,  insomuch 
that  he  was  in  a  little  time  reduced  to 
poverty,  aud  could  not  live  at  Rome 
any  longer.  Tiberius,  also,  forbade  the 
friends  of  his  deceased  son  to  come  into 
his  sight,  because,  on  seeing  them,  he 
should  be  put  in  mind  of  his  son,  and  hia 
grief  would  thereby  be  revived. 

For  these  reasons,  he  went  away  from 
Rome  and  sailed  to  Judea,  but  in  evil  cir- 
cumstances, being  dejected  with  the  loss 
of  that  money  which  he  once  had,  and 
because  he  had  not  wherewithal  to  pay  his 
creditors,  who  were  many  in  number,  aud 
such  as  gave  no  room  for.  escaping  them. 
Whereupon  he  knew  not  what  to  do ;  so, 
for  shame  of  his  present  condition,  he  re- 
tired to  a  certain  tower,  at  Malatha,  in 
Idumea,  aud  had  thoughts  of  killing  him- 
self; but  his  wife  Cypros  perceived  his 
intentions,  and  tried  all  sorts  of  methods 
to  divert  him  from  his  taking  such  a 
course  :  so,  she  sent  a  letter  to  his  sister 
Herodias,  who  was  now  the  wife  of  Herod 
the  tetrarch,  and  let  her  know  Agrippa's 
present  design,  and  what  necessity  it  was 
which  drove  him  thereto,  and  desired  her, 
as  a  kinswoman  of  his,  to  give  him  her 
help,  and  to  engage  her  husband  to  do  the 
same,  since  she  saw  how  she  alleviated 
these  her  husband's  troubles  all  she  could; 


Chap.  VL] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THF.   JEWS. 


77 


although  she  had  not  tlie  like  wealth  to  do 
it  withal.  So  they  sent  for  him,  and 
allotted  him  Tiberias  for  his  habitation, 
and  appointed  him  some  income  of  money 
for  his  maintenance,  and  made  him  a  ma- 
gistrate of  that  city,  by  way  of  honour  to 
him.  Yet  did  not  Herod  long  continue  in 
that  resolution  of  supporting  him,  though 
even  that  support  was  not  sufficient  for 
him;  for,  as  once  they  were  at  a  feast  at 
Tyre,  and  in  their  cups,  and  reproaches 
were  cast  upon  one  another,  Agrippa 
thought  that  was  not  to  be  borne,  while 
1  hit  him  in  the  teeth  with  his  po- 
verty, and  with  his  owing  his  necessary 
food  to  him.  So  he  went  to  Flaccus,  one 
that  had  been  consul,  and  had  been  a  very 
great  friend  to  him  at  Rome  formerly,  and 
was  now  president  of  Syria. 

Hereupon  Flaccus  received  him  kindly, 
and  he  lived  with  him.  Flaccus  had  also 
with  him  there  Aristobulus,  who  was 
indeed  Agrippa's  brother,  but  was  at  vari- 
ance with  him;  yet  did  not  their  enmity 
to  one  another  hinder  the  friendship  of 
Flaccus  to  them  both ;  but  still  they  were 
honourably  treated  by  him.  However, 
Aristobulus  did  not  abate  of  his  ill-will  to 
Agrippa,  till  at  length  he  brought  him 
into  ill  terms  with  Flaccus;  the  occasion 
of  bringing  on  which  estrangement  was 
this  : — The  Damascenes  were  at  difference 
with  the  Sidonians  about  their  limits,  and 
when  Flaccus  was  about  to  hear  the 
cause  between  them,  they  understood  that 
Agrippa  had  a  mighty  influence  upon 
him;  so  they  desired  that  he  would  be 
of  their  side,  and  for  that  favour  pro- 
mised him  a  great  deal  of  money;  so 
that  he  was  zealous  in  assisting  the  Dama- 
scenes as  far  as  he  was  able.  Now,  Aris- 
tobulus had  gotten  intelligence  of  this 
promise  of  money  to  him,  aud  accused 
him  to  Flaccus  of  the  same;  and  when, 
upon  a  thorough  examination  of  the  mat- 
ter, it  appeared  plainly  so  to  be,  he  rejected 
Agrippa  out  of  the  number  of  his  friends. 
So  he  was  reduced  to  the  utmost  necessity, 
and  came  to  Ptolemais ;  and,  because  he 
knew  not  where  else  to  get  a  livelihood, 
be  thought  to  sail  to  Italy ;  but  as  he  was 
restrained  from  so  doing  by  want  of  money, 
he  desired  Marsyas,  who  was  his  freed- 
man,  to  find  some  method  for  procuring 
him  so  much  as  he  wanted  for  that 
purpose,  by  borrowing  such  a  sum  of  some 
person  or  other.  S.0  Marsyas  desired  of 
Peter,  who  was  the  freedman  of  Bernice, 
Agrippa's  mother,  and  by  the  right  of  her 


testament  was  bequeathed  to  Antonia,  to 
lend  so  much  upon  Agrippa's  own  bund 
and  security:  but  he  accused  Agrippa  of 

having  defrauded  him  of  certain  sum-  of 
money,  and  so  obliged  Marsyas,  when  he 
made  the  bond  of  20,000  Attic  drachmae, 
to  accept  of  2500  drachmas  less  than 
what  he  desired;  which  the  other  allowed 
of,  because  he  could  not  help  it.  Upon 
the  receipt  of  this  money,  Agrippa  came 
to  Anthedon,  and  took  shipping,  and  was 
going  to  set  sail;  but  Herenniua  Capito, 
who  was  the  procurator  of  Jamni  . 
a  band  of  soldiers  to  demand  of  him 
300,000  drachmae  of  silver,  which  were 
by  him  owing  to  Caesar's  treasury  while 
he  was  at  Rome,  and  so  forced  him  to 
stay.  He  then  pretended  he  would  do  as 
he  bade  him;  but  when  night  came  on, 
he  cut  his  cables,  and  went  off,  and  Bailed 
to  Alexandria,  where  he  desired  Alexan- 
der the  alabarch  to  lend  him  200,000 
drachmas;  but  he  said  he  would  not  lend 
it  to  him,  but  would  not  refuse  it  to  Cy- 
pros,  as  greatly  astonished  at  her  affection 
to  her  husband,  and  at  the  other  instances 
of  her  virtue ;  so  she  undertook  to  repay 
it.  Accordingly,  Alexander  paid  them 
five  talents  at  Alexandria,  and  promis  1  to 
pay  them  the  rest  of  that  sum  at  Dicearchia 
[Puteoli];  and  this  he  did  out  of  the  fear 
he  was  in  that  Agrippa  would  soon  spend 
it.  So  this  Cypros  set  her  husband  free, 
and  dismissed  him  to  go  on  with  his  navi- 
gation to  Italy,  while  she  and  her  chil- 
dren departed  for  Judea. 

And  now  Agrippa  came  to  Puteoli, 
whence  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Tiberius 
Caesar,  who  then  lived  at  Caprcae.  and 
told  him  that  he  had  come  so  far,  in 
order  to  wait  on  him,  and  to  pay  him  a 
visit;  and  desired  that  he  would  give  him 
leave  to  come  over  to  Capreas :  so  Tibe- 
rius made  no  difficulty,  but  wrote  to  him 
in  an  obliging  way  in  other  respects;  and 
withal  told  him  he  was  glad  of  his  safe 
return,  and  desired  him  to  come  to 
Capreae:  and  when  he  had  come,  he  did 
not  fail  to  treat  him  as  kindly  as  he  had 
promised  him  in  his  letter  to  do.  But 
the  next  day  came  a  letter  to  Caesar  from 
Herennius  Capito,  to  inform  him  that 
Agrippa  had  borrowed  300,000  drachmas, 
and  not  paid  it  .at  the  time  appointed; 
but,  when  it  was  demanded  of  him,  he 
ran  away  like  a  fugitive,  out  of  the 
places  under  his  government,  and  put  it 
out  of  his  power  to  get  the  money  of  him 
When  Caesar  had  read  this  letter,  he  was 


78 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII. 


much  troubled  at  it,  and  gave  order  that 
Agrippa  should  be  excluded  from  his  pre- 
sence until  he  had  paid  that  debt :  upon 
which  he  was  noway  daunted  at  Caesar's 
anger,  but  entreated  Antonia,  the  mother 
of  Germanicus,  and  of  Claudius,  who  was 
afterward  Caesar  himself,  to  lend  him 
those  300,000  drachma),  that  he  might 
not  be  deprived  of  Tiberius's  friendship; 
so,  out  of  regard  to  the  memory  of  Ber- 
nice  his  mother,  (for  those  two  women 
were  very  familiar  with  one  another,) 
and  out  of  regard  of  his  and  Claudius's 
education  together,  she  lent  him  the 
money;  and,  upon  the  payment  of  this 
debt,  there  was  nothing  to  hinder  Tibe- 
rius's friendship  to  him.  After  this, 
Tiberius  Caesar  recommended  to  him  his 
grandson,*  and  ordered  that  he  should 
always  accompany  him  when  he  went 
abroad.  But,  upon  Agrippa's  kind  re- 
ceptiou  by  Antonia,  he  betook  himself  to 
pay  his  respects  .to  Caius,  who  was  her 
grandson,  and  in  very  high  reputation  by 
reason  of  the  good-will  they  bore  his 
father. f  Now,  there  was  one  Thallus,  a 
freed  man  of  Caesar,  of  whom  he  borrowed 
1,000,000  of  drachmae,  and  thence  repaid 
Antonia  the  debt  he  owed  her;  and  by 
spending  the  overplus  in  paying  his  court 
to  Caius,  became  a  person  of  great  autho- 
rity with  him. 

Now,  as  the  friendship  which  Agrippa 
had  for  Caius  had  come  to  a  great  height, 
there  happened  some  words  to  pass  be- 
tween them,  as  they  once  were  in  a 
chariot  together,  concerning  Tiberius; 
Agrippa  praying  [to  God]  (for  they  two 
sat  by  themselves)  that  Tiberius  might 
soon  go  off  the  stage,  and  leave  the 
government  to  Caius,  who  was  in  every 
respect  more  worthy  of  it.  Now,  Euty- 
chus,  who  was  Agrippa's  freedman,  and 
drove  his  chariot,  heard  these  words,  and 
at  -that  time  said  nothing  of  them ;  but 
when  Agrippa  accused  him  of  stealing 
some  garments  of  his,  (which  was  cer- 
tainly true,)  he  ran  away  from  him ;  but 
when  he  was  caught,  and  brought  before 
Piso,  who  was  governor  of  the  city,  and 
the  man  was  asked  why  he  ran  away,  he 
replied,  that  he  had  somewhat  to  say  to 
Caesar,  that  tended  to  his  security  and 
preservation :  so  Piso  bound  him,  and 
sent  him  to  Capreae.  But  Tiberius,  ac- 
cording to  his  usual  custom,  kept  him 
still  in  bonds,  being  a  delayer  of  affairs, 


*  Tiberius  junior. 


•j-  Germanicus. 


if  ever  there  was  any  other  king  or  tyrant 
that  was  so ;  for  he  did  not  admit  ambas- 
sadors quickly,  and  no  successors  were 
despatched  away  to  governors  or  procu- 
rators of  the  provinces  that  had  been 
formerly  sent,  unless  they  were  dead; 
whence  it  was  that  he  was  so  negligent 
in  hearing  the  causes  of  prisoners ;  inso- 
much that  when  he  was  asked  by  his 
friends  what  was  the  reason  of  his  delay 
in  such  cases,  he  said  that  he  delayed  to 
hear  ambassadors,  lest,  upon  their  quick 
dismission,  other  ambassadors  should  be 
appointed,  and  return  upon  him  ;  aud  so 
he  should  bring  trouble  upon  himself  in 
the  public  reception  and  dismission  :  that 
he  permitted  those  governors  who  had 
been  sent  once  to  their  governments,  [to 
stay  there  a  great,  while,]  out  of  regard 
to  the  subjects  that  were  under  them ; 
for  that  all  governors  are  naturally  dis- 
posed to  get  as  much  as  they  can;  and 
that  those  who  are  not  to  fix  there,  but  to 
stay  a  short  time,  and  that  at  an  uncer- 
tainty when  they  shall  be  turned  out,  do 
the  more  severely  hurry  themselves  on  to 
fleece  the  people;  but  that,  if  their  go- 
vernment be  long  continued  to  them, 
they  are  at  last  satiated  with  the  spoils, 
as  having  gotten  a  vast  deal,  and  so  be- 
come at  length  less  sharp  in  their  pil- 
laging ;  but  that,  if  successors  are  sent 
quickly,  the  poor  subjects  who  are  ex- 
posed to  them  as  a  prey  will  not  be  able 
to  bear  the  new  ones,  while  they  shall 
not  have  the  same  time  allowed  them 
wherein  their  predecessors  had  filled 
themselves,  and  so  grow  more  uncon- 
cerned about  getting  more ;  and  this  be- 
cause they  are  removed  before  they  have 
had  time  [for  their  oppressions].  He 
gave  them  an  example  to  show  his  mean- 
ing : — A  great  number  of  flies  came  about 
the  sore  places  of  a  man  that  had  been 
wounded ;  upon  which  one  of  the  standers- 
by  pitied  the  man's  misfortune,  and  think- 
ing he  was  not  able  to  drive  away  those 
flies  himself,  was  going  to  drive  them 
away  for  him;  but  he  prayed  him  to  let 
them  alone.  The  other,  by  way  of  reply, 
asked  him  the  reason  of  such  a  prepos- 
terous proceeding,  in  preventing  relief 
from  his  present  misery ;  to  which  he 
answered,  "If  thou  drivest  these  flies 
away,  thou  wilt  hurt  me  worse;  for  as 
these  are  already  full  of  my  blood,  they 
do  not  crowd  about  me,  nor  pain  me  so 
much  as  before,  but  are  sometimes  more 
remiss,  while  the  fresh  ones   that  come, 


Chap.  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


F9 


almost  famished,  and  find  me  quite  tired 
down  already,  will  be  my  destruction. 
For  this  cause,  therefore,  it  is  that  I  am 
myself  careful  not  to  send  such  new 
governors  perpetually  to  those  my  sub- 
jects, who  are  already  sufficiently  harassed 
by  many  oppressions,  as  may,  like  tbese 
flies,  further  distress  them ;  and  so,  be- 
sides their  natural  desire  of  gain,  may 
have  this  additional  incitement  to  it,  that 
they  expect  to  be  suddenly  deprived  of 
that  pleasure  which  they  take  in  it."  And, 
as  a  further  attestation  to  what  I  say  of 
the  dilatory  nature  of  Tiberius,  I  appeal 
to  this  his  practice  itself;  for,  although  he 
was  emperor  twenty-two  years,  he  sent 
in  all  but  two  procurators  to  govern 
the  nation  of  the  Jews, — G-ratus,  and  his 
successor  in  the  government,  Pilate.  Nor 
was  he  in  one  way  of  acting  with  respect 
to  the  Jews,  and  in  another  with  respect 
to  the  rest  of  his  subjects.  He  further 
informed  them,  that  even  in  the  hearing 
of  the  causes  of  prisoners,  he  made  such 
delays-,  because  immediate  death  to  those 
that  must  be  condemned  to  die  would  be 
an  alleviation  of  their  present  miseries, 
while  those  wicked  wretches  have  not  de- 
served any  favour;  but  I  do  it,  "  that  by 
being  harassed  with  the  present  calamity, 
they  may  undergo  greater  misery." 

On  this  account  it  was  that  Eutychus 
could  not  obtain  a  hearing,  but  was  kept 
still  in  prison.  However,  some  time  after- 
ward, Tiberius  came  from  Capreae  to  Tus- 
culanum,  which  is  about  100  furlongs 
from  Rome.  Agrippa  then  desired  of 
Antonia  that  she  would  procure  a  hearing 
for  Eutychus,  let  the  matter  whereof  he 
accused  him  prove  what  it  would.  Now, 
Antonia  was  greatly  esteemed  by  Tiberius 
on  all  accounts,  from  the  dignity  of  her 
relation  to  him,  who  had  been  his  brother 
Drusus's  wife,  and  from  her  eminent  chas- 
tity ;  for  though  she  was  still  a  young 
woman,  she  continued  in  her  widowhood, 
and  refused  all  other  matches,  although 
Augustus  had  enjoined  her  to  be  married 
to  somebody  else;  yet  did  she  all  along 
preserve  her  reputation  free  from  reproach. 
She  had  also  been  the  greatest  benefactress 
to  Tiberius,  when  there  was  a  very  dan- 
gerous plot  laid  against  him  by  Sejanus, 
a  man  who  had  been  her  husband's  friend, 
and  who  had  the  greatest  authority,  because 
he  was  general  of  the  army,  and  when 
many  members  of  the  senate,  and  many 
of  the  freedmen,  joined  with  hinf,  and 
the  soldiery  were  corrupted,  and  the  plot 


had  come  to  a  great  height.  Now,  Seja- 
nus had  certainly  gained  his  point,  had 
not  Antonia's  boldness  been  more  wisely 
conducted  than  Sejanus's  malice  ;  for, 
when  she  had  discovered  his  di 
against  Tiberius,  she  wrote  him  an 
account  of  the  whole,  and  gave  the  letter 
to  Pallas,  the  most  faithful  of  her  servant-, 
and  sent  him  to  Capreae  to  Tiberius,  who, 
when  he  understood  it,  slew  Sejanus  and 
bis  confederates ;  so  that  Tiberius,  who 
had  her  in  great  esteem  before,  now  looked 
upon  her  with  still  greater  respect,  and  de- 
pended upon  her  in  all  things.  So,  when 
Tiberius  was  desired  by  this  Antonia  to 
examine  Eutychus,  he  answered,  "  If, 
indeed,  Eutychus  hath  falsely  accused 
Agrippa  in  what  he  hath  said  of  him,  he 
hath  had  sufficient  punishment  by  what 
I  have  done  to  him  already;  but,  if  upon 
examination,  the  accusation  appears  to  be 
true,  let  Agrippa  have  a  care,  lest,  out  of 
desire  of  punishing  this  freedman,  he 
does  not  rather  bring  a  punishment  upon 
himself."  Now,  when  Antonia  told  Agrip- 
pa of  this,  he  was  still  much  more  press- 
ins  that  the  matter  might  be  examined 
into;  so  Antonia,  upon  Agrippa's  lying 
hard  at  her  continually  to  beg  this  favour, 
took  the  following  opportunity  : — As  Tibe- 
rius lay  once  at  his  ease  upon  his  sedan, 
and  was  carried  about,  and  Caius,  her 
grandson,  and  Agrippa,  were  before  him 
after  dinner,  she  walked  by  the  sedan,  and 
desired  him  to  call  Eutychus,  and  have 
him  examined ;  to  which  he  replied, 
"  0  Antonia  !  the  gods  are  my  witnesses 
that  I  am  induced  to  do  what  I  am  going 
to  do,  not  by  my  own  inclination,  but 
because  I  am  forced  to  do  it  by  thy 
prayers."  "When  he  had  said  this,  he 
ordered  Marco,  who  succeeded  Sejanus, 
to  bring  Eutychus  to  him ;  accordingly, 
without  any  delay,  he  was  brought.  Then 
Tiberius  asked  him  what  he  had  to 
say  against  a  man  who  had  given  him  his 
liberty.  Upon  which  he  said,  "  0  my 
lord!  this  Caius,  and  Agrippa  with  him, 
were  once  riding  in  a  chariot,  when  I  sat 
at  their  feet,  and,  among  other  discourses 
that  passed,  Agrippa  said  to  Caius,  <  Oh  that 
the  day  would  once  come  when  this  old 
fellow  will  die,  and  name  thee  for  the 
governor  of  the  habitable  earth  :  for  then 
this  Tiberius,  his  grandson,  would  be  nc 
hinderance,  but  would  be  taken  off  by  thee, 
and  that  earth  would  be  happy,  and  I 
happy  also.'"  Now,  Tiberius  took  these 
to  be  truly  Agrippa's  words,  and  bearing 


80 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII. 


a  grudge  withal  at  Agrippa,  because,  when 
he  had  commanded  him  to  pay  his  respects 
to  Tiberius,  his  grandson,  and  the  son  of 
Drusus,  Agrippa  had  not  paid  him  that 
respect,  but  had  disobeyed  his  commands, 
and  transferred  all  his  regard  to  Caius; 
he  said  to  Marco,  "Bind  this  man."  But 
Marco,  not  distinctly  knowing  which  of 
them  it  was  whom  he  bade  him  bind,  and 
not  expecting  that  he  would  have  any  such 
thing  done  to  Agrippa,  he  forbore,  and 
came  to  ask  more  distinctly  what  it  was  that 
he  said.  But  when  Ccesar  had  gone  round 
the  hippodrome,  he  found  Agrippa  stand- 
ing .  "  For  certain,"  said  he,  "  Marco, 
this  is  the  man  I  meant  to  have  bound ;" 
and  when  he  still  asked,  "  Which  of  these 
is  to  be  bound?"  he  said  Agrippa.  Upon 
which  Agrippa  betook  himself  to  make 
supplication  for  himself,  putting  him  in 
mind  of  his  son,  with  whom  he  was 
brought  up,  and  of  Tiberius  [his  grand- 
son], whom  he  had  educated,  but  all  to  no 
purpose,  for  they  led  him  about  bound  even 
in  his  purple  garments.  It  was  also  very 
hot  weather,  and  they  had  but  little  wine 
to  their  meal,  so  that  he  was  very  thirsty; 
he  was  also  in  a  sort  of  agony,  and  took 
this  treatment  of  him  heinously :  as  he 
therefore  saw  one  of  Caius's  slaves,  whose 
name  was  Thaumastus,  carrying  some 
water  in  a  vessel,  he  desired  that  he  would 
let  him  drink;  so  the  servant  gave  him 
some  water  to  drink  ;  and  he  drank  heart- 
ily, and  said  :  "  0  thou  boy  !  this  service 
of  thine  to  me  will  be  for  thy  advantage  ; 
for,  if  I  once  get  clear  of  these  bonds,  I 
will  soon  procure  thee  thy  freedom  from 
Caius,  who  has  not  been  wanting  to  minis- 
ter to  me  now  I  am  in  bonds,  in  the  same 
manner  as  when  I  was  in  my  former  state 
and  dignity."  Nor  did  he  deceive  him  in 
what  he  promised  him,  but  made  him 
amends  for  what  he  had  now  done ;  for, 
when  afterward  Agrippa  had  come  to  the 
kingdom,  he  took  particular  care  of  Thau- 
mastus, and  got  him  his  liberty  from  Caius, 
and  made  him  the  steward  over  his  own 
estate;  and  when  he  died,  he  left  him  to 
Agrippa  his  son,  and  to  Bernice  his 
daughter,  to  miuistcr  to  them  in  the  same 
capacity.  The  man  also  grew  old  in  that 
honourable  post,  and  therein  died.  But 
all  this  happened  a  good  while  later. 

Now,  Agrippa  stood  in  his  bonds  be- 
fore the  royal  palace,  and  leaned  on  a 
certain  tree  for  grief,  with  many  others, 
who  were  in  bonds  also;  and  as  a  certain 
bird  sat  upon  the  tree  on  which  Agrippa 


leaned,  (the  Romans  called  this  bird  bu- 
bo,)  [an  owl],  one  of  those  that  were 
bound,  a  German  by  nation,  saw  him,  and 
asked  a  soldier  who  that  man  in  purple 
was;  and  when  he  was  informed  that  his 
name  was  Agrippa,  and  that  he  was  by 
nation  a  Jew,  and  one  of  the  principal 
men  of  that  nation,  he  asked  leave  of  the 
soldier  to  whom  he  was  bound,*  to  let 
him  come  near  to  him,  to  speak  with  him; 
for  that  he  had  a  mind  to  inquire  of  him 
about  some  things  relating  to  his  country; 
which  liberty,  when  he  had  obtained,  as 
he  stood  near  him,  be  said  thus  to  him  by 
an  interpreter: — "This  sudden  change  of 
thy  condition,  0  young  man !  is  grievous 
to  thee,  as  bringing  on  thee  a  manifold 
and  very  great  adversity;  nor  wilt  thou 
believe  me,  when  I  foretell  how  thou  wilt 
get  clear  of  this  misery  which  thou  art 
now  under,  and  how  Divine  Provideuce 
will  provide  for  thee.  Know,  therefore, 
(and  I  appeal  to  my  own  country  gods,  as 
well  as  to  the  gods  of  this  place,  who 
have  awarded  these  bonds  to  us,)  that  all 
I  am  going  to  say  about  thy  concerns 
shall  neither  be  said  for  favour  nor  bribe- 
ry, nor  out  of  any  endeavour  to  make 
thee  cheerful  .without  cause ;  for  such 
predictions,  when  they  come  to  fail,  make 
the  grief  at  last,  and  in  earnest,  more 
bitter  than  if  the  party  had  never  heard 
of  any  such  thing.  However,  though  I 
run  the  hazard  of  my  ownself,  I  think  it 
fit  to  declare  to  thee  the  prediction  of  the 
gods.  It  cannot  be  that  thou  shouldst 
long  continue  in  these  bonds;  but  thou 
wilt  soon  be  delivered  from  them,  and 
wilt  be  promoted  to  the  highest  dignity 
and  power,  and  thou  wilt  be  envied  by  all 
those  who  now  pity  thy  hard  fortune;  and 
thou  wilt  be  happy  till  thy  death,  and 
wilt  leave  thine  happiness  to  the  children 
whom  thou  shalt  have.  But,  do  thou 
remember,  when  thou  seest  this  bird 
again,  that  thou  wilt  then  live  but  five 
days  longer.  This  event  will  be  brought 
to  pass  by  that  God  who  hath  sent  this 
bird  hither  to  be  a  sign  unto  thee.  And 
I  cannot  but  think  it  unjust  to  conceal  from 
thee  what  I  know  concerning  thee,  that, 
by  thy  knowing  beforehand  what  happiness 
is  coming  upon  thee,  thou  mayest  not  re- 
gard thy  present  misfortunes.  But,  when 
this  happiness  shall  actually  befall  thee,  do 


*  Dr.  Hudson  here  takes  notice,  out  of  Seneca, 
epistle  v.,  that  this  was  the  custom  of  Tiberius,  to 
couple  the  prisoner  and  the  soldier  that  guarded 
him  together  in  the  same  chain. 


Cn.\r.  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE    JEWS. 


81 


not  forget  what  misery  I  am  in  myself,  but 
endeavour  to  deliver  me."  So  when  the 
German  had  said  this,  he  made  Agrippa 
laugh  at  him,  as  much  as  he  afterward  ap- 
peared worthy  of  admiration.  But  now 
Antonia  took  Agrippa's  misfortune  to 
heart;  however,  to  speak  to  Tiberius  on 
his  behalf,  she  took  to  be  a  very  difficult 
thing,  ami,  indeed,  quite  impracticable,  as 
to  any  hope  of  success  ;  yet  did  she  procure 
of  Marco  that  the  soldiers  that  kept  him 
should  be  of  a  gentle  nature,  and  that  the 
centurion  who  was  over  them,  and  was  to 
diet  with  him,  should  be  of  the  same  dis- 
position, and  that  he  might  have  leave  to 
bathe  himself  every  day,  and  that  his 
freedmen  and  friends  might  come  to 
him,  and  that  other  things  that  tended 
to  ease  him  might  be  indulged  him.  So 
his  friend  Silas  came  in  to  him,  and  two 
of  his  freedmen,  Marsyas  and  Stechus, 
brought  him  such  sorts  of  food  as  he  was 
fond  of,  and,  indeed,  took  great  care  of 
him ;  they  also  brought  him  garments, 
under  pretence  of  selling  them,  and,  when 
night  came  on,  they  laid  them  under  him; 
and  the  soldiers  assisted  them,  as  Marco 
had  given  them  order  to  do  beforehand. 
And  this  was  Agrippa's  condition  for  six 
months'  time;  and  in  this  case  were  his 
affairs. 

But  as  for  Tiberius,  upon  his  return  to 
Caprea;,  he  fell  sick.  At  first  his  distem- 
per was  but  gentle ;  but,  as  that  distemper 
increased  upon  him,  he  had  small  or  no 
hopes  of  recovery.  Hereupon  he  bade 
Euodus,  who  was  the  freedman  whom  he 
most  of  all  respected,  to  bring  the  children 
to  him,  for  that  he  wanted  to  talk  to 
them  before  he  died.  Now,  he  had  at 
present  no  sons  of  his  own  alive;  for 
Drusus,  who  was  his  only  son,  was  dead  : 
but  Drusus' s  son  Tiberius  was  still  living, 
whose  additional  name  was  Gemellus; 
there  was  also  living  Caius,  the  son  of 
Germanicus,  who  was  the  son  of  his  bro- 
ther [Drusus].  He  was  now  grown  up, 
and  had  had  a  liberal  education,  and 
was  well  improved  by  it,  and  was  in 
esteem  and  favour  with  the  people,  on 
account  of  the  excellent  character  of  his 
father  Germanicus,  who  had  attained  the 
highest  honour  among  the  multitude,  by 
the  firmness  of  his  virtuous  behaviour,  by 
the  easiness  and  agreeableness  of  his  con- 
versing with  the  multitude,  and  because 
the  dignity  he  was  in  did  not  hinder  his 
familiarity  with  them  all,  as  if  they  were 


not  only  greatly  esteemed  by  the  people 
and  the  senate,  but  by  every  one  of  those 
nations  that  were  subject  to  the  Romans; 
some  of  whom  were  affected,  when  they 
came  to  him,  with  the  gracefulness  of 
their  reception  by  him;  and  others  were 
affected  in  the  same  manner  by  the  report 
of  the  others  that  had  been  with  him; 
and,  upon  his  death,  there  was  a  lamenta- 
tion made  by  all  men  ;  not  such  an  oue 
as  was  to  be  made  in  way  of  flattery  to 
their  rulers,  while  they  did  but  counter- 
feit sorrow,  but  such  as  was  real ;  while 
everybody  grieved  at  his  death,  as  if  they 
had  lost  one  that  was  near  to  them.  And, 
truly,  such  had  been  his  easy  conversation 
with  men,  that  it  turned  greatly  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  his  son  among  all;  and,  among 
others,  the  soldiery  were  so  peculiarly  af- 
fected to  him,  that  they  reckoned  it  an  eli- 
gible thing,  if  need  were,  to  die  themselves, 
if  he  might  but  attain  to  the  government. 
But  wdien  Tiberius  had  given  order  to 
Euodus  to  bring  the  children  to  him  the 
next  day  in  the  morning,  he  prayed  to 
his  country  gods  to  show  him  a  manifest 
signal  which  of  those  children  should 
come  to  the  government;  being  very  de- 
sirous to  leave  it  to  his  son's  son,  but  still 
depending  upon  what  God  would  fore- 
show concerning  them,  more  than  upon 
his  own  opinion  and  inclination ;  so  he 
made  this  to  be  the  omen,  that  the  go- 
vernment should  be  left  to  him  who 
should  come  to  him  first  the  next  day. 
When  he  had  thus  resolved  within  him- 
self, he  sent  to  his  grandson's  tutor,  and 
ordered  him  to  bring  the  child  to  him 
early  in  the  morning,  as  supposing  that 
God  would  permit  him  to  be  made  em- 
peror. But  God  proved  opposite  to  his 
designation;  for,  while  Tiberius  was  thus 
contriving  matters,  and,  as  soon  as  it  was 
at  all  day,  he  bade  Euodus  to  call  in  that 
child  which  should  be  there  ready.  So 
he  went  out,  and  found  Caius  before  the 
door,  for  Tiberius  had  not  yet  come,  but 
stayed  waiting  for  his  breakfast ;  for  Euo- 
dus knew  nothing  of  what  his  lord  in- 
tended; so  he  said  to  Caius,  "Thy  father 
calls  thee,"  and  then  brought  him  in. 
As  soon  as  Tiberius  saw  Caius,  and  not 
before,  he  reflected  on  the  power  of  God, 
and  how  the  ability  of  bestowing  the 
government  on  whom  he  would  was  en- 
tirely taken  from  him ;  and  thence  he 
was  not  able  to  establish  what  he  had 
intended.      So  he  greatly   lamented  that 


his  equals;   by  which  behaviour  he  was   his    power  of  establishing   what   he  hud 
Vol.  II.— 6.  2  0 


82 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII 


before  contrived  was  taken  from  him,  and 
that  his  grandson  Tiberius  was  not  only 
to  lose  the  Roman  empire  by  his  fatality, 
but  his  own  safety  also;  because  his 
preservation  would  now  depend  upon  such 
as  would  be  more  potent  than  himself, 
who  would  think  it  a  thing  not  to  be 
borne  that  a  kinsman  should  live  with 
them,  and  so  his  relation  would  not  be 
able  to  protect  him :  but  he  would  be 
feared  and  hated  by  him  who  had  the 
supreme  authority,  partly  on  account  of 
his  being  next  to  the  empire,  and  partly 
on  account  of  his  perpetually  contriving 
to  get  the  government,  both  in  order  to 
preserve  himself,  and  to  be  at  the  head  of 
affairs  also.  Now,  Tiberius  had  been  very 
much  given  to  astrology,*  and  the  calcula- 
tion of  nativities;  and  had  spent  his  life 
in  the  esteem  of  what  predictions  had 
proved  true,  more  than  those  whose  pro- 
fession it  was.  Accordingly,  when  he 
once  saw  Galba  coming  in  to  him,  he  said 
to  his  most  intimate  friends,  that  there 
came  in  a  man  that  would  one  day  have 
the  dignity  of  the  Roman  empire.  So 
that  this  Tiberius  was  more  addicted  to  all 
ouch  sorts  of  diviners  than  any  other  of 
the  Roman  emperors,  because  he  had 
found  them  to  have  told  the  truth  in  his 
own  affairs;  and,  indeed,  he  was  now  in 
great  distress  upon  this  accident  that  had 
befallen  him,  and  was  very  much  grieved 
at  the  destruction  of  his  son's  son,  which 
he  foresaw,  and  complained  of  himself, 
that  he  should  have  made  use  of  such  a 
method  of  divination  beforehand,  while  it 
was  in  his  power  to  have  died  without 
grief  by  this  knowledge  of  futurity ; 
whereas  he  was  now  tormented  by  his 
foreknowledge  of  the  misfortune  of  such 
as  were  dearest  to  him,  and  must  die 
under  that  torment.  Now,  although  he 
was  disordered  at  this  unexpected  revolu- 
tion of  the  government  to  those  for  whom 
he  did  not  intend  it,  he  spake  thus  to 
Caius,  though  unwillingly,  and  against 
his  own  inclination: — "0  child,  although 
Tiberius  be  nearer  related  to  me  than 
thou  art,  I  by  my  own  determination,  and 
the  conspiring  suffrage  of  the  gods,  do 
give,  and  put  into  thine  hand,  the  Roman 
empire;  and  I  desire  thee  never  to  be  un- 
mindful when  thou  comest  to  it,  either  of 
my  kindness  to  thee,  who  set  thee  in  so 
high    a    dignity,    or    of    thy    relation    to 


*  This  is  a  known  thing  among  the  Roman  histo- 
rians and  poets,  that  Tiberius  was  greatly  given  to 
astrology  and  divinatit  u. 


Tiberius:  but  as  thou  knowest  that  I  am, 
together  with  and  after  the  gods,  the 
procurer  of  so  great  happiness  to  thee,  so 
I  desire  that  thou  wilt  make  me  a  return 
for  my  readiness  to  assist  thee,  and  wilt 
take  care  of  Tiberius,  because  of  his  near 
relation  to  thee.  Besides  which,  thou  art 
to  know,  that,  while  Tiberius  is  alive,  he 
will  be  a  security  to  thee,  both  as  to  em- 
pire and  as  to  thy  own  preservation ;  but, 
if  he  die,  that  will  be  but  a  prelude  to  thy 
own  misfortunes;  for  to  be  alone  under 
the  weight  of  such  vast  affairs,  is  very 
dangerous;  nor  will  the  gods  suffer  those 
actions  which  are  unjustly  done,  contrary 
to  that  law  which  directs  men  to  do  other- 
wise, to  go  off  unpunished."  This  was 
the  speech  which  Tiberius  made;  which 
did  not  persuade  Caius  to  act  accordingly, 
although  he  had  promised  so  to  do;  but, 
when  he  was  settled  in  the  government, 
he  took  off  this  Tiberius,  as  was  predicted 
by  the  other  Tiberius;  as  he  was  also 
himself,  in  no  long  time  afterward,  slain 
fcy  a  secret  plot  laid  against  him. 

So  when  Tiberius  had  at  this  time  ap- 
pointed Caius  to  be  his  successor,  he  out- 
lived but  a  few  days,  and  then  died,  after 
he  had  held  the  government  twenty-two 
years,  five  months,  and  three  days.  Now 
Caius  was  the  fourth  emperor ;  but  when 
the  Romans  understood  that  Tiberius  was 
dead,  they  rejoiced  at  the  good  news,  but 
had  not  courage  to  believe  it;  not  be- 
cause they  were  unwilling  it  should  be 
true,  for  they  would  have  given  large 
sums  of  money  that  it  might  be  so,  but 
because  they  were  afraid  that,  if  they  had 
showed  their  joy  when  the  news  proved 
false,  their  joy  should  be  openly  known, 
and  they  should  be  accused  for  it,  and  be 
thereby  undone ;  for  this  Tiberias  had 
brought  a  vast  number  of  miseries  on  the 
best  families  of  the  Romans,  since  he  was 
easily  inflamed  with  passion  in  all  cases, 
and  was  of  such  a  temper  as  rendered  his 
anger  irrevocable,  till  he  had  executed 
the  same,  although  he  had  taken  a  hatred 
against  men  without  reason;  for  he  was 
by  nature  fierce  in  all  the  sentences  he 
gave,  and  made  death  the  penalty  for  the 
slightest  offences;  insomuch,  that  when 
the  Romans  heard  the  rumour  about  his 
death  gladly,  they  were  restrained  from 
the  enjoyment  of  that  pleasure  by  the 
dread  of  6"  ch  miseries  as  they  foresaw 
would  follow,  if  their  hopes  proved  ill- 
grounded  Now  Marsjas,  Agrippa's  freed- 
man,  as  soon   as  he  heard  of  Tiberius'd 


Chap.  TIL] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


S3 


death,  came  running  to  tell  Agrippa  the 
news;  and  finding  him  going  out  to  the 
bath,  he  gave  him  a  nod,  and  said,  in  the 
Hebrew  tongue,  "The  lion  is  dead;" 
who,  understanding  his  meaning,  and 
being  overjoyed  at  the  news,  "Nay," 
said  he,  "but  all  sorts  of  thanks  and  hap- 
piness attend  thee  for  this  news  of  thine : 
only  I  wish  that  what  thou  sayest  may 
prove  true."  Now  the  centurion  who 
was  set  to  keep  Agrippa,  when  he  saw 
with  what  haste  Marsyas  came,  and  what 
joy  Agrippa  had  from  what  he  said,  he 
had  a  sudden  suspicion  that  his  words 
implied  some  great  innovation  of  affair?, 
and  he  asked  them  about  what  was  said. 
They  at  first  diverted  the  discourse ;  but 
upon  his  further  pressing,  Agrippa,  with- 
out more  ado,  told  him,  for  he  had  al- 
ready become  his  friend;  so  he  joined 
with  him  in  that  pleasure  which  this  news 
occasioned,  because  it  would  be  fortunate 
to  Agrippa,  and  made  him  a  supper:  but, 
as  they  were  feasting,  and  the  cups  went 
about,  there  came  out  one  who  said,  that 
Tiberius  was  still  alive,  and  would  return 
to  the  city  in  a  few  days.  At  which  news 
the  centurion  was  exceedingly  troubled, 
because  he  had  done  what  might  cost  him 
his  life,  to  have  treated  so  joyfully  a 
prisoner,  and  this  upon  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Caesar;  so  he  thrust  Agrippa 
from  the  couch  whereon  he  lay,  and  said, 
"Dost  thou  think  to  cheat  me  by  a  lie 
about  the  emperor  without  punishment? 
and  shalt  not  thou  pay  for  this  thy  mali- 
cious report  at  the  price  of  thine  head?" 
When  he  had  so  said,  he  ordered  Agrippa 
to  be  bound  again,  (for  he  had  loosed  him 
before,)  and  kept  a  more  severe  guard  over 
him  than  formerly,  and  in  that  evil  condi- 
tion was  Agrippa  that  night;  but  the 
next  day  the  rumour  increased  in  the  city, 
and  confirmed  the  news  that  Tiberius  was 
certainly  dead  ;  insomuch,  that  men  durst 
now  openly  and  freely  talk  about  it;  nay 
some  offered  sacrifices  on  that  account. 
Several  letters  also  came  from  Caius  ;  one 
of  them  to  the  senate,  which  informed 
them  of  the  death  of  Tiberius,  and  of  his 
own  entrance  on  the  government ;  another 
to  Piso,  the  governor  of  the  city,  which 
told  him  the  same  thing.  He  also  gave 
order  that  Agrippa  should  be  removed 
out  of  the  camp,  and  go  to  that  house 
where  he  lived  before  he  was  put  in 
prison;  so  that  he  was  now  out  of  fear  as 
to  his  own  affairs;  for,  although  he  was 
still  in  custody,  yet,  it  was  with  ease  to 


his  own  affairs.  Now,  as  soon  as  Caiua 
had  come  to  Rome,  and  had  brought  Tibc- 
rius's  dead  body  with  him,  and  had  made 
a  sumptuous  funeral  for  him,  according  to 
the  laws  of  his  country,  he  was  much  dis- 
posed to  set  Agrippa  at  liberty  that  very 
day;  but  Antouia  hindered  him,  not  out 
of  any  ill-will  to  the  prisoner,  but  out  of 
regard  to  decency  in  Caius,  lest  that 
should  make  men  believe  that  he  received 
the  death  of  Tiberius  with  pleasure,  when 
he  loosed  one  whom  he  had  bound  imme- 
diately. However,  there  did  not  many 
days  pass  ere  he  sent  for  him  to  his 
house,  and  had  him  shaved,  and  made 
him  change  his  raiment;  after  which  he 
put  a  diadem  upon  his  head,  and  ap- 
pointed him  to  be  king  of  the  tetrarch^ 
of  Philip.  He  also  gave  him  the  te- 
trarchy  of  Lysanias,*  and  changed  his 
iron  chain  for  a  golden  one  of  equal 
weight.  He  also  sent  Marullus  to  be 
procurator  of  Judea. 

Now,  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 
of  Caius  Caesar,  Agrippa  desired  leave  to 
be  given  him  to  sail  home  and  settle  the 
affairs  of  his  government;  and  he  pro- 
mised to  return  again  when  he  had  put 
the  rest  in  order,  as  it  ought  to  be  put. 
So,  upon  the  emperor's  permission,  he 
came  into  his  own  country,  and  appeared 
to  them  all  unexpectedly  as  a  king,  and 
thereby  demonstrated  to  the  men  that  saw 
him,  the  power  of  fortune,  when  they 
compared  his  former  poverty  with  his 
present  happy  affluence;  so  some  called 
him  a  happy  man;  and  others  could  not 
well  believe  that  things  were  so  much 
changed  with  him  for  the  better. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

IlcruJ  the  tetrarch  banished. 

But  Hcrodias,  Agrippa's  sister,  who 
now  lived  as  wife  to  that  Herod  who  was 
tetrarch  of  Galilee  and  Perea,  took  this 
authority  of  her  brother  in  an  envious 
manner,  particularly  when  she  saw  that 
he  had  a  greater  dignity  bestowed  on  him 
than  her  husband  had;  since,  when  he 
ran  away,  he  was  not  able  to  pay  his 
debts;  and  now  he  had  come  back,  it  was 
because  he  was  in  a  way  of  diguity  and 
of  great  fortune.  She  was  therefore  griev- 
ed and   much   displeased   at   so   great   a 


*  Although  Cains  now  promised  to  give  Agrippa 
(.he  tetrarchy  ol*  Lysanias,  yet  it  was  not  actually 

conferred  upon  him  till  the  reign  of  Claudius. 


84 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIIL 


mutation  of  his  affairs;  and  chiefly  when 
she  saw  him  marching  among  the  multitude 
with  the  usual  ensigns  of  royal  authority, 
she  was  not  able  to  conceal  how  miserable 
she  was  by  reason  of  the  envy  she  had 
toward  him;  but  she  excited  her  hus- 
band, and  desired  that  he  would  sail  to 
Home,  to  court  honours  equal  to  his;  for 
she  said,  that  she  could  not  bear  to  live 
any  longer,  while  Agrippa,  the  son  of  that 
Ari>tobulus  who  was  condemned  to  die 
by  his  father,  one  that  came  to  her  hus- 
band in  such  extreme  poverty,  that  the 
necessaries  of  life  were  forced  to  be  en- 
tirely supplied  him  day  by  day;  and 
when  he  fled  away  from  his  creditors  by 
sea,  he  now  returned  a  king:  while  he 
was  himself  the  son  of  a  king,  and  while 
the  near  relation  he  bore  to  royal  autho- 
rity called  upon  him  to  gain  the  like 
dignity,  he  sat  still,  and  was  contented 
with  a  more  private  life.  "But  then, 
Herod,  although  thou  wast  formerly  not 
concerned  to  be  in  a  lower  condition  than 
thy  father,  from  whom  thou  wast  derived, 
had  been,  yet  do  thou  now  seek  after  the 
dignity  which  thy  kinsman  hath  attained 
to ;  and  do  not  thou  bear  this  contempt, 
that  a  man  who  admired  thy  riches  should 
be  in  greater  honour  than  thyself,  nor 
suffer  his  poverty  to  show  itself  able  to 
purchase  greater  things-  than  our  abun- 
dance ;  nor  do  thou  esteem  it  other  than  a 
shameful  thing  to  be  inferior  to  one  who, 
the  other  day,  lived  upon  thy  charity. 
But  let  us  go  to  Rome,  and  let  us  spare 
no  pains  nor  expenses,  either  of  silver  or 
gold,  since  they  cannot  be  kept  for  any 
better  use  than  for  the  obtaining  of  a 
kingdom." 

But  for  Herod,  he  opposed  her  request  at 
this  time,  out  of  the  love  of  ease,  and  hav- 
ing a  suspicion  of  the  trouble  he  should 
have  at  Rome;  so  he  tried  to  instruct  her 
better.  But  the  more  she  saw  him  draw 
back,  the  more  she  pressed  him  to  it,  and 
desired  him  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  in 
order  to  be  king :  and,  at  last,  she  left 
not  off  till  she  engaged  him,  whether  he 
would  or  not,  to  be  of  her  sentiments, 
because  he  could  no  otherwise  avoid  her 
importunity.  So,  he  got  all  things  ready, 
after  as  sumptuous  a  manner  as  he  was 
able,  and  spared  for  nothing,  and  went  up 
to  Rome,  and  took  Herodias  aloug  with 
him.  But  Agrippa,  when  he  was  made 
sensible  of  their  intentions  and  prepara- 
tions, he  also  prepared  to  go  thither;  and, 
as  Boon  as  he  heard  they  set  sail,  he  sent 


Fortunatus,  one  of  his  freedmen,  to 
Rome,  to  carry  presents  to  the  emperor, 
and  letters  against  Herod,  and  to  give 
Caius  a  particular  account  of  those  mat- 
ters, if  he  should  have  any  opportunity. 
This  man  followed  Herod  so  quick,  and 
had  so  prosperous  a  voyage,  and  came  so 
little  after  Herod,  that  while  Herod  was 
with  Caius,  he  came  himself,  and  deli- 
vered his  letters ;  for  they  both  sailed  to 
Dicearchia,  and  found  Caius  at  Baiae, 
which  is  itself  a  little  city  of  Campania,  at 
the  distance  of  about  five  furlongs  from 
Dicearchia.  There  are  in  that  place  royal 
places,  with  sumptuous  apartments,  every 
emperor  still  endeavouring  to  outdo  his 
predecessor's  magnificence ;  the  palace 
also  affords  warm  baths,  that  spring  out 
of  the  ground  of  their  own  accord,  which 
are  of  advantage  for  the  recovery  of  the 
health  of  those  that  make  use  of  them; 
and,  besides,  they  minister  to  men's 
luxury  also.  Now  Caius  saluted  Herod, 
for  he  first  met  with  him,  and  then  look- 
ed upon  the  letters  which  Agrippa  had 
sent  him,  and  which  were  written  in 
order  to  accuse  Herod;  wherein  he  ac- 
cused him,  that  he  had  been  in  confe- 
deracy with  Sejanus,  against  Tiberius's 
government,  and  that  he  was  now  confe- 
derate with  Artabanus,  the  king  of  Parthia, 
in  opposition  to  the  government  of  Caius; 
as  a  demonstration  of  which,  he  alleged 
that  he  had  armour  sufficient  for  70,000 
men,  ready  in  his  armoury.  Caius  was 
moved  at  this  information,  and  asked 
Herod  whether  what  was  said  about  the 
armour  was  true;  and  when  he  confessed 
there  was  such  armour  there,  for  he  could 
not  deny  the  same,  the  truth  of  it  being 
too  notorious,  Caius  took  that  to  be  a 
sufficient  proof  of  the  accusation  that  he 
intended  to  revolt.  So  he  took  away 
from  him  his  tetrarchy,  and  gave  it  by 
way  of  addition  to  Agrippa's  kingdom; 
he  also  gave  Herod's  money  to  Agrippa, 
and,  by  way  of  punishment,  awarded  him 
a  perpetual  banishment,  and  appointed 
Lyons,  a  city  of  Gaul,  to  be  his  place  of 
habitation.  But  when  he  was  informed 
that  Herodias  was  Agrippa's  sister,  he 
made  her  a  present  of  what  money  was 
her  own,  and  told  her  that  it  was  her 
brother  who  prevented  her  being  put 
under  the  same  calamity  with  her  hus- 
band. But  she  made  this  reply : — 
''Thou,  indeed,  0  emperor!  actest  after 
a  magnificent  manner,  and  as  becomes 
thyself,  in   what    thou  offerest   me;    but 


Chap.  VIII.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF  THE    JEWS. 


85 


the  kindness  which  I  have  for  my  hus- 
band hinders  me  from  partaking  of  the 
favour  of  thy  gift:  for  it  is  not  just  that 
1,  who  have  been  made  a  partner  in  his 
prosperity,  should  forsake  him  in  his 
misfortunes."  Hereupon  Caius  was  an- 
gry at  her,  and  sent  her  with  Herod 
into  banishment,  and  gave  her  estate  to 
Agrippa.  And  thus  did  God  punish  Hc- 
rodias  for  her  envy  at  her  brother,  and 
Herod  also  for  giving  ear  to  the  vain 
discourses  of  a  woman.  Now,  Caius 
managed  public  affairs  with  great  mag- 
nanimity during  the  first  and  second 
years  of  his  reign,  and  behaved  himself 
with  such  moderation  that  he  gained  the 
good-will  of  the  Romans  themselves,  and 
of  his  other  subjects.  But,  in  process  of 
time,  he  went  beyond  the  bounds  of 
human  nature  in  his  conceit  of  himself, 
and,  by  reason  of  the  vastness  of  his  do- 
minions, made  himself  a  god,  and  took 
upon  himself  to  act  in  all  things  to  the 
reproach  of  the  Deity  itself. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Embassy  of  the  Jews  to  Caius — Caius  sends  Petro- 
nius  into  Syria  to  make  war  against  the  Jews. 

There  was  now  a  tumult  arisen  at  Alex- 
andria, between  the  Jewish  inhabitants 
and  the  Greeks;  and  three  ambassadors 
were  chosen  out  of  each  party  that  were 
at  variance,  who  came  to  Caius.  Now, 
one  of  these  ambassadors  from  the  people 
of  Alexandria  was  Apion,  who  uttered 
many  blasphemies  against  the  Jews;  and, 
among  other  things  that  he  said,  he 
charged  them  with  neglecting  the  ho- 
nours that  belonged  to  Caesar;  for  that 
while  all  who  were  subject  to  the  Roman 
empire  built  altars  and  temples  to  Caius, 
and,  in  other  regards,  universally  received 
him  as  they  received  the  gods,  these  Jews 
alone  thought  it  a  dishonourable  thing 
for  them  to  erect  statues  in  honour  of 
him,  as  well  as  to  swear  by  his  name. 
Many  of  these  severe  things  were  said  by 
Apion,  by  which  he  hoped  to  provoke 
Caius  to  anger  at  the  Jews,  as  he  was 
likely  to  be.  But  Philo,  the  principal  of 
the  Jewish  embassy,  a  man  eminent  on 
all  accounts,  brother  to  Alexander  the 
alabarch,  and  one  not  unskilful*  in  philo- 

*  Alexander,  the  alahareh,  or   governor  of  the 

Jews,  at    Alexandria,  and    brother   to    Philo.   is 

i.  by  Bishop  Pearson,  to  be  the  same  with 

xander  who  is  mentioned  by  Si.  Luke  as 

of  the  kindred  of  the  high  priests.     Acts  iv.  0. 


Sophy,  was  ready  to  betake  himself  to 
make  his  defence  against  those  accusa- 
tions; but  Caius  prohibited  him,  and  bade 
him  begone:  he  was  also  in  such  a  rage, 
that  it  openly  appeared  he  was  about  to 
do  them  some  very  great  mischief.  So 
Philo,  being  thus  affronted,  went  out,  and 
said  to  those  Jews  who  were  about  him, 
that  they  should  be  of  good  courage, 
since  Caius's  words  indeed  showed  anger 
at  them,  but  in  reality  had  already  set 
God  against  himself. 

Hereupon  Caius,  taking  it  very  hei- 
nously that  he  should  be  thus  despised 
by  the  Jews  alone,  sent  Petronius  to  be 
president  of  Syria,  and  successor  in  the 
government  to  Vitellius,  and  gave  him 
order  to  make  an  invasion  into  Judea,  with 
a  great  body  of  troops,  and,  if  they  would 
admit  of  his  statue  willingly,  to  erect  it 
in  the  temple  of  God  ;  but,  if  they  were 
obstinate,  to  conquer  them  by  war,  and 
then  to  do  it.  Accordingly,  Petronius 
took  the  government  of  Syria,  and  made 
haste  to  obey  Csesar's  epistle.  He  got 
together  as  great  a  number  of  auxiliaries 
as  he  possibly  could,  and  took  with  him 
two  legions  of  the  Roman  army,  and  came 
to  Ptolemais,  and  there  wintered,  as  in- 
tending to  set  about  the  war  in  the  spring. 
He  also  wrote  word  to  Caius  what  he  had 
resolved  to  do;  who  commended  him  for 
his  alacrity,  and  ordered  him  to  go  on,  and 
to  make  war  with  them,  in  case  the}'  would 
not  obey  his  commands.  But  there  came 
many  ten  thousands  of  the  Jews  to  Petro- 
nius, to  Ptolemais,  to  offer  their  petitions 
to  him,  that  he  would  not  compel  them  to 
transgress  and  violate  the  law  of  their 
forefathers;  "but  if,"  said  they,  "thou 
art  entirely  resolved  to  bring  this  statue, 
and  erect  it,  do  thou  first  kill  us,  and  then 
do  what  thou  hast  resolved  on;  for,  while 
we  are  alive,  we  cannot  permit  such  things 
as  are  forbidden  us  to  be  done  by  the  au- 
thority of  our  legislator,  and  by  our  fore- 
fathers' determination  that  such  prohibi- 
tions are  instances  of  virtue."  But  Petro- 
nius was  angry  at  them,  and  said,  "If, 
indeed,  I  were  myself  emperor,  and  were 
at  liberty  to  follow  my  own  inclination, 
and  then  had  designed  to  act  thus,  these 
your  words  would  be  justly  spoken  to  me; 
but  now  Ccesar  hath  sent  to  me,  I  am 
under  the  necessity  of  being  subservient 
to  his  decrees,  because  a  disobedience 
to  them  will  bring  upon  me  inevitable 
destruction."  Then  the  Jews  replied, 
"Since,  therefore,  thou  art  so  disposed,  O 


8G 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII. 


Petrouius!  that  thou  wilt  not  disobey 
Caius'a  epistles,  neither  will  we  transgress 
the  commands  of  our  law;  and  as  we  de- 
pend upon  the  excellency  of  our  laws,  and, 
by  the  labours  of  our  ancestors,  have  con- 
tinued  bitherto  without  suffering  them  to 
be  transgressed,  we  dare  not  by  any  means 
suffer  ourselves  to  be  so  timorous  as  to 
transgress  those  laws  out  of  the  fear  of 
death,  which  God  hath  determined  are  for 
our  advantage;  and,  if  we  fall  into  mis- 
fortunes, we  will  bear  them,  in  order  to 
preserve  our  laws,  as  knowing  that  those 
wbo  expose  themselves  to  dangers  have 
good  hope  of  escaping  them,  because  God 
will  stand  on  our  side  when,  out  of  regard 
to  him,  we  undergo  afflictions,  and  sus- 
tain the  uncertain  turns  of  fortune.  But, 
if  we  should  submit  to  thee,  we  would 
be  greatly  reproached  for  our  cowardice, 
as  thereby  showing  ourselves  ready  to 
transgress  our  law;  and  we  should  incur 
the  great  anger  of  God  also,  who,  even  thy- 
self being  judge,  is  superior  to  Caius." 

When  Petronius  saw  by  their  words 
that  their  determination  was  hard  to  be 
removed,  and  that,  without  a  war,  he 
should  not  be  able  to  be  subservient  to 
Cuius  in  the  dedication  of  his  statue,  and 
that  there  must  be  a  great  deal  of  blood- 
shed, he  took  his  friends,  and  the  servants 
that  were  about  him,  and  hasted  to  Tibe- 
rias, as  wanting  to  know  in  what  posture 
the  affairs  of  the  Jews  were ;  and  many 
ten  thousands  of  the  Jews  met  Petronius 
again,  when  he  had  come  to  Tiberias. 
These  thought  they  must  run  a  mighty 
hazard  if  they  should  have  a  war  with  the 
Romans,  but  judged  that  the  transgression 
of  the  law  was  of  much  greater  conse- 
quence, and  made  supplication  to  him 
that  he  would  by  no  means  reduce  them 
to  such  di.-tresses,  nor  defile  their  city  with 
the  dedication  of  the  statue.  Then  Petro- 
nius said  to  them,  "  Will  you  then  make 
war  with  Caesar,  without  considering  his 
great  preparations  for  war,  and  your  own 
weakness?"  They  replied,  "We  will  not 
by  any  means  make  war  with  him;  but 
still  we  will  die  before  we  see  our  laws 
transgressed."  So  they  threw  themselves 
down  upon  their  faces,  and  stretched  out 
their  throats,  and  said  they  were  ready  to 
be  slain  ;  and  this  they  did  for  forty  days 
together,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  left  off 
the  tilling  of  their  ground,  and  that  while 
the  season  of  the  year  required  them  to 
sow  it.  Thus  they  continued  linn  in  their 
resolution,  and  proposed  to  themselves  to 


die  willingly,  rather  than  to  see  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  statue. 

When  matters  were  in  this  state,  Aris- 
tobulus,  King  Agrippa's  brother,  and 
Helcias  the  Great,  and  the  other  principal 
men  of  that  family  with  them,  went  in 
unto  Petronius,  and  besought  him,  that, 
since  he  saw  the  resolution  of  the  multi- 
tude, he  would  not  make  any  alteration, 
and  thereby  drive  them  to  despair;  but 
would  write  to  Caius,  that  the  Jews  had 
an  insuperable  aversion  to  the  reception 
of  the  statue,  and  how  they  continued  with 
him,  and  left  off  the  tillage  of  their  ground  : 
that  they  were  not  williug  to  go  to  war 
with  him,  because  they  were  not  able  to 
do  it,  but  were  ready  to  die  with  pleasure, 
rather  than  suffer  their  laws  to  be  trans- 
gressed :  and  how,  upon  the  land's  con- 
tinuing unsown,  robberies  would  grow  up, 
on  the  inability  they  would  be  under  of 
paying  their  tributes;  and  that  perhaps 
Caius  might  be  thereby  moved  to  pity, 
and  not  order  any  barbarous  action  to  be 
done  to  them,  nor  think  of  destroying  the 
nation  :  that  if  he  continues  inflexible  in 
his  former  opinion  to  bring  a  war  upon 
them,  he  may  then  set  about  it  himself. 
And  thus  did  Aristobulus,  and  the  rest 
with  him,  supplicate  Petronius.  So  Pe- 
tronius,* partly  on  account  of  the  pressing 
instances  which  Aristobulus  and  the  rest 
with  him  made,  and  because  of  the  great 
consequence  of  what  they  desired,  and  the 
earnestness  wherewith  they  made  their 
supplication,  partly  on  account  of  the  firm- 
ness of  the  opposition  made  by  the  Jews, 
which  he  saw,  while  he  thought  it  a  hor- 
rible thing  for  him  to  be  such  a  slave  to 
the  madness  of  Caius,  as  to  slay  so  many 
ten  thousand  men,  only  because  of  their 
religious  disposition  toward  God,  and  after 
that  to  pass  his  life  in  expectation  of  pu- 
nishment ;  Petronius,  I  say,  thought  it 
much  better  to  send  to  Caius,  and  to  let 
him  know  how  intolerable  it  was  to  him 
to  bear  the  anger  he  might  have  against 
him  for  not  serving  him  sooner,  in  obe- 
dience to  his  epistle,  for  that  perhaps  he 
might  persuade  him;  and  that  if  this  mad 
resolution  continued,  he  might  then  begin 
the  war  against  them ;  nay,  that  in  case 
he  should  turn  his  hatred  against  himself, 


*  This  Publius  Petronius  was  after  this  still  pre- 
sident of  Syria,  under  Claudius,  and,  at  the  desire 
of  Agrippa,  published  a  severe  decree  against  the 
inhabitants  of  Dora,  who,  in  a  sort  of  imitation  of 
Cams,  had  set  up  a  statue  of  Claudius  in  a  Jewish 
synagogue  there. 


Chap.  VIII.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


it  was  fit  for  virtuous  persons  even  to  die 
for  the  sake  of  such  vast  multitudes  of 
men.      Accordingly,    he    determined    to 

hearken  to  the  petitioners  in  this  matter. 

lie  then  called  the  Jews  together  to 
Tiberias,  who  came  many  ten  thousands 
in  number;  he  also  placed  that  army  he 
now  bad  with  him  opposite  to  them;  but 
did  not  discover  his  own  meaning,  but  the 
commands  of  the  emperor,  and  told  them 
that  his  wrath  would,  without  delay,  be 
executed  on  such  as  had  the  courage  to 
disobey  what  he  had  commanded,  and  this 
immediately ;  and  that  it  was  fit  for  him 
who  had  received  so  great  a  dignity  by 
his  grant,  not  to  contradict  him  in  any 
thing:  "Yet  (said  he)  I  do  not  think  it 
just  to  have  such  a  regard  to  my  own 
safety  and  honour,  as  to  refuse  to  sacrifice 
them  for  your  preservation,  who  are  so 
many  in  number,  and  endeavour  to  pre- 
serve the  regard  that  is  due  to  your  law ; 
which,  as  it  hath  come  down  to  you  from 
your  forefathers,  so  do  you  esteem  it 
worthy  of  your  utmost,  contention  to  pre- 
serve it :  nor,  with  the  supreme  assistance 
and  power  of  God,  will  T  be  so  hardy  as 
to  suffer  your  temple  to  fall  into  contempt 
by  the  means  of  the  imperial  authority. 
I  will  therefore  send  to  Caius,  and  let 
him  know  what  your  resolutions  are,  and 
will  assist  your  suit  as  far  as  1  am  able, 
that  you  may  not  be  exposed  to  suffer  on 
account  of  the  honest  designs  you  have 
proposed  to  yourselves;  and  may  God  be 
your  assistant,  for  his  authority  is  beyond 
all  the  contrivances  and  power  of  men  ; 
and  may  he  procure  you  the  preservation 
of  your  ancient  laws,  and  may  not  he  be 
deprived,  though  without  your  consent, 
of  his  accustomed  honours.  But  if  Caius 
be  irritated,  and  turn  the  violence  of  his 
rage  against  me,  I  will  rather  undergo  all 
that  danger  and  affliction  that  may  come 
either  on  my  body  or  my  soul,  than  see  so 
many  of  you  perish,  while  you  are  acting 
in  so  excellent  a  manner.  Do  you,  there- 
fore, every  one  of  you,  go  your  way  about 
your  own  occupations,  and  fall  to  the  cul- 
tivation of  your  ground  ;  I  will  myself 
send  to  Home,  and  will  not  refuse  to  serve 
you  in  all  things,  both  by  myself  and  by 
my  friends." 

When  Petronius  had  said  this,  and  had 
dismissed  the  assembly  of  the  Jews,  he 
desired  the  principal  of  them  to  take  care 
of  their  husbandry,  and  to  speak  kindly 
to  the  people,  and  encourage  them  to  have 
good  hope  of  their  affairs.     Thus  did   he 


readily  bring  the  multitude  to  be  cl 
again.  And  now  did  God  show  his  pre- 
sence f"  Petronius,  and  signify  to  him 
that  he  would  afford  him  his  assistance  in 
his  whole  design  ;  for  he  had  no  sooner 
finished  the  speech  that  lie  made  to  the 
Jews,  but  God  sent  down  great  showers 
of  rain,  contrary  to  human  expectation; 
for  that  day  was  a  clear  day,  and  gave  no 
sign,  by  the  appearance  iff  the  sky,  of  any 
rain  ;  nay,  the  whole  year  had  been  sub- 
ject to  a  great  drought,  and  made  men 
despair  of  any  water  from  above,  even 
when  at  any  time  they  saw  the  heavens 
overcast  with  clouds ;  insomuch,  that 
when  such  a  great  quantity  of  rain  came, 
and  that  in  an  unusual  manner  and  with- 
out any  other  expectation  of  it,  the  Jews 
hoped  that  Petronius  would  by  no  means 
fail  in  his  petition  for  them.  But  as  to 
Petronius,  be  was  mightily  surprised  when 
he  perceived  that  God  evidently  took  care 
of  the  Jews,  and  gave  very  plain  signs 
of  his  appearance,  and  this  to  such  a  de- 
gree, that  those  that  were  in  earnest  much 
inclined  to  the  contrary,  had  no  power 
left  to  contradict  it.  This  was  also  among 
those  other  particulars  which  he  wrote  to 
Oaius,  which  all  tended  to  dissuade  him, 
and  by  all  means  to  entreat  him  not  to 
make  so  many  ten  thousands  of  these  men 
go  distracted;  whom,  if  he  should  slay, 
(for  without  war  they  would  by  no  means 
suffer  the  laws  of  their  worship  to  be  set 
aside,)  he  would  lose  the  revenue  they 
paid  him,  and  would  be  publicly  cursed 
by  them  for  all  future  ages.  Moreover, 
that  God  who  was  their  governor,  had 
shown  his  power  most  evidently  on  their 
account,  and  that  such  a  power  of  his  as 
left  no  room  for  doubt  about  it; — and  this 
was  the  business  that  Petronius  was  now 


engaged  in. 


But  King  Agrippa,  who  now  lived  at 
Rome,  was  more  and  more  in  the  favoui 
of  Caius;  and  when  he  had  once  made 
him  a  supper,  and  was  careful  to  exceed 
all  others,  both  in  expenses  and  in  such 
preparations  as  might  contribute  most  to 
his  nlcasure ;  nay,  it  was  so  far  from  the 
ability  of  others,  that  Caius  himself  could 
never  equal,  much  less  exceed  it,  (such 
care  had  he  taken  beforehand  to  exceed  all 
men,  and  particularly  to  make  all  ag 
ble  to  Caesar;)  hereupon  Caius  admired 
his  understanding  ami  magnificence,  that 
he  should  force  himself  to  do  all  to  please 
him,  even  beyond  such  expenses  as  he 
could  bear,   and  wa^   dc-sirous   not   to  bo 


ss 


ANTIQUITIES    OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII. 


behind  Agrippa  in  that  generosity  which 
he  exerted,  in  order  to  please  him.  So 
Cains,  when  he  had  drunk  wine  plenti- 
fully, and  was  merrier  than  ordinary,  said 
thus  during  the  feast,  when  Agrippa  had 
drunk  to  him  : — "I  knew  before  now  how 
great  a  respect  thou  hast  had  for  me,  and 
how  great  kindness  thou  hast  shown  me, 
though  with  those  hazards  to  thyself, 
which  thou  underwentest  under  Tiberius 
on  that  account;  nor  hast  thou  omitted 
any  thing  to  show  thy  good-will  toward 
us,  even  beyond  thy  ability;  whence  it 
would  be  a  base  thing  for  me  to  be  con- 
quered by  thy  affection.  I  am,  therefore, 
desirous  to  make  these  amends  for  every 
thing  in  which  I  have  been  formerly  de- 
ficient ;  for  all  that  I  have  bestowed  on 
thee,  that  may  be  called  my  gifts,  is  but 
little.  Every  thing  that  may  contribute 
to  thy  happiness  shall  be  at  thy  service, 
and  that  cheerfully,  and  so  far  as  my 
ability  will  reach;"* — and  this  was  what 
Cains  said  to  Agrippa,  thinking  he  would 
ask  for  some  large  country,  or  the  reve- 
nues of  certain  cities;  but,  although  he 
had  prepared  beforehand  what  he  would 
ask,  yet  had  he  not  discovered  his  inten- 
tions, but  made  this  answer  to  Caius  im- 
mediately, that  it  was  not  out  of  any 
expectation  of  gain  tbat  he  formerly  paid 
his  respects  to  him,  contrary  to  the  com- 
mands of  Tiberius,  nor  did"  he  now  do  any 
thing  relating  to  him  out  of  regard  to  his 
own  advantage,  and  in  order  to  receive 
any  thing  from  him  :  that  the  gifts  he  had 
already  bestowed  upon  him  were  great, 
and  beyond  the  hopes  of  even  a  craving 
man;  for,  although  they  may  be  beneath 
thy  power  [who  art  the  donor],  yet  are 
they  greater  than  my  inclination  and 
diguity,  who  am  the  receiver; — and,  as 
Caius  was  astonished  at  Agrippa's  incli- 
nations, and  still  the  more  pressed  him  to 
make  his  request  for  somewhat  which  he 
might  gratify  him  with,  Agrippa  replied, 
"Since  thou,  0  my  lord,  declarest  such 
is  thy  readiness  to  grant,  that  I  am  worthy 
of  thy  gifts,  I  will  ask  nothing  relating  to 
my  own  felicity;  for  what  thou  hast  al- 
ready bestowed  on  me  has  made  me  excel 
therein ;  but  I  desire  somewhat  which 
may  make  thee  glorious  for  piety,  and 
render  the  Divinity  assistant  to  thy  de- 
signs, and  may  be   for  an    honour  to  me 


*  This  behaviour  of  Caius  to  Agrippa  is  very 
like  that  of  Herod  Antipas,  his  uncle,  to  Herodias, 
Agrippa's  sister,  about  John  the  Baptist.  Matt. 
xiv.  6-11. 


among  those  that  inquire  about  it,  a? 
showing  that  I  never  once  fail  of  obtain- 
ing what  I  desire  of  thee ;  for  my  petition 
is  this,  that  thou  wilt  no  longer  think  of 
the  dedication  of  that  statue  which  thou 
hast  ordered  to  be  set  up  in  the  Jewish 
temple  by  Petronius." 

And  thus  did  Agrippa  venture  to  cast 
the  die  upon  this  occasion,  so  great  was 
the  affair  in  his  opinion,  and  in  reality, 
though  he  knew  how  dangerous  a  thing 
it  was  to  speak;    for,  had  not  Caius  ap- 
proved it,  it  had  tended  to  no  less  than 
the  loss   of  his  life.     So  Caius,  who  was 
mightily   taken    with  Agrippa's    obliging 
behaviour,  and,  on  other  accounts,  think- 
ing it  a  dishonourable  thing  to  be  guilty 
of  falsehood  before  so  many  witnesses,  in 
points  wherein  he  had  with  such  alacrity 
forced    Agrippa   to   become    a  petitioner, 
and    that  it  would    look    as   if    he    had 
already   repented    of  what    he   had    said, 
and,  because  he  greatly  admired  Agrippa's 
virtue,  in   not  desiring  him  at  all  to  aug- 
ment   his    own     dominions,    either    with 
larger    revenue    or  other    authority,    but 
took  care  of  the  public  tranquillity,  of  the 
laws,  and  of  the  Divinity  itself,  he  granted 
him  what  he  requested.     He  also  wrote 
thus  to  Petronius,  commending  him   for 
his  assembling  his  army,   and   then   con- 
sulting   him    about    these    affairs.      "  If, 
therefore,"   said  he,    "  thou   hast  already 
erected  my  statue,  let  it  stand  ;  but  if  thou 
hast  not  yet  dedicated  it,  do  not  trouble 
thyself  further  about  it,  but  dismiss   thy 
army,  go   back,  and    take    care  of  those 
affairs  which  I  sent  thee  about  at  first;  for 
I  have  now  no  occasion  for  the   erection 
of  that  statue.     This  I  have  granted  as  a 
favour  to  Agrippa,  a  man  whom  I  honour 
so  very  greatly,  that  I  am  not  able  to  con- 
tradict what  he  would  have,  or  what  he 
desired    me   to    do    for  him."      And    this 
was  what  Caius  wrote  to  Petronius,  which 
was  before  he  received  his  letter  inform- 
ing him  that  the  Jews  were  very  ready  to 
revolt  about    this  statue,    and    that   they 
seemed  resolved  to  threaten   war  against 
the   Romans,  and    nothing  else.      When, 
therefore,  Caius  was  much  displeased  that 
any  attempt  should  be  made  against  his 
government,  as  he  was  a  slave  to  base  and 
vicious  actions  on   all  occasions,  and  had 
no     regard     to    what    was    virtuous    and 
honourable,   and    against    whomsoever    he 
resolved   to  show  his  anger,  and   that  for 
any    cause    whatsoever,    he    suffered    not 
himself   to   be   restrained    by   any   admo- 


Chap.  IX.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


89 


nition,  but  thought  the  indulging  his 
anger  to  be  a  real  pleasure,  he  wrote  thus 
to  Petronius  : — "  Seeing  thou  esteemest 
the  presents  made  thee  by  the  Jews  to 
be  of  greater  value  than  my  commands, 
and  art  grown  insolent  enough  to  be  sub- 
servient to  their  pleasure,  I  charge  thee 
to  become  thy  own  judge,  and  to  consider 
what  thou  art  to  do,  now  thou  art  under 
my  displeasure,  for  I  will  make  thee  an 
example  to  the  present  and  to  all  future 
ages,  that  they  may  not  dare  to  contradict 
the  commands  of  their  emperor." 

This  was  the  epistle  which  Gains  wrote 
to  Petronius;  but  Petronius  did  not  re- 
ceive it  while  Caius  was  alive,  that  ship 
which  carried  it  sailed  so  slow,  the  other 
letters  came  to  Petronius  before  this,  by 
which  he  understood  that  Caius  was  dead, 
for  God  would  not  forget  the  dangers  Pe- 
tronius had  undertaken  on  account  of  the 
Jews,  and  of  his  own  honour.  But  when 
he  had  taken  Caius  away,  out  of  his  indig- 
nation of  what  he  had  so  insolently  at- 
tempted, in  assuming  to  himself  divine 
worship,  both  Home  and  all  that  dominion 
conspired  with  Petronius,  especially  those 
that  were  of  the  senatorian  order,  to  give 
Caius  his  due  reward,  because  he  had 
been  unmercifully  severe  to  them ;  for  he 
died  not  long  after  he  had  written  to  Pe- 
tronius that  epistle  which  threatened  him 
with  death.  But  as  for  the  occasion  of 
his  death,  and  the  nature  of  the  plot 
against  him,  I  shall  relate  them  in  the 
progress  of  this  narration.  Now,  that 
epistle  which  informed  Petronius  of  Caius's 
death  came  first;  and,  a  little  afterward, 
came  that  which  commanded  him  to  kill 
himself  with  his  own  hands.  Whereupon 
he  rejoiced  at  this  coincidence  as  to  the 
death  of  Caius,  and  admired  God's  pro- 
vidence, who,  without  the  least  delay, 
and  immediately,  gave  him  a  reward  for 
the  regard  he  had  to  the  temple,  and  the 
assistance  he  afforded  the  Jews  for  avoid- 
ing the  dangers  they  were  in.  And  by 
this  means  Petrouius  escaped  that  danger 
of  death  which  he  could  not  foresee. 


CHAP.  IX. 

Sedition  among  the  Babylonian  Jews. 

A  very  sad  calamity  now  befell  the 
Jews  that  were  iu  Mesopotamia,  and 
especially  those  that  dwelt  in  Babylonia. 
Inferior  it  was  to  none  of  the  calamities 
which    had   gone    before,    and  came  toge- 


ther with  a  great  slaughter  of  them,  and 
that  greater  than  any  upon  record  before: 
concerning  all  which  1  shall  speak  more 
accurately,  and  shall  explain  the  occasions 
whence  these  miseries  came  upon  them. 
There  was  a  city  of  Babylonia  called 
Neerda;  not  only  a  very  populous  one, 
but  oue  that  had  a  good  and  large  ter- 
ritory about  it;  and,  besides  its  other  ad- 
vantages, full  of  men  also.  It  was, 
besides,  not  easily  to  be  assaulted  by 
enemies,  from  the  river  Euphrates  en- 
compassing it  all  round,  and  from  the 
walls  that  were  built  about  it.  There 
was  also  the  city  Nisibis,  situate  on  the 
same  current  of  the  river.  For  which 
reason  the  Jews,  depending  on  the  natural 
strength  of  these  places,  deposited  in 
them  that  half  shekel  which  every  one, 
by  the  custom  of  our  country,  offers  uuto 
God,  as  well  as  they  did  other  things  de- 
voted to  him  ;  for  they  made  use  of  these 
cities  as  a  treasury,  whence,  at  a  proper 
time,  they  were  transmitted  to  Jerusa- 
lem ;  and  many  ten  thousand  men  under- 
took the  carriage  of  those  donations,  out 
of  fear  of  the  ravages  of  the  Parthians,  to 
whom  the  Babylonians  were  then  subject. 
Now,  there  were  two  men,  Asineus  and 
Anileus,  of  the  city  Neerda  by  birth,  and 
brethren  to  one  another.  They  were  des- 
titute of  a  father;  and  their  mother  put 
them  to  learn  the  art  of  weaving  curtains, 
it  not  being  esteemed  a  disgrace  among 
them  for  men  to  be  weavers  of  cloth. 
Now,  he  that  taught  them  that  art,  and 
was  set  over  them,  complained  that  they 
came  too  late  to  their  work,  and  punished 
them  with  stripes;  but  they  took  this  just 
punishment  as  au  affront,  and  carried  oil' 
all  the  weapons  which  were  kept  in  that 
house,  which  were  not  a  few,  and  went 
into  a  certain  place  where  was  a  partition 
of  the  rivers,  atid  was  a  plaee  naturally 
very  fit  for  the  feeding  of  cattle,  and  for 
preserving  such  fruits  as  are  usually  laid 
up  against  winter.  The  poorest  sort  of 
the  young  men  also  resorted  to  them, 
whom  they  armed  with  the  weapons  they 
had  gotten,  and  became  their  captains, 
and  nothing  hindered  them  from  being 
their  leaders  into  mischief;  for,  as  aoou 
as  they  had  become  invincible,  and  had 
built  themselves  a  citadel,  they  scut  to 
such  as  fed  cattle,  and  ordered  them  to 
pay  them  so  much  tribute  out  of  them  as 
might  be  sufficient  for  their  maintenance, 
proposing  also,  that  they  would  be  their 
friends,    if  they   would   submit    to    them, 


90 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XYII1. 


and  that  they  would  defend  them  from  all 
their  other  enemies  on  every  side;  but 
that  they  would  kill  the  cattle  of  those 
that  refused  to  obey  them.  So,  they 
hearkened  to  their  proposals,  (for  they 
could  do  nothing  else,)  and  sent  them  as 
many  sheep  as  were  required  of  them; 
whereby  their  forces  grew  greater,  and 
they  became  lords  over  all  they  pleased, 
because  they  marched  suddenly,  and  did 
them  a  mischief,  insomuch  that  every- 
body who  had  to  do  with  them  chose  to 
pay  them  respect;  aud  they  became  for- 
midable to  such  as  came  to  assault  them, 
until  the  report  about  them  came  to  the 
ears  of  the  king  of  Parthia  himself. 

But  when  the  governor  of  Babylonia 
understood  this,  and  had  a  mind  to  put  a 
stop  to  them  before  they  grew  greater, 
and  before  greater  mischiefs  should  arise 
from  them,  he  got  together  as  great  an 
army  as  he  could,  both  of  Parthians  and 
Babylonians,  and  marched  against  them, 
thinking  to  attack  them  and  destroy  them, 
before  any  one  should  carry  them  the 
news  that  he  had  got  an  army  together. 
He  then  encamped  at  a  lake,  and  lay 
still ;  but,  on  the  next  day  (it  was  the 
Sabbath,  which  is  among  the  Jews  a  day 
of  rest  from  all  sorts  of  work)  he  supposed 
that  the  enemy  would  not  dare  to  fight 
him  thereon,  but  that  he  would  take  them 
and  carry  them  away  prisoners,  without 
fighting.  He  therefore  proceeded  gradu- 
ally, and  thought  to  fall  upon  them  on 
the  sudden.  Now  Asineus  was  sitting 
with  the  rest,  and  their  weapons  lay  by 
them ;  upon  which  he  said,  "  Sirs,  I  hear 
a  neighing  of  horses;  not  of  such  as  are 
feeding,  but  such  as  have  men  on  their 
backs ;  I  also  hear  such  a  noise  of  their 
bridles,  that  I  am  afraid  that  some 
enemies  are  coming  upon  us  to  encompass 
us  round.  However,  let  somebody  go  to 
look  about,  and  make  report  of  what 
reality  there  is  in  the  present  state  of 
things;  and  may  what  I  have  said  prove 
a  false  alarm  I"  And  when  he  had  said 
this,  some  of  them  went  to  spy  out  what 
was  the  matter;  and  they  came  again 
immediately,  and  said  to  him,  that 
"neither  hast  thou  been  mistaken  in 
telling  us  what  our  enemies  were  doing, 
nor  will  those  enemies  permit  us  to  be 
injurious  to  people  any  longer.  We  are 
caught  by  their  intrigues  like  brute  beasts, 
and  there  is  a  large  body  of  cavalry  march- 
ing upon  us,  while  we  are  destitute  of 
hands  to  defend  ourselves  withal,  because 


we  are  restrained  from  doing  it,  by  the 
prohibition  of  our  law,  which  obliges  us 
to  rest  [on  this  day].  But  Asineus  did 
not  by  any  means  agree  with  the  opinion 
of  his  spy  as  to  what  was  to  be  done,  but 
thought  it  more  agreeable  to  the  law  to 
pluck  up  their  spirits  in  this  necessity 
they  had  fallen  into,  and  break  their  law 
by  avenging  themselves,  although  they 
should  die  in  the  action,  than,  by  doing 
nothing,  to  please  their  enemies  in  sub- 
mitting to  be  slain  by  them.  Accord- 
ingly, he  took  up  his  weapons,  and  in- 
fused courage  into  those  that  were  with 
him,  to  act  as  courageously  as  himself. 
So  they  fell  upon  their  enemies,  and  slew 
a  great  many  of  them,  because  they  de- 
spised them,  and  came  as  to  a  certain 
victory,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight. 

But  when  the  news  of  this  fight  came 
to  the  king  of  Parthia,  he  was  surprised 
at  the  boldness  of  these  brethren,  and  was 
desirous  to  see  them,  and  speak  with 
them.  He  therefore  sent  the  most  trusty 
of  all  his  guards  to  say  thus  to  them  : — 
"  The  King  Artabanus,  although  he  had 
been  unjustly  treated  by  you,  who  have 
made  an  attempt  against  his  government, 
yet  hath  he  more  regard  to  your  courage- 
ous behaviour  than  to  the  anger  he  bears 
to  you,  and  hath  sent  me  to  give  you  his 
right  hand*  and  security;  and  he  permits 
you  to  come  to  him  safely,  aud  without 
any  violence  upon  the  road,  as  he  wants 
to  have  you  address  yourselves  to  him  as 
friends,  without  meaning  any  guile  or 
deceit  to  you.  He  also  promises  to  make 
you  presents,  and  to  pay  you  those  re- 
spects which  will  make  an  addition  of  his 
power  to  your  courage,  and  thereby  be  of 
advantage  to  you."  Yet  did  Asineus 
himself  put  off  his  journey  thither,  but 
sent  his  brother  Anileus  with  all  such 
presents  as  he  could  procure.  So  he 
went,  and  was  admitted  to  the  king's 
presence;  and  when  Artabanus  saw  Ani- 
leus coming  along,  he  inquired  into  the 
reason  why  Asineus  avoided  to  come  along 
with  him ;  and  when  he  understood  that 
he  was  afraid,  and  stayed  by  the  lake,  he 
took  an  oath  by  the  gods  of  his  country, 
that  he  would  do  them  no  harm,  if  they 
came  to  him  upon  the  assurances  he  gave 
them,  and  gave  him  his  right  hand.  This 
is  of  the  greatest  force  there  with  all  these 
barbarians,  aud  affords  a  firm  security  to 


*  The  joining  of  the  right  hands  was  esteemed 
iniong  tho  Persians  [and  Parthians]  m  particular 
a  mot;t  inviolable  obligation  to  fidelity. 


Chap.  K.] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF    Till',    JEWS. 


91 


those  who  converse  with  them ;  for  none 
of  them  will  deceive  you  when  once  they 
have  '/wen  you  their  right  hands,  nor 
will  any  one  donbt  their  fidelity,  when 
that  is  once  given,  even  though  they 
were  bi  fore  suspected  of  injustice.  When 
Artabanus  had  done  this,  he  sent  away 
Anileus  to  persuade  his  brother  to  come 
to  him.  Now  this  the  king  did,  because 
he  wanted  to  curb  his  own  governors  of 
provinces  by  the  courage  of  these  Jewish 
brethren,  lest  they  should  make  a  league 
with  them;  for  they  were  ready  for  a  re- 
volt, and  were  disposed  to  rebel,  had  they 
been  sent  on  an  expedition  against  them. 
He  was  also  afraid,  lest,  when  he  was 
engaged  in  a  war,  in  order  to  subdue 
those  governors  of  provinces  that  had  re- 
volted, the  party  of  Asineus  and  those  in 
Babylonia  should  be  augmented,  and 
either  make  war  upon  him  when  they 
should  hear  of  that  revolt,  or,  if  they 
should  be  disappointed  in  that  case,  they 
would  not  fail  of  doing  further  mischief 
to  him. 

When  the  king  had  these  intentions, 
ne  sent  away  Anileus';  and  Anileus  pre- 
vailed on  his  brother  [to  come  to  the  king], 
when  he  had  related  to  him  the  king's 
go  id-will,  aud  the  oath  that  he  had  taken. 
Accordingly,  they  made  haste  to  go  to 
Artabauus,  who  received  them,  when  they 
had  come,  with  pleasure,  and  admired 
Asineus's  courage  in  the  actions  be  had 
done,  and  this,  because  he  was  a  little  man 
to  see  to,  and,  at  first,  sight,  appeared  con- 
temptible also,  and  such  as  one  might 
deem  a  person  of  no  value  at  all.  He  also 
said  to  his  friends,  how,  upon  the  compa- 
rison, he  showed  his  soul  to  be,  in  all  re- 
spects, superior  to  his  body ;  and  when, 
as  they  w7ere  drinking  together,  he  once 
showed  Asineus  to  Abdagases,  one  of  the 
geuerals  of  his  army,  and  told  him  his 
name,  and  described  the  great  courage  he 
was  of  in  war,  and  Abdagases  had  desired 
leave  to  kill  him,  and  thereby  to  inflict 
upon  him  a  punishment  for  those  injuries 
he  had  done  to  the  Parthian  government, 
the  king  replied,  "I  will  never  give  thee 
leave  to  kill  a  man  who  hath  depended  on 
my  faith,  especially  not,  after  I  have  sent 
him  my  right  hand,  and  endeavoured  to 
gain  his  belief  by  oaths  made  by  the  gods. 
But,  if  thou  be  a  truly  warlike  man,  thou 
Btandest  not  in  need  of  my  perjury.  Go 
thou,  then,  and  avenge  the  Parthian  go- 
vernment; attack  this  man,  when  he  has 
returned  back,  aud  conquer  him  by  the 


forces  that  are  under  thy  command,  with- 
out my  privity."    Hereupon  the  king  called 

for  Asineus,  and  said  to  him,  "It  is  time 
for  thee,  0  thou  young  man  !  to  return 
home,  and  not  provoke  the  indignation  of 
my  generals  in  this  place  any  further,  lest 
they  attempt  to  murder  thee,  and  that 
without  my  approbation.  I  commit  to 
thee  the  country  of  Babylonia  in  trust, 
that  it  may,  by  thy  care,  be  preserved  free 
from  robbers,  and  from  other  mischiefs. 
I  have  kept  my  faith  inviolable  to  thee, 
and  that  not  in  trifling  affairs,  but  in  those 
that  concerned  thy  safety,  and  do  there- 
fore deserve  thou  shouldst  be  kind  to  me." 
When  he  had  said  this,  and  given  Asineus 
some  presents,  he  sent  him  away  imme- 
diately; who,  when  he  had  come  home, 
built  fortresses,  aud  became  great  in  a 
little  time,  and  managed  things  with  such 
courage  and  success,  as  no  other  person, 
that  had  uo  higher  a  beginning,  ever  did 
before  him.  Those  Parthian  governors, 
also,  who  were  sent  that  way,  paid  him 
great  respect;  and  the  honour  that  was 
paid  him  by  the  Babylonians  seemed  to 
them  too  small,  aud  beneath  his  deserts, 
although  he  was  in  no  small  dignity  aud 
power  there  :  nay,  indeed,  all  the  affairs 
of  Mesopotamia  depended  upon  him;  and 
he  more  and  more  flourished  in  this  happy 
condition  of  his  for  fifteen  years. 

But  as  their  affairs  were  in  so  flourish- 
ing a  state,  there  sprang  up  a  calamity 
among  them  on  the  following  occasion: — 
When  once  they  had  deviated  from  that 
course  of  virtue  whereby  they  had  gained 
so  great  power,  they  affronted  and  trans- 
gressed the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and 
fell  under  the  dominion  of  their  lusts  aud 
pleasures.  A  certain  Parthian,  who  came 
as  general  of  an  army  into  those  parts, 
had  a  wife  following  him,  who  had  a  vast 
reputation  for  other  accomplishments,  and 
particularly  was  admired  above  all  other 
women  for  her  beauty.  Anileus,  the 
brother  of  Asineus,  either  heard  of  that 
her  beauty  from  others,  or  perhaps  saw 
her  himself  also,  and  so  became  at  once 
her  lover  and  her  enemy ;  partly  because 
he  could  not  hope  to  enjoy  this  woman 
but  by  obtaining  power  over  her  as  a  cap- 
tive, and  partly  because  he  thought  he 
could  not  couquer  his  inclinations  for  bcr. 
As  soon,  therefore,  as  h'er  husband  had 
been  declared  an  enemy  to  them,  and  haJ 
fallen  in  the  battle,  the  widow  of  the  de- 
ceased was  married  to  this  her  lover. 
However,  this  woman  did  not  come  into 


92 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XVIII. 


their  house  without  producing  great  mis- 
fortunes, both  to  Anileus  himself,  and  to 
Asineus  also;  but  brought  great  mischiefs 
upon  them,  on  the  occasion  following: — 
Since  she  was  led  away  captive,  on  the 
death  of  her  husband,  she  concealed  the 
images  of  those  gods  which  were  their 
country  gods,  common  to  her  husband 
and  to  herself:  now,  it  is  the  custom*  of 
that  country,  for  all  to  have  the  idols  they 
worship  in  their  own  houses,  and  to  carry 
them  along  with  them  when  they  go  into 
a  foreign  land;  agreeably  to  which  custom 
of  theirs,  she  carried  her  idols  with  her. 
Now,  at  first  she  performed  her  worship 
to  them  privately,  but  when  she  had  be- 
come Anileus's  married  wife,  she  wor- 
shipped them  in  her  accustomed  manner, 
and  with  the  same  appointed  ceremonies 
which  she  used  in  her  former  husband's 
days;  upon  which  their  most  esteemed 
friends  blamed  him  at  first,  that  he  did 
not  act  after  the  manner  of  the  Hebrews, 
nor  perform  what  was  agreeable  to  their 
laws,  in  marrying  a  foreign  wife,  and  one 
that  transgressed  the  accurate  appoint- 
ments of  their  sacrifices  and  religious 
ceremonies;  that  he  ought  to  consider, 
j(est,  by  allowing  himself  in  many  pleasures 
of  the  body,  he  might  lose  his  principality, 
on  account  of  the  beauty  of  a  wife,  and 
that  high  authority  which,  by  God's  bless- 
ing, he  had  arrived  at.  But  when  they 
prevailed  not  at  all  upon  him,  he  slew 
one  of  them  for  whom  he  had  the  greatest 
respect,  because  of  the  liberty  he  took  with 
him ;  who,  when  he  was  dying,  out  of  re- 
gard to  the  laws,  imprecated  a  punishment 
upon  his  murderer  Anileus,  and  upon 
Asineus  also,  and  that  all  their  compa- 
nions might  come  to  a  like  end  from  their 
enemies;  upon  the  two  first  as  the  prin- 
cipal actors  of  this  wickedness,  and  upon 
the  rest  as  those  that  would  not  assist  him 
when  he  suffered  in  the  defence  of  their 
laws.  Now  these  latter  were  sorely  grieved, 
yet  did  they  tolerate  these  doings,  because 
they  remembered  that  they  had  arrived  at 
their  present  happy  state  by  no  other 
means  than  their  fortitude.  But  when 
they  also  heard  of  the  worship  of  those 
gods  whom  the  Parthians  adore,  they 
thought  the  injury  that  Anileus  offered  to 
their  laws  was  to  he  borne  no  longer;  and 
a  greater  number  of  them  came  to  Asi- 


*  This  custom  of  the  Mesopotarnians  to  carry 
tlieir  household  gods  along  with  them  wherever 
they  travelled,  is  as  old  as  the  days  of  Jacob.  Gen. 
sxxi.  19,  30-35. 


neus,  and  loudly  complained  of  Anileus, 
and  told  him,  that  it  had  been  well  that 
he  had  of  himself  seen  what  was  advan- 
tageous to  them ;  but  that,  however,  it 
was  now  high  time  to  correct,  what  had 
been  done  amiss,  before  the  crime  that 
had  been  committed  proved  the  ruin  of 
himself  and  all  the  rest  of  them.  They 
added,  that  the  marriage  of  this  woman 
was  made  without  their  consent,  and  with- 
out a  regard  to  tlieir  old  laws ;  and  that 
the  worship  which  this  woman  paid  [to 
her  gods]  was  a  reproach  to  the  God 
whom  they  worshipped.  Now  was  Asineus 
sensible  of  his  brother's  offence,  that  it 
had  been  already  the  cause  of  great  mis- 
chiefs, and  would  be  so  for  the  time  to 
come;  yet  did  he  tolerate  the  same  from 
the  good-will  he  had  to  so  near  a  relation, 
and  forgiving  it  to  him,  on  account  that 
his  brother  was  quite  overborne  by  his 
wicked  inclinations.  But  as  more  and 
more  still  came  about  him  every  day,  and 
the  clamours  about  it  became  greater,  he 
at  length  spoke  to  Anileus  about  these 
clamours,  reproving  him  for  his  former 
actions,  and  desiring  him  for  the  future 
to  leave  them  off,  and  send  the  woman 
back  to  her  relations.  But  nothing  was 
gained  by  these  reproofs;  for,  as  the 
woman  perceived  what  a  tumult  was  made 
among  the  people  on  her  account,  and  was 
afraid  for  Anileus,  lest  he  should  come  to 
any  harm  for  his  love  to  her,  she  infused 
poison  into  Asineus's  food,  and  thereby 
took  him  off,  and  was  now  secure  of  pre- 
vailing, when  her  lover  was  to  be  judge 
of  what  should  be  done  about  her. 

So  Anileus  took  the  government  upon 
himself  alone,  and  led  his  army  against 
the  villages  of  Mi thri dates,  who  was  a 
man  of  principal  authority  in  Parthia,  and 
had  married  King  Artabanus's  daughter: 
he  also  plundered  them,  and  among  that 
pre}7  was  found  much  money,  and  many 
slaves,  as  also  a  great  number  of  sheep, 
and  many  '  other  things,  which,  when 
gained,  make  men's  condition  happy. 
Now,  when  Mithridates,  who  was  there  at 
this  time,  heard  that  his  villages  were 
taken,  he  was  very  much  displeased  to 
find  that  Anileus  had  first  begun  to  injure 
him,  and  to  affront  him  in  his  present 
dignity,  when  he  had  not  offered  any  in- 
jury to  him  beforehand;  and  he  got  to- 
gether the  greatest  body  of  horsemen  he 
was  able,  and  those  out  of  that  number 
which  were  of  an  age  fit  for  war,  and  came 
to  fight  Anileus;  and  when  he  had  arrived 


Chap.  IX.  | 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   .JEWS. 


03 


at  a  certain  village  of  his  own,  he  lay  still 
there,  as  intending  to  tight  him  on  the  day 
following,  because  it  was  the  Sabbath,  the 
day  on  which  the  Jews  rest.  And  when 
Anileus  was  informed  of  this  by  a  Syrian 
stranger  of  another  village,  who  not  only 
gave  him  an  exact  accouut  of  other  cir- 
cumstances, but  told  him  where  Mithri- 
dates  would  have  a  feast,  he  took  bis 
supper  at  a  proper  time,  and  marched  by 
night,  with  au  intent  of  falling  upon  the 
Parthians  while  they  were  unapprised 
what  they  should  do;  so  he  fell  upon 
them  about  the  fourth  watch  of  the  night; 
and  some  of  them  he  slew  while  they  were 
asleep,  and  others  he  put  to  flight,  and 
took  Mithridates  alive,  and  set  him  naked 
upon  an  ass,*  which,  among  the  Parthians, 
is  esteemed  the  greatest  reproach  possible. 
And  when  he  had  brought  him  into  a 
wood  with  such  a  resolution,  and  his 
friends  desired  him  to  kill  Mithridates, 
he  soon  told  them  his  own  mind  to  the 
contrary,  and  said,  that  it  was  not  right 
to  kill  a  man  who  was  one  of  the  princi- 
pal families  among  the  Parthians,  and 
greatly  honoured  with  matching  into  the 
royal  family;  that  so  far  as  they  had 
hitherto  gone  was  tolerable;  for,  although 
they  had  injured  Mithridates,  yet,  if  they 
preserved  his  life,  this  benefit  would  be 
remembered  by  him  to  the  advantage  of 
those  that  gave  it  him;  but  that  if  he 
were  once  put  to  death,  the  king  would 
not  be  at  rest  till  he  had  made  a  great 
slaughter  of  the  Jews  that  dwelt  at  Baby- 
lon;  "to  whose  safety  we  ought  to  have 
a  regard,  both  on  account  of  our  relation 
to  them,  and  because,  if  any  misfortune 
befall  us,  we  have  no  other  place  to  retire 
to,  since  he  hath  gotten  the  flower  of  their 
youth  under  him."  By  this  thought,  aud 
this  speech  of  his  made  in  council,  he  per- 
suaded them  to  act  accordingly;  so  Mith- 
ridates was  let  go.  But,  when  he  had 
got  away,  his  wife  reproached  him,  that 
although  he  was  son-in-law  to  the  king, 
he  neglected  to  avenge  himself  on  those 
that  had  injured  him,  while  he  took  no 
care  about  it,  but  was  contented  to  have 
been  made  a  captive  by  the  Jews,  and  to 
have  escaped  them;  and  she  bade  him 
either  to  go  back  like  a  man  of  courage, 
or  else  she  sware   by  the  gods  of  their 

*  This  custom  in  Syria  and  Mesopotamia,  of  set- 
ting men  upon  an  ass,  by  way  of  disgrace,  is  still 
kept  up  <tt  Damascus  in  Sj'ria ;  where,  in  order  to 
show  their  despite  against  the  Christians,  the  Turks 
will  not  suffer  theui  to  hire  horses,  but  asses  only. 


royal  family,  that  she  n-ould  certainly  dis- 
solve her  marriage  with  bim.   Upon  which, 

partly  because  he  could  not  bear  the  daily 
trouble  of  her  taunts,  and  partly  because 
he  was  afraid  of  her  insolence,  lest  she 
should  in  earnest  dissolve  their  marriage, 
he  unwillingly,  and  against  his  inclina- 
tions, got  together  again  as  great  an  army 
as  he  could,  and  marched  along  with 
them,  as  himself  thinking  it  a  thing  not 
to  be  borne  any  longer,  that  he,  a  Par- 
thian, should  owe  his  preservation  to  the 
Jews,  when  they  had  been  too  hard  for 
him  in  the  war. 

But,  as  soon  as  Anileus  understood 
that  Mithridates  was  marching  with  a 
great  army  against  him,  he  thought  it  too 
ignominious  a  thing  to  tarry  about  the 
lakes,  and  not  to  take  the  first  opportu- 
nity of  meeting  his  enemies,  and  he  hoped 
to  have  the  same  success,  and  to  beat 
their  enemies  as  they  did  before ;  as  also 
he  ventured  boldly  upon  the  like  at- 
tempts. Accordingly,  he  led  out  his 
army;  and  a  great  many  more  joined 
themselves  to  that  army,  in  order  to 
betake  themselves  to  plunder  the  people, 
aud  in  order  to  terrify  the  enemy  again 
by  their  numbers.  But  when  they  had 
marched  ninety  furlongs,  while  the  road 
had  been  through  dry  [and  sandy]  places, 
and  about  the  midst  of  the  day,  they 
were  become  very  thirsty ;  aud  Mithri- 
dates appeared,  and  fell  upon  them,  as 
they  were  in  distress  for  want  of  water, 
on  which  account,  and  on  account  of  the 
time  of  the  day,  they  were  not  able  to 
bear  their  weapons.  So  Anileus  and  his 
men  were  put  to  an  ignominious  rout, 
while  men  in  despair  were  to  attack  those 
that  were  fresh,  and  in  good  plight:  so  a 
great  slaughter  was  made,  aud  many  ten 
thousand  men  fell.  Now  Anileus,  and 
all  that  stood  firm  about  him,  ran  away, 
as  fast  as  they  were  able,  into  a  wood, 
aud  afforded  Mithridates  the  pleasure  of 
having  gained  a  great  victory  over  them. 
But  there  now  came  unto  Anileus  a  con- 
flux of  bad  men,  who  regarded  tlnir  own 
lives  very  little,  if  they  might  but  gain 
some  present  ease,  insomuch  that  they, 
by  thus  coming  to  him,  compensated  the 
multitude  of  those  that  perished  in  the 
tight.  Yet  were  not  these  men  like  to 
those  that  fell  because  they  were  rash, 
and  unexercised  in  war;  however,  with 
these  he  came  upon  the  villages  of  the 
Babylonians,  and  a  mighty  devastation  of 
all  things  was  made  there  by  tie  injuries 


di 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS.         [Book  XVIII.  Chap.  IX. 


that  Anileus  did  them.  So  the  Babylo- 
nians, and  those  that  had  already  been  in 
the  war,  sent  to  Neerda  to  the  Jews  there, 
and  demanded  Anileus.  But,  although 
they  did  not  agree  to  their  demands,  (for 
if  they  had  been  willing  to  deliver  him 
up,  it  was  not  in  their  power  so  to  do,) 
yet  did  they  desire  to  make  peace  with 
them.  To  which  the  other  replied,  that 
they  also  wanted  to  settle  conditions  of 
peace  with  them,  and  sent  men  together 
with  the  Babylonians,  who  discoursed 
with  Anileus  about  them.  But  the  Baby- 
lonians, upon  taking  a  view  of  his  situa- 
tion, and  having  learned  where  Anileus 
and  his  men  ]ay,  fell  secretly  upon  them 
as  they  were  drunk  and  fallen  asleep, 
and  slew  all  that  they  caught  of  them, 
without  any  fear,  and  killed  Anileus 
himself  also. 

The  Babylonians  were  now  freed  from 
Anileus's  heavy  incursions,  which  had 
been  a  great  restraint  to  the  effects  of 
that  hatred  they  bore  to  the  Jews;  for 
they  were  almost  always  at  variance,  by 
reason  of  the  contrariety  of  their  laws; 
and  which  party  soever  grew  boldest  be- 
fore the  other,  they  assaulted  the  other : 
and  at  this  time  in  particular  it  was,  that 
upon  the  ruin  of  Anileus's  party,  the 
Babylonians  attacked  the  Jews ;  which 
made  these  Jews  so  vehemently  to  resent 
the  injuries  they  received  from  the  Baby- 
lonians, that,  being  neither  able  to  fight 
them,  nor  bearing  to  live  with  them,  they 
went  to  Seleucia,  the  principal  city  of 
those  parts,  which  was  built  by  Seleucus 
Nicator.  It  was  inhabited  by  many  of 
the  Macedonians,  but  by  more  of  the 
Grecians;  not  a  few  of  the  Syrians  also 
dwelt  there  ;  and  thither  did  the  Jews 
fly,  and  lived  there  five  years  without  any 
misfortunes.  But,  on  the  sixth  year,  a 
pestilence  came  upon  these  at  Babylon, 
which  occasioned  new  removals  of  men's 
habitations  out  of  that  city;  and  because 
they  came  to  Seleucia,  it  happened  that  a 
still  heavier  calamity  came  upon  them  on 
that  account,  which  I  am  going  to  relate 
immediately. 

Now,  the  way  of  living  of  the  people  of 


Seleucia,  who  were  Greeks  and  Syrians, 
was  commonly  quarrelsome,  and  full  of 
discords,  though  the  Greeks  were  too 
\  hard  for  the  Syrians.  When,  therefore, 
j  the  Jews  had  come  thither,  and  dwelt 
among  them,  there  arose  a  sedition ;  and 
the  Syrians  were  too  hard  for  the  other, 
by  the  assistance  of  the  Jews,  who  are 
men  that  despise  dangers,  and  very  ready 
to  fight  upon  any  occasion.  Now,  when 
the  Greeks  had  the  worst  in  this  sedition, 
and  saw  that  they  had  but  one  way  of 
recovering  their  former  authority,  and 
that  was,  if  they  could  prevent  the  agree- 
ment between  the  Jews  and  Syrians,  they 
every  one  discoursed  with  such  of  the 
Syrians  as  were  formerly  of  their  ac- 
quaintance, and  promised  they  would  be 
at  peace  and  friendship  with  them.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  gladly  agreed  so  to  do; 
and  when  this  was  done  by  the  principal 
men  of  both  nations,  they  soon  agreed  to 
a  reconciliation;  and  when  they  were  so 
agreed,  they  both  knew  that  the  great 
design  of  such  their  union  would  be 
their  common  hatred  to  the  Jews.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  fell  upon  them,  and  slew 
about  50,000  of  them;  nay,  the  Jews 
were  all  destroyed,  excepting  a  few  who 
escaped,  either  by  the  compassion  which 
their  friends  or  neighbours  afforded  them 
in  order  to  let  them  fly  away.  These 
retired  to  Ctesiphon,  a  Grecian  city,  and 
situated  near  to  Seleucia,  where  the  king 
[of  Parthia]  lives  in  winter  every  year, 
and  where  the  greatest  part  of  his  riches 
are  deposited;  but  the  Jews  had  here  no 
certain  settlement,  those  of  Seleucia  hav- 
ing little  concern  for  the  king's  honour. 
Now  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews  were 
in  fear  both  of  the  Babylonians  and  of 
the  Seleucians,  because  all  the  Syrians 
that  live  in  those  places  agreed  with  the 
Seleucians  in  the  war  against  the  Jews; 
so  the  most  of  them  gathered  themselves 
together,  and  went  to  Neerda  and  Nisibis, 
and  obtained  security  there  by  the  strength 
of  those  cities;  besides  which,  their  in- 
habitants, who  were  a  great  many,  were 
all  warlike  men.  And  this  was  the  state 
of  the  Jews  at  this  time  in  Babylon. 


Book  XLX.  Ciiap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


95 


BOOK  XIX. 


CONTAINING  AN  INTERVAL  OF  THREE  YEARS  AND  A  HALF,  FROM  THE 
JEWS'  DEPARTURE  OUT  OF  BABYLON  TO  FADUS,  THE  ROMAN  PRO- 
CURATOR. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Caius  (Caligula)  slain  by  Chorea. 

Now  this  Caius  did  not  demonstrate 
his  madness  in  offering  injuries  only  to 
the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  or  to  those  that 
dwelt  in  the  neighbourhood,  but  suffered 
it  to  extend  itself  through  all  the  earth  and 
sea,  so  far  as  it  was  in  subjection  to  the 
Romans,  and  filled  it  with  ten  thousand 
mischiefs;  so  many,  indeed,  in  number, 
as  no  former  history  relates.  But  Rome 
itself  felt  the  most  dismal  effects  of  what 
he  did,  while  he  deemed  that  not  to  be 
any  more  honourable  than  the  rest  of  the 
cities;  but  he  pulled  and  hauled  its  other 
citizens,  but  especially  the  senate,  and 
particularly  the  nobility,  and  such  as  had 
been  dignified  by  illustrious  ancestors; 
he  also  had  ten  thousand  devices  against 
such  of  the  equestrian  order,  as  it  was 
styled,  who  were  esteemed  by  the  citi- 
zens equal  in  dignity  and  wealth  with  the 
senators,  because  out  of  them  the  senators 
were  themselves  chosen;  these  he  treated 
after  an  ignominious  manner,  and  re- 
moved them  out  of  his  way,  while  they 
were  at  once  slain,  and  their  wealth  plun- 
dered; because  he  slew  men  generally,  in 
order  to  seize  on  their  riches.  He  also 
asserted  his  own  divinity,  and  insisted  on 
greater  honours  to  be  paid  him  by  his 
subjects  than  are  due  to  mankind.  He 
also  frequented  that  temple  of  Jupiter 
which  they  style  the  Capitol,  which  is 
with  them  the  most  holy  of  all  temples, 
and  had  boldness  enough  to  call  himself 
the  brother  of  Jupiter.  And  other  pranks 
he  did  like  a  madman;  as  when  he  laid  a 
bridge  from  the  city  of  Dicearchia,  which 
belongs  to  Campania,  to  Misenum,  ano- 
ther city  upon  the  seaside,  from  one 
promontory  to  another,  of  the  length  of 
thirty  furlongs,  as  measured  over  the  sea. 
Aud  this  was  done,  because  he  esteemed 
it  to  be  a  most  tedious  thing  to  row 
over  in  a  small  ship,  and  thought  withal 
that  it  became  him  to  make  that  bridge, 


as  he  was  lord  of  the  sea,  and  might 
oblige  it  to  give  marks  of  obedience  as 
well  as  the  earth;  so  he  enclosed  the 
whole  bay  within  his  bridge,  and  drove 
his  chariot  over  it;  and  thought,  that 
as  he  was  a  god,  it  was  fit  for  him 
to  travel  over  such  roads  as  this  was. 
Nor  did  he  abstain  from  the  plunder  of 
any  of  the  Grecian  temples,  aud  gave 
order  that  all  the  engravings  and  sculp- 
tures, and  the  rest  of  the  ornaments  of 
the  statues  and  donations  therein  dedi- 
cated, should  be  brought  to  him,  saying, 
that  the  best  things  ought  to  be  set  no- 
where but  iu  the  best  place,  and  that  the 
city  of  Rome  was  that  best  place.  He 
also  adorned  his  own  house  aud  his  gar- 
dens with  the  curiosities  brought  from 
those  temples,  together  with  the  houses 
he  lay  at  when  he  travelled  all  over  Italy; 
whence  he  did  not  scruple  to  give  a  com- 
mand that  the  statue  of  Jupiter  Olympus, 
so  called  because  he  was  honoured  at  the 
Olympian  games  by  the  Greeks,  which 
was  the  work  of  Phidias,  the  Athenian, 
should  be  brought  to  Rome.  Yet  did  he 
not  compass  his  end,  because  the  archi- 
tects told  Memmius  Regulus,  who  was 
commanded  to  remove  that  statue  of 
Jupiter,  that  the  workmanship  was  such 
that  would  be  spoiled,  and  would  uot  bear 
removal.  It  was  also  reported  that  Mem- 
mius, both  on  that  account,  and  ou  ac- 
count of  some  such  mighty  prodigies  as 
are  of  an  incredible  nature,  put  oil'  the 
taking  dowu,  and  wrote  to  Caius  those 
accounts  as  an  apology  for  not  having 
done  what  his  epistle  required  of  him; 
and  that  when  he  was  thence  in  danger 
of  perishing,  he  was  saved  by  Cuius  being 
dead  himself,  before  he  had  put  him  to 
death. 

Nay,  Caius's  madness  came  to  this 
height,  that  when  he  had  a  daughter  born, 
he  carried  her  into  the  capitol,  and  put 
her  upon  the  knees  of  the  statue,  and  said 
that  the  child  was  common  to  him  and  to 
Jupiter,  and  determined  that  she  had  two 


96 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


fathers,  but  which  of  these  fathers  was 
the  greatest,  he  left  undetermined;  and 
yet  mankind  bore  him  in  such  his  pranks. 
He  also  gave  leave  to  slaves  to  accuse 
their  masters  of  any  crimes  whatsoever 
they  pleased;  for  all  such  accusations 
were  terrible,  because  they  were  in  great 
part  made  to  please  him,  and  at  his  sug- 
gestion, insomuch  that  Pollux,  Claudius's 
slave,  had  the  boldness  to  lay  an  accu- 
sation against  Claudius  himself;  and 
Caius  was  not  ashamed  to  be  present  at 
his  trial  of  life  and  death,  to  hear  that 
trial  of  his  own  uncle,  in  hopes  of  being 
able  to  take  him  off,  although  he  did  not 
succeed  to  his  mind :  but  when  he  had 
filled  the  whole  habitable  world  which 
he  governed,  with  false  accusations  and 
miseries,  and  had  occasioned  the  greatest 
insults  of  slaves  against  their  masters, 
who,  indeed,  in  a  great  measure,  ruled 
them,  there  were  many  secret  plots  now 
laid  against  him;  some  in  anger,  and  in 
order  for  men  to  revenge  themselves,  on 
account  of  the  miseries  they  had  already 
undergone  from  him;  and  others  made 
attempts  upon  him,  in  order  to  take  him 
off  before  they  should  fall  into  such  great 
miseries,  while  his  death  came  very  for- 
tunately for  the  preservation  of  the  laws 
of  all  men,  and  had  a  great  influence  upon 
the  public  welfare :  and  this  happened 
most  happily  for  our  nation  in  particular, 
which  had  almost  utterly  perished  if  he 
had  not  been  suddenly  slain;  and  I  con- 
fess I  have  a  mind  to  give  a  full  account 
of  this  matter  particularly,  because  it  will 
afford  great  assurance  of  the  power  of 
God,  and  great  comfort  to  those  that  are 
under  afflictions,  and  wise  caution  to  those 
who  think  their  happiness  will  never  end, 
nor  bring  them  at  length  to  the  most 
lasting  miseries,  if  they  do  not  conduct 
their  lives  by  the  principles  of  virtue. 

Now,  there  were  three  several  con- 
spiracies made,  in  order  to  take  off  Caius, 
and  each  of  these  three  were  conducted 
by  excellent  persons.  Emilius  Regulus, 
born  at  Corduba  in  Spain,  got  some  men 
together,  and  was  desirous  to  take  Caius 
off,  either  by  them  or  by  himself.  Ano- 
ther conspiracy  there  was  laid  by  them, 
under  the  conduct  of  Cherea  Cassius,  the 
tribune  [of  the  praetorian  baud] ;  Minu- 
cianus  Anuius  was  also  one  of  great  conse- 
quence among  those  that  were  prepared 
to  oppose  his  tyranny.  Now  the  several 
occasions  of  these  men's  several  hatred  and 
conspiracy  against  Cuius  were  these  : — lle- 


gulus  had  indignation  and  hatred  against 
all  injustice,  for  he  had  a  mind  naturally 
angry,  and  bold,  and  free,  which  made 
him  not  conceal  his  counsels;  so  he  com- 
municated them  to  many  of  his  friends, 
and  to  others  who  seemed  to  him  per- 
sons of  activity  and  vigour.  Minucianus 
entered  into  this  conspiracy,  because  of 
the  injustice  done  to  Lepidus,  his  particu- 
lar friend,  and  one  of  the  best  character 
of  all  the  citizens,  whom  Caius  had  slain, 
as  also  because  he  was  afraid  of  himself, 
since  Caius's  wrath  tended  to  the  slaugh- 
ter of  all  alike :  and  for  Cherea,  he  came 
in,  because  he  thought  it  a  deed  worthy 
of  a  free,  ingenious  man  to  kill  Caius,  and 
was  ashamed  of  the  reproaches  he  lay 
under  from  Caius,  as  though  he  were  a 
coward;  as  also  because  he  was  himself 
in  danger  every  day  from  his  friendship 
with  him,  and  the  observance  he  paid  him. 
These  men  proposed  this  attempt  to  all 
the  rest  that  were  concerned,  who  saw  the 
injuries  that  were  offered  them,  and  were 
desirous  that  Caius's  slaughter  might  suc- 
ceed by  their  mutual  assistance  of  one 
another,  that  they  might  themselves 
escape  being  killed  by  the  taking  off 
Caius;  that  perhaps  they  should  gain 
their  point,  and  that  it  would  be  a  happy 
thing  if  they  should  gain  it,  to  approve 
themselves  to  so  many  excellent  persons  as 
earnestly  wished  to  be  partakers  with 
them  in  their  design,  for  their  delivery 
of  the  city  and  of  the  government,  even 
at  the  hazard  of  their  own  lives ;  but 
still  Cherea  was  the  most  zealous  of  them 
all,  both  out  of  a  desire-  of  gaining  him- 
self the  greatest  name,  and  also  by  reason 
of  his  access  to  Caius's  presence  with  less 
danger,  because  he  was  tribune,  and  could 
therefore  the  more  easily  kill  him. 

Now,  at  this  time  came  on  the  horse- 
races [Circensian  games] ;  the  view  of 
which  games  was  eagerly  desired  by  the 
people  of  Rome,  for  they  come  with  great 
alacrity  into  the  hippodrome  [circus]  at 
such  times,  and  petition  their  emperors, 
iu  great  multitudes,  for  what  they  stand 
in  need  of;  who  usually  did  not  think  fit 
to  deny  them  their  requests,  but  readily 
and  gratefully  granted  them.  Accord- 
ingly, they  most  importunately  desired 
that  Cuius  would  now  ease  them  in  their 
tributes,  and  abate  somewhat  of  the 
rigour  of  the  taxes  imposed  upon  them; 
but  he  would  not  hear  their  petition ; 
and,  when  their  clamours  increased,  he 
sent   soldiers,   some   one  way  and    some 


J 


Chap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


another,  and  gave  order  that  they  should 
lay  hold  on  those  that  made  the  clamours, 
and  without  any  more  ado,  bring  them 
out  and  put  them  to  death.  These  were 
Caius's  commands,  and  those  who  were 
commanded  executed  the  same ;  and  the 
number  of  those  who  were  slain  on  this 
occasion  was  very  great.  Now,  the  people 
saw  this,  and  bore  it  so  far,  that  they  left 
off  clamouring,  because  they  saw  with 
their  own  eyes,  that  this  petition  to  be 
relieved,  as  to  the  payment  of  their 
money,  brought  immediate  death  upon 
them.  These  things  made  Cherea  more 
resolute  to  go  on  with  his  plot,  in  order  to 
put  an  end  to  this  barbarity  of  Caius 
against  men.  He  then,  at  several  times, 
thought  to  fall  upon  Caius  as  he  was  feast- 
ing, yet  did  he  restrain  himself  by  some 
considerations ;  not  that  he  had  any 
doubt  on  him  about  killing  him,  but  as 
watching  for  a  proper  season,  that  the  at- 
tempt might  not  be  frustrated,  but  that 
he  might  give  the  blow  so  as  might  cer- 
tainly gain  his  purpose. 

Cherea  had  been  in  the  army  a  long 
time,  yet  was  he  not  pleased  with  con- 
versing so  much  with  Caius :  but  Caius 
had  set  him  to  require  the  tributes,  and 
other  dues,  which,  when  not  paid  in  due 
time,  were  forfeited  to  Cresar's  treasury ; 
and  he  had  made  some  delays  in  requiring 
them,  because  those  burdens  had  been 
doubled ;  and  had  rather  indulged  his 
own  mild  disposition  than  performed 
Caius's  command  ;  nay,  indeed,  he  pro- 
voked Caius  to  anger  by  his  sparing  men, 
and  pitying  the  hard  fortunes  of  those 
from  whom  he  demanded  the  taxes;  and 
Caius  upbraided  him  with  his  sloth  and 
effeminacy  iu  being  so  long  about  collect- 
ing the  taxes;  and,  indeed,  he  did  not 
only  affront  him  in  other  respects,  but 
when  he  gave  him  the  watchword  of  the 
day,  to  whom  it  was  to  be  given  by  his 
place,  he  gave  him  feminine  words,  and 
those  of  a  nature  very  reproachful ;  and 
these  watchwords  he  gave  out,  as  having 
been  initiated  in  the  secrets  of  certain 
mysteries,  which  he  had  been  himself  the 
author  of.  Now,  although  he  had  some- 
times put  on  womeu's  clothes,  and  had 
been  wrapt  in  some  embroidered  garments 
to  them  belonging,  and  done  a  great  many 
other  things  in  order  to  make  the  com- 
pany mistake  him  for  a  woman  ;  yet  did 
he,  by  way  of  reproach,  object  to  the  like 
womanish  behaviour  to  Cherea.  But  when 
Cherea  received  the  watchword  from  him, 
Vol.  II.— 7.  2  P 


he  had  indignation  at  it,  but  had  greater 
indignation  at  the  delivery  of  it  to  others, 
as  being  laughed  at  by  those  that  received 
it;  insomuch,  that  his  fellow-tribunes 
made  him  the  subject  of  their  drollery; 
for  they  would  foretell  that  he  would  bring 
them  some  of  his  usual  watchwords  when 
he  was  about  to  take  the  watchword  from 
Caesar,  and  would  thereby  make  him 
ridiculous ;  on  which  account  he  took  the 
courage  of  assuming  certain  partners  to 
himself,  as  haviug  just  reasons  for  his 
indignation  against  Caius.  Now  there 
was  one  Pompedius,  a  senator,  and  one 
who  had  gone  through  almost  all  posts  in 
the  government,  but  otherwise  an  Epi- 
curean, and  for  that  reason,  loved  to  lead 
an  inactive  life.  Now  Timidius,  an 
enemy  of  his,  had  informed  Caius  that  he 
had  used  indecent  reproaches  against  him, 
and  he  made  use  of  Quintilia  for  a  witness 
to  them  :  a  woman  she  was,  much  beloved 
by  many  that  frequented  the  theatre,  and 
particularly  by  Pompedius,  on  account  of 
her  great  beauty.  Now,  this  woman 
thought  it  a  horrible  thing  to  attest  to  an 
accusation  that  touched  the  life  of  her 
lover,  which  was  also  a  lie.  Timidius, 
however,  wanted  to  have  her  brought  to 
the  torture.  Caius  was  irritated  at  this 
reproach  upon  him,  and  commanded 
Cherea,  without  any  delay,  to  torture 
Quintilia,  as  he  used  to  employ  Cherea  in 
such  bloody  matters,  and  thos»  that  re- 
quired the  torture,  because  he  thought  he 
would  do  it  the  more  barbarously,  in 
order  to  avoid  that  imputation  of  effemi- 
nacy which  he  laid  upon  him.  But 
Quintilia,  when  she  was  brought  to  the 
rack,  trod  upon  the  foot  of  one  of  her  asso- 
ciates, and  let  him  know  that  he  might  be 
of  good  courage,  and  not  be  afraid  of  the 
consequences  of  her  tortures,  for  that  she 
would  bear  them  with  magnanimity. 
Cherea  tortured  this  woman  after  a  cruel 
manner;  unwillingly,  indeed,  but  because 
he  could  not  help  it.  He  then  brought 
her,  without  being  in  the  least  moved  at 
what  she  had  suffered,  into  the  presence 
of  Caius,  and  that  in  such  a  state  as  was 
sad  to  behold ;  and  Caius,  being  some- 
what affected  with  the  sight  of  Quintilia, 
who  had  her  body  miserably  disordered 
by  the  pains  she  had  undergone,  freed 
both  her  and  Pompedius  of  the  crime  laid 
to  their  charge.  He  also  gave  her  money 
to  make  her  an  honourable  amends,  and 
comfort  her  for  that  maiming  of  her  body 
which    she    had    suffered,    and     for     her 


98 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


glorious  patience  under  such  unsuffer.ible 
torments. 

This  matter  sorely  grieved  Cherea,  as 
having  been  the  cause,  as  far  as  he  could, 
or  the  instrument,  of  those  miseries  to 
men,  which  seemed  worthy  of  consolation 
to  Caius  himself;  on  which  account  he 
said  to  Clement  and  to  Papinius,  (of 
whom  Clement  was  general  of  the  army, 
and  Papinius  was  a  tribune  :) — "  To  be 
sure,  0  Clement,  we  have  no  way  failed 
in  our  guarding  the  emperor;  for  as  to 
those  that  have  made  conspiracies  against 
his  government,  some  have  been  slain  by 
our  care  and  pains,  and  some  have  been 
by  us  tortured,  and  this  to  such  a  degree, 
that  he  hath  himself  pitied  them.  How 
great  then  is  our  virtue  in  submitting  to 
conduct  his  armies  !"  Clement  held  his 
peace,  but  showed  the  shame  he  was 
under  in  obeying  Caius's  orders,  both  by 
his  eyes  and  his  blushing  countenance, 
while  he  thought  it  by  no  means  right  to 
accuse  the  emperor  in  express  words,  lest- 
their  own  safety  should  be  endangered 
thereby.  Upon  which  Cherea  took  cou- 
rage, and  spake  to  him  without  fear  of 
the  dangers  that  were  before  him,  and 
discoursed  largely  of  the  sore  calamities 
under  which  the  city  and  the  government 
then  laboured,  and  said,  "We  may  indeed 
pretend  in  words,  that  Caius  is  the  person 
unto  whom  the  cause  of  such  miseries 
ought  to  be  imputed ;  but,  in  the  opinion 
of  such  as  are  able  to  judge  uprightly,  it 
is  I,  O  Clement !  and  this  Papinius,  and, 
before  us,  thou  thyself,  who  bring  these 
tortures  upon  the  Romans,  and  upon  all 
mankind.  It  is  not  done  by  our  being 
subservient  to  the  commands  of  Caius, 
but  it  is  done  by  our  own  consent;  for 
whereas  it  is  in  our  power  to  put  an  end 
to  the  life  of  this  man,  who  hath  so  ter- 
ribly injured  the  citizens,  and  his  subjects, 
we  are  his  guard  in  mischief,  and  his  exe- 
cutioners, instead  of  his  soldiers,  and  are 
the  instruments  of  his  cruelty.  We  bear 
these  weapons,  not  for  our  liberty,  not  for 
the  Roman  government,  but  only  for  his 
preservation,  who  hath  enslaved  both  their 
bodies  and  their  minds;  and  we  are  every 
day  polluted  with  the  blood  that  we  shed, 
and  the  torments  we  inflict  upon  others; 
and  this  we  do,  till  somebody  becomes 
Caius's  instrument  in  bringing  the  like 
miseries  upon  ourselves.  Nor  does  he 
thus  employ  us  because  he  hath  a  kind- 
ness for  us,  but  rather  because  he  hath  a 
suspicion  of  us ;   as  also  because,   when 


abundance  more  have  been  killed,  (for 
Caius  will  set  no  bounds  to  his  wrath, 
since  he  aims  to  do  all,  not  out  of  regard 
to  justice,  but  to  his  own  pleasure,)  we 
shall  also  ourselves  be  exposed  to  his 
cruelty;  whereas  we  ought  to  be  the 
means  of  confirming  the  security  and 
liberty  of  all,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to 
resolve  to  free  ourselves  from  dangers." 

Hereupon,  Clement  openly  commended 
Cherea's  intentions,  but  bade  him  hold 
his  tongue ;  for,  in  that  case  his  words 
would  get  out  among  many,  and  such 
things  would  be  spread  abroad  as  were  fit 
to  be  concealed,  the  plot  would  come  to 
be  discovered  before  it  was  executed,  and 
they  should  be  brought  to  punishment; 
but  that  they  should  leave  all  to  futurity, 
and  the  hope  which  thence  arose  that 
some  fortunate  event  would  come  to  their 
assistance:  that,  as  for  himself,  his  age 
would  not  permit  him  to  make  any  at- 
tempt in  that  case.  "However,  although 
perhaps  I  could  not  suggest  what  may  be 
safer  than  what  thou,  Cherea,  hast  con- 
trived and  said,  yet,  how  is  it  possible  for 
any  one  to  suggest  what  is  more  for  thy 
reputation  ?"  So  Clement  went  his  way 
home  with  deep  reflections  on  what  he  had 
heard,  and  what  he  had  himself  said. 
Cherea  also  was  under  a  concern,  and  went 
quickly  to  Cornelius  Sabinus,  who  was 
himself  one  of  the  tribunes,  and  whom 
he  otherwise  knew  to  be  a  worthy  man, 
and  a  lover  of  liberty,  and,  on  that  ac- 
count, very  uneasy  at  the  present  manage- 
ment of  public  affairs,  he  being  desirous 
to  come  immediately  to  the  execution  of 
what  had  been  determined,  and  thinking 
it  right  for  him  to  propose  it  to  the  other, 
and  afraid  lest  Clement  should  discover 
them,  and,  besides,  looking  upon  delays 
and  puttings  off  to  be  the  next  to  desisting 
from  the  enterprise. 

But  as  all  was  agreeable  to  Sabinus, 
who  had  himself,  equally  with  Cherea, 
the  same  design,  but  had  been  silent  for 
want  of  a  person  to  whom  he  could  safely 
communicate  that  design;  so,  having  now 
met  with  one,  who  not  only  promised  to 
conceal  what  he  heard,  but  who  had  al- 
ready opened  his  mind  to  him,  he  was 
much  more  encouraged,  and  desired  of 
Cherea  that  no  delay  might  be  made 
therein.  Accordingly,  they  went  to  Mi- 
nucianus,  who  was  as  virtuous  a  man  and 
as  zealous  to  do  glorious  actions  as  them- 
selves, and  suspected  by  Caius  on  occasion 
of  the  slaughter  of  Lepidus;   for  Minu- 


Chap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


99 


cianus  and  Lepidus  were  intimate  friends, 
and  both  in  fear  of  the  dangers  that  they 
were  under;  for  Caius  was  terrible  to  all 
the  great,  men,  as  appearing  ready  to  act 
a  mad  part  toward  each  of  them  in  par- 
ticular, and  toward  all  of  them  in  general ; 
and  these  men  were  afraid  of  one  another, 
while  they  were  yet  uneasy  at  the  posture 
of  affairs,  but  avoided  to  declare  their 
mind  and  their  hatred  against  Caius  to 
one  another,  out  of  fear  of  the  dangers 
they  might  be  in  thereby,  although  they 
perceived  by  other  means  their  mutual 
hatred  against  Caius,  and,  on  that  account, 
were  not  averse  to  a  mutual  kindness  one 
toward  another. 

When  Minucianus  and  Cherca  had  met 
together,  and  saluted  one  another,  (as  they 
had  been  used  in  former  conversations  to 
give  the  upper  hand  to  Minucianus,  both 
on  account  of  his  eminent,  dignity,  for  he 
was  the  noblest  of  all  the  citizens,  and 
highly  commended  by  all  men,  especially 
when  he  made  speeches  to  them,)  Minu- 
cianus began  first,  and  asked  Cherea, 
what  was  the  watchword  he  had  received 
that  day  from  Caius?  for  the  affront  which 
was  offered  Cherea  in  giving  the  watch- 
words was  famous  over  the  city.  But 
Cherea  made  no  delay  so  long  as  to  reply 
to  that  question,  out  of  the  joy  he  had 
that  Minucianus  would  have  such  confi- 
dence in  him  as  to  discourse  with  him. 
''But  do  thou,"  said  he,  "give  me  the 
watchword  of  liberty.  And  I  return  thee 
my  thanks  that  thou  hast  so  greatly  en- 
couraged me  to  exert  myself  after  an  ex- 
traordinary manner;  nor  do  I  stand  in 
need  of  many  words  to  encourage  me, 
since  both  thou  and  I  are  of  the  same 
mind,  and  partakers  of  the  same  resolu- 
tions, and  this  before  we  have  conferred 
together.  I  have,  indeed,  but  one  sword 
girt  on,  but  this  one  will  serve  us  both. 
Come  on,  therefore,  let  us  set  about  the 
work.  Do  thou  go  first,  if  thou  hast  a 
mind,  and  bid  me  follow  thee;  or  else  I 
will  go  first,  and  thou  shalt  assist  me,  and 
we  will  assist  one  another,  and  trust  one 
another.  Nor  is  there  a  necessity  for  even 
one  sword  to  such  as  have  a  mind  disposed 
to  such  works,  by  which  mind  the  sword 
uses  to  be  successful.  I  am  zealous  about 
this  action,  nor  am  I  solicitous  for  what  I 
may  myself  undergo;  for  I  am  not  at 
leisure  to  consider  the  danger  that  may 
come  upon  myself,  so  deeply  am  I  trou- 
bled at  the  slavery  our  once  free  country 
is  now  under,  and  at  the  contempt  cast 


upon  our  excellent  laws,  and  at  the  de- 
struction which  hangs  over  all  men,  by 
the  means  of  Caius.  I  wish  that  I  may 
be  judged  by  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest 
esteem  me  worthy  of  credit  in  these  mat- 
ters, seeing  we  are  both  of  the  same  opi- 
nion, and  there  is  herein  no  difference 
between  us." 

When  Minucianus  saw  the  vehemency 
with  which  Cherea  delivered  himself,  he 
gladly  embraced  him,  and  encouraged  him 
in  his  bold  attempt,  commending  him, 
and  embracing  him  ;  so  he  let  him  go  with 
his  good  wishes;  and  some  affirm  that  he 
thereby  confirmed  Minucianus  in  the  pro- 
secution of  what  had  been  agreed  among 
them ;  for,  as  Cherea  entered  into  the 
court,  the  report  runs,  that  a  voice  came 
from  among  the  multitude  to  encourage 
him,  which  bade  him  finish  what  he  was 
about,  and  take  the  opportunity  that  Pro- 
vidence offered ;  and  that  Cherca  at  first 
suspected  that  some  one  of  the  conspira- 
tors had  betrayed  him,  and  he  was  caught ; 
but  at  length  perceived  that  it  was  by  way 
of  exhortation.  Whether  somebody,  that 
was  conscious  of  what  he  was  about,  gave 
a  signal  for  his  encouragement,  or  whether 
it  was  God  himself,  who  looks  upon  the 
actions  of  men,  that  encouraged  him  to  go 
on  boldly  in  his  design,  is  uncertain.  The 
plot  was  now  communicated  to  a  great 
many,  and  they  were  all  in  their  armour; 
some  of  the  conspirators  being  senators, 
and  some  of.  the  equestrian  order,  and  as 
many  of  the  soldiery  as  were  made  ac- 
quainted with  it;  for  there  was  not  one 
of  them  who  would  not  reckon  it  a  part  of 
his  happiness  to  kill  Caius;  and,  on  that 
account,  they  were  all  very  zealous  in  the 
affair,  by  what  means  soever  any  one  could 
come  at  it,  that  he  might  not  be  behind- 
hand in  these  virtuous  designs,  but  might 
be  ready  with  all  his  alacrity  or  power, 
both  by  words  and  actions,  to  complete 
this  slaughter  of  a  tyrant.  And  besides 
these,  Callistus  also,  who  was  a  freedman 
of  Caius's,  and  was  the  only  man  that  had 
arrived  at  the  greatest  degree  of  power 
under  him, — such  a  power,  indeed,  as  was 
in  a  manner  equal  to  the  power  of  the 
tyrant  himself;  by  the  dread  that  all  men 
had  of  him,  and  by  the  great  riches  he 
had  acquired  ;  for  he  took  bribes  most 
plenteously,  and  committed  injuries  with- 
out bounds  ;  and  was  more  extravagant  in 
the  use  of  his  power  in  unjust  proceedings 
than  any  other.  He  also  knew  the  dispo- 
sition of  Caius  to  be  implacable,  and  never 


100 


ANTIQUITIES   UF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


to  be  turned  from  what  he  had  resolved 
on.  He  had  withal  many  other  reasons 
why  he  thought  himself  in  danger,  and 
the  vastness  of  his  wealth  was  not  one  of 
the  least  of  them :  on  which  account,  he 
privately  ingratiated  himself  with  Clau- 
dius, and  transferred  his  courtship  to  him, 
out  of  this  hope,  that  in  case,  upon  the 
removal  of  Caius,  the  government  should 
come  to  him,  his  interest  in  such  changes 
should  lay  a  foundation  for  his  preserving 
his  dignity  under  him,  since  he  laid  in 
beforehand  a  stock  of  merit,  and  did 
Claudius  good  offices  in  his  promotion. 
He  also  had  the  boldness  to  pretend  that 
he  had  been  persuaded  to  make  away  with 
Claudius,  by  poisoning  him;  but  had  still 
invented  ten  thousand  excuses  for  delay- 
ing to  do  it.  But  it  seems  probable  to 
me  that  Callistus  only  counterfeited  this, 
in  order  to  ingratiate  himself  wTith  Clau- 
dius ;  for  if  Caius  had  been  in  earnest 
resolved  to  take  off  Claudius,  he  would 
not  have  admitted  Callistus' s  excuses,  nor 
would  Callistus,  if  he  had  been  enjoined 
to  do  such  an  act  as  was  desired  by  Caius, 
have  put  it  off,  nor,  if  he  had  disobeyed 
those  injunctions  of  his  master,  had  he 
escaped  immediate  punishment;  while 
Claudius  was  preserved  from  the  madness 
of  Caius  by  a  certain  divine  providence, 
and  Callistus  pretended  to  such  a  piece 
of  merit  as  he  no  way  deserved. 

However,  the  execution  of  Cherea's  de- 
sign was  put  off  from  day  to  day,  by  the 
sloth  of  many  therein  concerned ;  for  as  to 
Cherea  himself,  he  would  not  willingly 
make  any  delay  in  that  execution,  think- 
ing every  time  a  fit  time  for  it,  for  fre- 
quent opportunities  offered  themselves; 
as  when  Caius  went  up  to  the  capitol  to 
sacrifice  for  his  daughter,  or  when  he  stood 
upon  his  royal  palace,  and  threw  gold  and 
silver  pieces  of  money  among  the  people, 
he  might  be  pushed  down  headlong,  be- 
cause the  top  of  the  palace,  that  looks  to- 
ward the  market-place,  was  very  high ; 
and  also  when  he  celebrated  the  mysteries, 
which  he  had  appointed  at  that  time;  for 
he  was  then  noway  secluded  from  the  peo- 
ple, but  solicitous  to  do  every  thing  care- 
fully and  decently ;  and  was  free  from  all 
suspicion  that  he  should  be  then  assaulted 
by  anybody ;  and,  although  the  gods 
should  afford  him  no  divine  assistance  to 
enable  him  to  take  away  his  life,  yet  had 
he  strength  himself  sufficient  to  despatch 
Caius,  even  without  a  sword.  Thus  was 
Cherea  angry  at  his    fellow-conspirators, 


for  fear  they  should  suffer  a  proper  oppor- 
tunity to  pass  by ;  and  they  were  them- 
selves sensible  that  he  had  just  cause  to 
be  angry  at  them,  and  that  his  eagerness 
was  for  their  advantage ;  yet  did  they 
desire  he  would  have  a  little  longer  pa- 
tience, lest,  upon  any  disappointment  they 
might  meet  with,  they  should  put  the  city 
into  disorder,  and  an  inquisition  should 
be  made  after  the  conspiracy,  and  should 
render  the  courage  of  those  that  were  to 
attack  Caius  without  success,  while  he 
would  then  secure  himself  more  carefully 
than  ever  against  them ;  that  it  would, 
therefore,  be  the  best  to  set  about  the 
work  when  the  shows  were  exhibited  in 
the  palace.  These  shows  were  acted  in 
honour  of  that  Caesar*  who  first  of  all 
changed  the  popular  government,  and 
transferred  it  to  himself;  galleries  being 
fixed  before  the  palace,  where  the  Romans 
that  were  patricians  became  spectators, 
together  with  their  children  and  their 
wives,  and  Caesar  himself  was  also  to  be  a 
spectator ;  and  they  reckoned,  among  those 
many  ten  thousands  who  would  there  be 
crowded  into  a  narrow  compass,  they 
should  have  a  favourable  opportunity  to 
make  their  attempt  upon  him  as  he  came 
in  ;  because  his  guards  that  should  protect 
him,  if  any  of  them  should  have  a  mind 
to  do  it,  would  not  here  be  able  to  give 
him  any  assistance. 

Cherea  consented  to  this  delay;  and 
when  the  shows  were  exhibited,  it  was 
resolved  to  do  the  work  the  first  day.  But 
fortune,  which  allowed  a  further  delay  to 
his  slaughter,  was  too  hard  for  their  fore- 
going resolution  :  and,  as  three  days  of  the 
regular  time  for  these  shows  were  now 
over,  they  had  much  ado  to  get  the  busi- 
ness done  on  the  last  day.  Then  Cherea 
called  the  conspirators  together,  and  spake 
thus  to  them: — "So  much  time  passed 
away  without  effect  is  a  reproach  to  us,  as 
delaying  to  go  through  such  a  virtuous 
design  as  we  are  engaged  in;  but  more 
fatal  will  this  delay  prove  if  we  be  dis- 
covered, and  the  design  be  frustrated ;  for 
Caius  will  then  become  more  cruel  in  his 
unjust  proceedings.  Do  not  we  see  how 
long  we  deprive  all  our  friends  of  their 
liberty,  and  give  Caius  leave  still  to  ty- 
rannize over  them  ?  while  we  ought  to 
have  procured  tbem  security  for  the  fu- 
ture, and,  by  laying  a  foundation  for  the 


*  Josephus  supposes  that  it  was  Augustus,  and  not 
Julius  Csesar,  who  first  changed  the  Roman  com- 
monwealth into  a  monarchy. 


Chap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF  THE  JEWS. 


101 


happiness  of  others,  gain  to  ourselves 
great  admiration  and  honour  for  all  time 
to  come."  Now,  while  the  conspirators 
had  nothing  tolerable  to  say  by  way  of 
contradiction,  and  yet  did  not  quite  relish 
what  they  were  doing,  but  stood  silent 
and  astonished,  he  said  further,  aO  my 
brave  comrades  !  why  do  we  make  such 
delays?  Do  not  you  see  that  this  is  the 
last  day  of  these  shows,  and  that  Caius  is 
about  to  go  to  sea?  for  he  is  preparing  to 
sail  to  Alexandria,  in  order  to  see  Egypt. 
Is  it,  therefore,  for  your  honour  to  let  a 
man  go  out  of  your  hands  who  is  a  re- 
proach to  mankind,  and  to  permit  him  to 
go  after  a  pompous  manner,  triumphing 
both  at  land  and  sea?  Shall  not  we  be 
justly  ashamed  of  ourselves  if  we  give 
leave  to  some  Egyptian  or  other,  who 
shall  think  his  injuries  insufferable  to 
freemen,  to  kill  him?  As  for  myself,  I 
will  no  longer  bear  your  slow  proceedings, 
but  will  expose  myself  to  the  dangers  of 
the  enterprise  this  very  day,  and  bear 
cheerfully  whatsoever  shall  be  the  conse- 
quence of  the  attempt ;  nor,  let  them  be 
ever  so  great,  will  I  put  them  off  any 
longer:  for,  to  a  wise  and  courageous 
man,  what  can  be  more  miserable  than 
that,  while  I  am  alive,  any  one  else  should 
kill  Caii'.s,  and  deprive  me  of  the  honour 
of  so  virtuous  an  action  ?" 

When  Chorea  had  spoken  thus,  he  zeal- 
ously set  about  the  work,'  and  inspired 
courage  into  the  rest  to  go  on  with  it ;  and 
they  were  all  eager  to  fall  to  it  without 
further  delay.  So  he  was  at  the  palace 
in  the  morning,  with  his  equestrian  sword 
girt  on  him;  for  it  was  the  custom  that 
the  tribunes  should  ask  for  the  watchword 
with  their  swords  on,  and  this  was  the  day 
on  which  Cherea  was  by  custom  to  receive 
the  watchword;  and  the  multitude  were 
already  come  to  the  palace,  to  be  soon 
enough  for  seeing  the  shows,  and  that  in 
great  crowds,  and  one  tumultuously  crush- 
ing another;  while  Caius  was  delighted 
with  this  eagerness  of  the  multitude;  for 
which  reason  there  was  no  order  observed 
in  the  seating  men,  nor  was  any  peculiar 
place  appointed,  for  the  senators,  or  for 
the  equestrian  order ;  but  they  sat  at  ran- 
dom, men  and  women  together,  and  free- 
men were  mixed  with  the  slaves.  So 
Caius  came  out  in  a  solemn  manner,  and 
offered  sacrifice  to  Augustus  Cassar,  in 
whose  honour,  indeed,  these  shows  were 
celebrated.  Now  it  happened,  upon  the 
fall  of  a  certain  priest,  that  the  garment 


of  Asprenas,  a  senator,  was  filled  with 
blood,  which  made  Caius  laugh,  although 
this  was  an  evident  omen  to  Asprenas,  for 
he  was  slain  at  the  same  time  with  Caius. 
It  is  also  related,  that  Caius  was  that  day, 
contrary  to  his  usual  custom,  so  very 
affable  and  good-natured  in  his  conversa- 
tion, that  every  one  of  those  that  were 
present  were  astonished  at  it.  After  the 
sacrifice  was  over,  Caius  betook  himself  to 
see  the  shows,  and  sat  down  for  that  pur- 
pose, as  did  also  the  principal  of  his  friends 
sit  near  him.  Now,  the  parts  of  the 
theatre  were  so  fastened  together,  as  it 
used  to  be  every  year,  in  the  manner  fol- 
lowing:— It  had  two  doors;  the  one  led 
to  the  open  air,  the  other  was  for  going 
into,  or  going  out  of,  the  cloisters,  that 
those  within  the  theatre  might  not  be 
thereby  disturbed  ;  but  out  of  one  gallery 
there  went  an  inward  passage,  parted  into 
partitions  also,  which  led  into  another 
gallery,  to  give  room  to  the  combatants 
and  to  the  musicians  to  go  out  as  occasion 
served.  When  the  multitude  were  set 
down,  and  Cherea,  with  the  other  tribunes, 
were  set  down  also,  and  the  right  corner 
of  the  theatre  was  allotted  to  Cajsar,  one 
Vatinius,  a  senator,  commander  of  the 
prretorian  band,  asked  of  Cluvius,  one 
that  sat  by  him,  and  was  of  consular 
dignity  also,  whether  he  had  heard  any 
thing  of  the  news  or  not?  but  took  care 
that  nobody  should  hear  what  he  said ; 
and  when  Cluvius  replied  that  he  had 
heard  no  news — "Know,  then,"  (said 
Vatinius,)  "that  the  game  of  the  slaugh- 
ter of  tyrants  is  to  be  played  this  day." 
But  Cluvius  replied,  "O  brave  comrade! 
hold  thy  peace,  lest  some  other  of  the 
Achaians  hear  thy  tale."  And  as  there 
was  abundance  of  autumnal  fruit  thrown 
among  the  spectators,  and  a  great  number 
of  birds,  that  were  of  great  value  to  such 
as  possessed  them,  on  account  of.  their 
rarity,  Caius  was  pleased  with  the  birds 
fighting  for  the  fruits,  and  with  the  vio- 
lence wherewith  the  spectators  seized  upon 
them  :  and  here  he  perceived  two  prodigies 
that  happened  there;  for  an  actor  was 
introduced,  by  whom  a  leader  of  robbers 
was  crucified,  and  the  pantomime  brought 
in  a  play  called  Cinyras,  wherein  he  him- 
self was  to  be  slain,  as  well  as  his  daughter 
Myrrha,  and  wherein  a  great  deal  of  ficti- 
tious blood  was  shed,  both  about  him  that 
was  crucified,  and  also  about  Cinyras.  It 
is  also  confessed,  that  this  was  the  sama 
day  wherein  Pausauias,  a  friend  of  Philip, 


102 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


the  son  of  Ainyntas,  who  was  king  of 
Macedonia,  slew  him  as  he  was  entering 
into  the  theatre.  And  now  Caius  was  in 
doubt  whether  he  should  tarry  to  the  end 
of  the  shows,  because  it  was  the  last  day, 
or  whether  he  should  not  go  first  to  the 
bath,  and  to  dinner,  and  then  return  and 
sit  down  as  before.  Hereupon  Minucia- 
nus,  who  sat  over  Caius,  and  was  afraid 
that  the  opportunity  should  fail  them,  got 
up,  because  he  saw  Cherea  had  already 
gone  out,  and  made  haste  out,  to  confirm 
him  in  his  resolution;  but  Caius  took  hold 
of  his  garment  in  an  obliging  way,  and 
said  to  him,  "0  brave  man!  whither  art 
thou  going  ?"  Whereupon,  out  of  reve- 
rence to  Caesar,  as  it  seemed,  he  sat  down 
again ;  but  his  fear  prevailed  over  him, 
and,  in  a  little  time,  he  got  up  again,  and 
then  Caius  did  no  way  oppose  his  going 
out,  as  thinking  that  he  went  out  to  per- 
form some  necessities  of  nature.  And 
Asprenas,  who  was  one  of  the  confede- 
rates, persuaded  Caius  to  go  out  to  the 
bath,  and  to  dinner,  and  then  to  come  in 
again ;  as  desirous  that  what  had  been 
resolved  on  might  be  brought  to  a  conclu- 
sion immediately. 

So  Cherea's  associates  placed  them- 
selves in  order,  as  the  time  would  permit 
them,  and  they  were  obliged  to  labour 
hard,  that  the  place  which  was  appointed 
them  should  not  be  left  by  them;  but 
they  had  an  indignation  at  the  tedious- 
ness  of  the  delays,  and  that  what  they 
were  about  should  be  put  off  any  longer, 
for  it  was  already  about  the  ninth*  hour 
of  the  day;  and  Cherea,  upon  Caius's 
tarrying  so  long,  had  a  great  mind  to  go 
in,  and  fall  upon  him  in  his  seat,  although 
he  foresaw  that  this  could  not  be  done 
without  much  bloodshed,  both  of  the 
senators  and  of  those  of  the  equestrian 
order  that  were  present;  and  although  he 
knew  this  must  happen,  yet  had  he  a 
great  mind  to  do  so,  as  thinking  it  a 
right  thing  to  procure  security  and  free- 
dom to  all,  at  the  expense  of  such  as 
might  perish  at  the  same  time.  And  as 
they  were  just  going  back  into  the  en- 
trance to  the  theatre,  word  was  brought 
them  that  Caius  had  arisen,  whereby  a 
tumult  was  made :  hereupon  the  conspira- 
tors thrust  away  the  crowd,  under  pre- 
tence as  if  Caius  was  angry  at  them, 
but  in  reality  as  desirous  to  have  a  quiet 


*  Suetonius  says  Caius  was  slain  about  the  se- 
venth hour  of  the  day ;  Josephus,  about  the  ninth. 
The  series  of  the  narration  favours  Josephus. 


place,  that  should  have  none  in  it  to  de- 
fend him,  while  they  set  about  Caius's 
slaughter,  Now  Claudius,  his  uncle,  had 
gone  out  before,  and  Marcus  Vinicius,  his 
sister's  husband,  as  also  Valerius  of  Asia; 
whom,  though  they  had  had  such  a  mind 
to  put  out  of  their  places,  the  reverence 
to  their  dignity  hindered  them  so  to  do; 
then  followed  Caius,  with  Paulus  Arrun- 
tius :  and  because  Caius  had  now  gotten 
within  the  palace,  he  left  the  direct  road, 
along  which  those  servants  stood  that 
were  in  waiting,  and  by  which  road  Clau- 
dius had  gone  out  before ;  Caius  turned 
aside  into  a  private  narrow  passage,  in 
order  to  go  to  the  place  for  bathing,  as 
also  to  take  a  view  of  the  boys  that  came 
out  of  Asia,  who  were  sent  thence  partly 
to  sing  hymns  in  these  mysteries  which 
were  now  celebrated,  and  partly  to  dance 
in  the  Pyrrhic  way  of  dancing  upon  the 
theatres.  So  Cherea  met  him,  and  asked 
him  for  the  watchword;  upon  Caius's  giv- 
ing him  one  of  his  ridiculous  words,  he 
immediately  reproached  him,  and  drew 
his  sword  and  gave  him  a  terrible  stroke 
with  it :  yet  was  not  this  stroke  mortal. 
And  although  there  be  those  that  say  it 
was  so  contrived  on  purpose  by  Cherea, 
that  Caius  should  not  be  killed  at  one 
blow,  but  should  be  punished  more  se- 
verely by  a  multitude  of  wounds,  yet  does 
this  story  appear  to  be  incredible;  be- 
cause the  fear  men  are  under  in  such 
actions  does  not  allow  them  to  use  their 
reason.  And  if  Cherea  was  of  that  mind, 
I  esteem  him  the  greatest  of  all  fools,  in 
pleasing  himself  in  his  spite  against  Caius, 
rather  than  immediately  procuring  safety 
to  himself  and  his  confederates  from  the 
dangers  they  were  in;  because  there 
might  many  things  still  happen  for  help- 
ing Caius's  escape,  if  he  had  not  already 
given  up  the  ghost;  for  certainly  Cherea 
would  have  regard,  not  so  much  to  the 
punishment  of  Caius,  as  to  the  affliction 
himself  and  his  friends  were  in,  while  it  was 
in  his  power,  after  such  success,  to  keep 
silent,  and  to  escape  the  wrath  of  Caius's 
defenders,  and  not  leave  it  to  uncertainty 
whether  he  should  gain  the  end  he  aimed 
at  or  not,  and  after  an  unreasonable 
manner  to  act  as  if  he  had  a  mind  to  ruin 
himself,  and  lose  the  opportunity  that  lay 
before  him.  But  everybody  may  guess  as 
he  pleases  about  this  matter.  However, 
Caius  was  staggered  with  the  pain  that 
the  blow  gave  him;  for  the  stroke  of  the 
sword,  falling  in  the  middle,  between  the 


Chap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


103 


shoulder  and  the  neck,  was  hindered  by 
the  first  bone  of  the  breast  from  proceed- 
ing any  farther.  Nor  did  he  either  cry 
out,  (in  such  astonishment  was  he,)  nor 
did  he  call  out  for  any  of  his  friends; 
whether  it  was  that  he  had  no  confidence 
in  them,  or  that  his  mind  was  otherwise 
disordered,  but  he  groaned  under  the  pain 
he  endured,  and  presently  went  forward 
and  fled,  when  Cornelius  Sabinus,  who 
was  already  prepared  so  to  do,  thrust  him 
down  upon  his  knee,  where  many  of  them 
stood  round  about  him,  and  struck  him 
with  their  swords,  and  they  cried  out,  and 
encouraged  one  another  all  at  once  to 
6trike  him  again;  but  all  agreed  that 
Aquila  gave  him  the  finishing  stroke, 
which  directly  killed  him.  But  one  may 
justly  ascribe  this  act  to  Cherea;  for 
although  many  concurred  in  the  act  itself, 
yet  was  he  the  first  contriver  of  it,  and 
began  long  before  all  the  rest  to  prepare 
for  it;  and  was  the  first  man  that  boldly 
epake  of  it  to  the  rest;  and  upon  their 
admission  of  what  he  said  about  it,  he  got 
the  dispersed  conspirators  together;  he 
prepared  every  thing  after  a  prudent 
manner,  and,  by  suggesting  good  advice, 
6howed  himself  far  superior  to  the  rest, 
aud  made  obliging  speeches  to  them, 
insomuch  that  he  even  compelled  them 
all  to  go  on,  who  otherwise  had  not  cou- 
rage enough  for  that  purpose;  and,  when 
opportunity  served  to  use  his  sword  in 
hand,  he  appeared  first  of  all  ready  so  to 
do,  and  gave  the  first  blow  in  this  virtu- 
ous slaughter;  he  also  brought  Caius 
easily  into  the  power  of  the  rest,  and 
almost  killed  him  himself,  insomuch  that 
it  is  but  just  to  ascribe  all  that  the  rest 
did  to  the  advice,  aud  bravery,  and 
labours  of  the  bands  of  Cherea. 

Tbus  did  Caius  come  to  his  end,  and 
lay  dead,  by  the  many  wounds  which  had 
been  given  him.  Now  Cherea  and  his 
associates,  upon  Caius's  slaughter,  saw 
that  it  was  impossible  for  them  to  save 
themselves,  if  they  should  all  go  the  same 
way,  partly  on  account  of  the  astonish- 
ment they  were  under;  for  it  was  no 
6mall  danger  they  had  incurred  by  killing 
an  emperor,  who  was  honoured  and  loved 
by  the  madness  of  the  people,  especially 
when  the  soldiers  were  likely  to  make  a 
bloody  inquiry  after  his  murderers.  The 
passages  also  were  narrow  wherein  the  work 
was  done,  which  were  also  crowded  with 
8-  great  multitude  of  Caius's  attendants, 
and  of  such  of  the  soldiers  as  were  of  the 


emperor's  guard  that  day;  whence  it  was 
that  they  went  by  other  ways,  and  came 
to  the  house  of  Germanicus,  the  father  of 
Caius,  whom  they  had  now  killed,  (which 
house  adjoined  to  the  palace;  for  while 
the  edifice  was  one,  it  was  built  in  its 
several  parts  by  those  particular  persons 
who  had  been  emperors,  and  those  parts 
bore  the  names  of  those  that  built  them, 
or  the  name  of  him  who  had  begun  to 
build  any  of  its  parts.)  So  they  got  away 
from  the  insults  of  the  multitude,  and 
then  were  for  the  present  out  of  danger, 
that  is,  so  long  as  the  misfortune  which 
had  overtaken  the  emperor  was  not  known. 
The  Germans  were  the  first  who  perceived 
that  Caius  was  slain.  These  Germans 
were  Caius's  guard,  and  carried  the  name 
of  the  country  whence  they  were  chosen, 
and  composed  the  Celtic  legion.  The 
men  of  that  country  are  naturally  passion- 
ate, which  is  commonly  the  temper  of 
some  other  of  the  barbarous  nations  also, 
as  being  not  used  to  consider  much  about 
what  they  do;  they  are  of  robust  bodies, 
and  fall  upon  their  enemies  as  soon  as 
ever  they  are  attacked  by  them;  and 
which  way  soever  they  go,  they  perform 
great  exploits.  When,  therefore,  these 
German  guards  understood  that  Caius 
was  slain,  they  were  very  sorry  for  it, 
because  they  did  not  use  their  reason  in 
judging  about  public  affairs,  but  measured 
all  by  the  advantages  they  received,  Caius 
being  beloved  by  them  because  of  the 
money  he  gave  them,  by  which  he  had 
purchased  their  kindness  to  him  ;  so  they 
drew  their  swords,  and  Sabinus  led  them 
on.  He  was  one  of  the  tribunes,  not 
by  the  means  of  the  virtuous  actions  of 
his  progenitors,  for  he  had  been  a  gladia- 
tor, but  he  had  obtained  that  post  in  the 
army  by  his  having  a  robust  body.  So 
these  Germans  marched  along  the  houses 
in  quest  of  Caesar's  murderers,  and  cut 
Aspenas  to  pieces,  because  he  was  the 
first  man  they  fell  upon,  and  whose  gar- 
ment it  was  that  the  blood  of  the  sacri- 
fices stained,  as  I  have  said  already,  and 
which  foretold  that  this  his  meeting  the 
soldiers  would  not  be  for  his  good.  Then 
did  Norbanus  meet  them,  who  was  one  of 
the  principal  nobility  of  the  city,  and 
could  show  many  generals  of  armies 
among  his  ancestors;  but  they  paid  no 
regard  to  his  dignity;  }-et  was  he  of  such 
great  strength,  that  he  wrested  the  sword 
of  the  first  of  those  that  assaulted  him  out 
of  his  hands,  and  appeared  plainly  not  tc 


104 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX 


be  willing  to  die  without  a  struggle  for 
his  life,  until  he  was  surrounded  by  a 
great  number  of  assailants,  and  died  by 
the  multitude  of  the  wounds  which  they 
gave  him.  The  third  man  was  Anteius,  a 
senator,  and  a  few  others  with  him.  He 
did  not  meet  with  these  Germans  by 
chance,  as  the  rest  did  before,  but  came 
to  show  bis  hatred  to  Caius,  and  because 
he  loved  to  see  Caius  lie  dead  with  his 
own  eyes,  and  took  a  pleasure  in  that 
sight;  for  Caius  had  banished  Anteius's 
father,  who  was  of  the  same  name  with 
himself,  and,  being  not  satisfied  with  that, 
he  sent  out  his  soldiers,  and  slew  him;  so 
he  had  come  to  rejoice  at  the  sight  of  him, 
now  he  was  dead.  But  as  the  house  was 
now  all  in  a  tumult,  when  he  was  aiming 
to  hide  himself,  he  could  not  escape  that 
accurate  search  which  the  Germans  made, 
while  they  barbarously  slew  those  that 
were  guilty,  and  those  that  were  not 
guilty,  and  this  equally  also.  And  thus 
were  these  [three]  persons  slain. 

But  when  the  rumour  that  Caius  was 
slain  reached  the  theatre,  they  were  asto- 
nished at  it,  and  could  not  believe  it; 
even  some  that  entertained  his  destruction 
with  great  pleasure,  and  were  more  desi- 
rous of  its  happening  than  almost  any 
other  satisfaction  that  could  come  to  them, 
were  under  such  a  fear,  that  they  could 
not  believe  it.  There  were  also  those 
who  greatly  distrusted  it,  because  they 
were  unwilling  that  any  such  thing  should 
come  to  Caius,  nor  could  believe  it,  though 
it  were  ever  so  true,  because  they 
thought  no  man  could  possibly  have  so 
much  power  as  to  kill  Caius.  These  were 
the  women,  and  the  children,  and  the 
slaves,  and  some  of  the  soldiery.  This 
last  sort  had  taken  his  pay,  and,  in  a 
manner,  tyrannized  with  him,  and  had 
abused  the  best  of  the  citizens,  in  being 
subservient  to  his  unjust  commands,  in 
order  to  gain  honours  and  advantages  to 
themselves;  but  for  the  women  and  the 
youth,  they  had  been  inveigled  with 
shows,  and  the  fightings  of  the  gladiators, 
and  certain  distributions  of  flesh-meat 
among  them,  which  things  in  pretence 
were  designed  for  the  pleasing  of  the 
multitude,  but  in  reality  to  satiate  the 
barbarous  cruelty  and  madness  of  Caius. 
The  slaves  also  were  sorry,  because  they 
were  by  Caius  allowed  to  accuse  and  to 
despise  their  masters,  as  they  could  have 
recourse  to  his  assistance  when  they  had 
unjustly  affronted  them;  for  he  was  very 


easy  in  believing  them  against  their  mas- 
ters, even  when  they  accused  them  falsely; 
and,  if  they  would  discover  what  money 
their  masters  had,  they  might  soon  obtain 
both  riches  and  liberty,  as  the  rewards  of 
their  accusations,  because  the  reward  of 
these  informers  was  the  eighth*  part  of  the 
criminal's  substance.  As  to  the  nobles, 
although  the  report  appeared  credible  to 
some  of  them,  either  because  they  knew 
of  the  plot  beforehand,  or  because  they 
wished  it  might  be  true;  however,  they 
concealed  not  only  the  joy  they  had  at 
the  relation  of  it,  but  that  they  had  heard 
any  thing  at  all  about  it.  These  last 
acted  so,  out  of  the  fear  they  had  that  if 
the  report  proved  false,  they  should  be 
punished  for  having  so  soon  let  men 
know  their  minds.  But  those  that  knew 
Caius  was  dead,  because  they  were  part- 
ners with  the  conspirators,  they  concealed 
all  still  more  cautiously,  as  not  knowing 
one  another's  minds;  and  fearing  lest 
they  should  speak  of  it  to  some  of  those 
to  whom  the  continuance  of  tyrauny  was 
advantageous ;  and,  if  Caius  should  prove 
to  be  alive,  they  might  be  informed 
against,  and  punished.  And  another  re- 
port went  about,'  that  although  Caius  had 
been  wounded  indeed,  yet  was  not  he 
dead,  but  alive  still,  and  under  the  phy- 
sician's hands.  Nor  was  any  one  looked 
upon  by  another  as  faithful  enough  to  be 
trusted,  and  to  whom  any  one  would  open 
his  mind ;  for  he  was  either  a  friend  to 
Caius,  and  therefore  suspected  to  favour 
his  tyranny,  or  he  was  one  that  hated  him, 
who  therefore  might  be  suspected  to  de- 
serve the  less  credit,  because  of  his  ill-will 
to  him.  Nay,  it  was  said  by  some  (and 
this  indeed  it  was  that  deprived  the  no- 
bility of  their  hopes,  and  made  them  sad) 
that  Caius  was  in  a  condition  to  despise 
the  dangers  he  had  been  in,  and  took  no 
care  of  healing  his  wounds,  but  had  gotten 
away  into  the  market-place,  and,  bloody 
as  he  was,  was  making  an  harangue  to  the 
people.  And  these  were  the  conjectural 
reports  of  those  that  were  so  unreasonable 
as  to  endeavour  to  raise  tumults,  which 
they  turned  different  ways,  according  to 
the  opinions  of  the  hearers.  Yet  did 
they  not  leave  their  seats,  for  fear  of  being 
accused,  if  they  should  go  out  before  the 
rest;  for  they  should  not  be  sentenced 
according  to  the  real  intention  with  which 


*  This  reward  proposed  by  the  Roman  laws  to 
informers  was  sometimes  an  eighth  part  of  tho 
criminal's  goods,  and  sometimes  a  fourth  part. 


Chap.  I.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


105 


tbey  went  out,  but  according  to  the 
suppositions  of  the  accusers,  and  of  the 
judges. 

But  now  a  multitude  of  Germans  had 
•surrounded  the  theatre  with  their  swords 
drawn :  all  the  spectators  looked  for  no- 
thing but  death ;  and  at  every  one's  coming 
in,  a  fear  seized  upon  them,  as  if  they 
were  to  be  cut  in  pieces  immediately;  and 
in  great  distress  they  were,  as  neither 
having  courage  enough  to  go  out  of  the 
theatre,  nor  believing  themselves  safe 
from  dangers  if  they  tarried  there.  And 
when  the  Germans  came  upon  them,  the 
cry  was  so  great,  that  the  theatre  rang 
again  with  the  entreaties  of  the  spectators 
to  the  soldiers,  pleading  that  they  were 
entirely  ignorant  of  every  thing  that  re- 
lated to  such  seditious  contrivances,  and 
if  there  were  any  sedition  raised,  they 
knew  nothing  of  it ;  they  therefore  begged 
that  they  would  spare  them,  and  not  pu- 
nish those  that  had  not  the  least  hand  in 
such  bold  crimes  as  belonged  to  other 
persons,  while  they  neglected  to  search 
after  such  as  had  really  done  whatsoever 
it  be  that  hath  been  done.  Thus  did 
these  people  appeal  to  God,  and  deplore 
their  infelicity  with  shedding  of  tears  and 
beating  their  faces,  and  said  every  thing 
that  the  most  imminent  danger  and  the 
utmost  concern  for  their  lives  could  dic- 
tate to  them.  This  brake  the  fury  of  the 
soldiers,  and  made  them  repent  of  what 
they  minded  to  do  to  the  spectators,  which 
would  have  been  the  greatest  instance  of 
cruelty.  And  so  it  appeared  to  even  these 
savages,  when  they  had  once  fixed  the 
heads  of  those  that  were  slain  with  As- 
prenas  upon  the  altar;  at  which  sight  the 
spectators  were  sorely  afflicted,  both  upon 
the  consideration  of  the  dignity  of  the 
persons,  and  out  of  a  commiseration  of 
their  sufferings;  nay,  indeed,  they  were 
almost  in  as  great  disorder  at  the  prospect 
of  the  danger  themselves  were  in,  seeing 
it  was  still  uncertain  whether  they  should 
entirely  escape  the  like  calamity.  Whence 
it  was  that  such  as  thoroughly  and  justly 
hated  Caius,  could  yet  noway  enjoy  the 
pleasure  of  his  death,  because  tbey  were 
themselves  in  jeopardy  of  perishing  to- 
gether with  him ;  nor  had  they  hitherto 
any  firm  assurance  of  surviving. 

There  was  at  this  time,  one  Euaristus 
Arruntius,  a  puJblic  crier  in  the  market, 
and  therefore  of  a  strong  and  audible 
voice,  who  vied  in  wealth  with  the  richest 
of  the  Romans,  and  was  able  to  do  what 


he  pleased  in  the  city,  both  then  and  after- 
ward. This  man  put  himself  into  the 
most  mournful  habit  he  could,  although 
he  had  a  greater  hatred  against  Cains  than 
any  one  else:  his  fear  and  his  wise  con- 
trivance to  gain  his  safety  taught  him  so 
to  do,  and  prevailed  over  his  present,  plea- 
sure; so  he  put  on  such  a  mournful  dress 
as  he  would  have  done  had  he  lost  his 
dearest  friends  in  the  world :  this  man 
came  into  the  theatre,  and  informed  them 
of  the  death  of  Caius,  and  by  this  means 
put  an  end  to  that  state  of  ignorance  the 
men  had  been  in.  Arruntius  also  went 
round  about  the  pillars,  and  called  out  to 
the  Germans,  as  did  the  tribunes  with 
him,  bidding  them  put  up  their  swords, 
and  telling  them  that  Caius  was  dead; 
and  this  proclamation  it  was  plainly  which 
saved  those  that  were  collected  together  in 
the  theatre,  and  all  the  rest  who  anyway 
met  the  Germans;  for  while  they  had 
hopes  that  Caius  had  still  any  breath  in 
him,  they  abstained  from  no  sort  of  mis- 
chief; and  such  an  abundant  kindness 
they  still  had  for  Caius,  that  they  would 
willingly  have  prevented  the  plot  against 
him,  and  procured  his  escape  from  so  sad 
a  misfortune,  at  the  expense  of  their  own 
lives;  but  now  they  left  off  the  warm  zeal 
they  had  to  punish  his  enemies,  now  they 
were  fully  satisfied  that  Caius  was  dead, 
because  it  was  now  in  vain  for  them  to 
show  their  zeal  and  kindness  to  hi  in,  when 
he  who  should  reward  them  had  perished. 
They  were  also  afraid  that  they  should  be 
punished  by  the  senate,  if  they  should  go 
on  in  doing  such  injuries,  that  is,  in  case 
the  authority  of  the  supreme  governor 
should  revert  to  them  ;  and  thus  at  length 
a  stop  was  put,  though  not  without  diffi- 
culty, to  that  rage  which  possessed  the 
Germans  on  account  of  Caius's  death. 

But  Cherea  was  so  much  afraid  for 
Miuucianus,  lest  he  should  light  upon  the 
Germans,  now  they  were  in  their  fury, 
that  he  went  and  spake  to  every  one  of 
the  soldiers,  and  prayed  them  to  take  care 
of  his  preservation,  and  made  himself 
great  inquiry  about  him,  lest  he  should 
have  been  slain  :  and  for  Clement,  he  let 
Minucianus  go  when  he  was  brought  to 
him,  and,  with  many  other  of  the  senators, 
affirmed  the  action  was  right,  and  com- 
mended the  virtue  of  those  that  contrived 
it,  and  had  courage  enough  to  execute  it; 
and  said,  "  that  tyrants  do  indeed  please 
themselves  and  look  big  for  a  while,  upon 
having  the  power  to  act  unjustly;  but  do 


106 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


not,  however,  go  happily  out  of  the  world, 
because  they  are  hated  by  the  virtuous ; 
and  that  Cains,  together  with  all  his  un- 
happiness,  had  become  a  conspirator  against 
himself,  before  these  other  men  who  at- 
tacked him  did  so;  and,  by  becoming  in- 
tolerable, in  setting  aside  the  wise  provi- 
sion the  laws  had  made,  taught  his  dearest 
friends  to  treat  him  as  an  enemy;  inso- 
much, that  although  in  common  discourse 
these  conspirators  were  those  that  slew 
Caius,  yet  that,  in  reality,  he  lies  now 
dead  as  perishing  by  his  own  self." 

Now  by  this  time  the  people  in  the 
theatre  had  arisen  from  their  seats,  and 
those  that  were  within  made  a  very  great 
disturbance:  the  cause  of  which  was  this, 
that  the  spectators  were  too  hasty  in  get- 
ting away.  There  was  also  one  Aleyon, 
a  physician,  who  hurried  away,  as  if  to 
cure  those  that  were  wounded,  and,  under 
that  pretence,  he  sent  those  that  were  with 
him  to  fetch  what  things  were  necessary 
for  the  healing  of  the  wounded  persons, 
but  in  reality  to  get  them  clear  of  the 
present  dangers  they  were  in.  Now  the 
senate,  during  this  interval,  had  met,  and 
the  people  also  assembled  together  in  the 
accustomed  form,  and  were  both  employed 
in  searching  after  the  murderers  of  Caius. 
The  people  did  it  very  zealously,  but  the 
senate  in  appearance  only}  for  there  was 
present  Valerius  of  Asia,  one  that  had 
been  consul ;  this  man  went  to  the  people, 
as  they  were  in  disorder,  and  very  uneasy 
that  they  could  not  yet  discover  who  they 
•were  that  had  murdered  the  emperor;  he 
was  then  earnestly  asked  by  them  all,  who 
it  was  that  had  done  it?  He  replied,  "I 
wish  I  had  been  the  man."  The  consuls* 
also  published  an  edict,  wherein  they  ac- 
cused Caius,  and  gave  order  to  the  people 
then  got  together,  and  to  the  soldiers,  to 
go  home,  and  gave  the  people  hopes  of  the 
abatement  of  the  oppressions  they  lay 
under ;  and  promised  the  soldiers,  if  they 
lay  quiet  as  they  used  to  do,  and  would 
not  go  abroad  to  do  mischief  unjustly, 
that  they  would  bestow  rewards  upon 
them ;  for  there  was  reason  to  fear  lest 
the  city  might  suffer  barm  by  their  wild 
and  ungoveruable  behaviour,  if  they  should 
once  betake  themselves  to  spoil  the  citi- 
zens, or  plunder  the  temples.  And  now 
the  whole  multitude  of  the  senators  were 
assembled   together,   and  especially  those 

*  Ihese  consuls  are  named  in  the  War  of  the 
Jews,  Sentius  Satunriuus  and  Poniponius  Secun- 
dum 


that  had  conspired  to  take  away  the  life 
of  Caius,  who  put  on  at  this  time  an  air 
of  great  assurance,  and  appeared  with 
great  magnanimity,  as  if  the  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs  had  already  devolved 
upon  them. 

CHAPTER  II. 

The  senators  attempt  the  re-establishment  of  a 
democracy — Claudius  chosen  emperor  by  the 
soldiers — Death  of  the  wife  and  daughter  of 
Caius. 

When  the  public  affairs  were  in  this 
posture,  Claudius  was  on  the  sudden  hur- 
ried away  out  of  his  house;  for  the  sol- 
diers had  a  meeting  together;  and,  when 
they  had  debated  about  what  was  to  be 
done,  they  saw  that  a  democracy  was  in- 
capable of  managing  such  a  vast  weight 
of  public  affairs ;  and  that  if  it  should  be 
set  up,  it  would  not  be  for  their  advan- 
tage ;  and,  in  case  any  one  of  those  already 
in  the  government  should  obtain  the  su- 
preme power,  it  would  in  all  respects  be 
to  their  grief,  if  they  were  not  assisting 
to  him  in  this  advancement :  that  it.  would, 
therefore,  be  right  for  them,  while  the 
public  affairs  were  unsettled,  to  choose 
Claudius  emperor,  who  was  uncle  to  the 
deceased  Caius,  and  of  a  superior  dignity 
and  worth  to  every  one  of  those  who  were 
assembled  together  in  the  senate,  both  on 
account  of  the  virtues  of  his  ancestors, 
and  of  the  learning  he  had  acquired  in  his 
education ;  and  who,  if  once  settled  in  the 
empire,  would  reward  them  according  to 
their  deserts,  and  bestow,  largesses  upon 
them.  These  were  their  consultations, 
and  they  executed  the  same  immediately. 
Claudius  was  therefore  seized  upon  sud- 
denly by  the  soldiery.  But  Cneus  Sen- 
tius Saturninus,  although  he  understood 
that  Claudius  was  seized,  and  that  he  in- 
tended to  claim  the  government,  unwil- 
lingly, indeed,  in  appearance,  but  in  real- 
ity by  his  own  free  consent,  stood  up  in 
the  senate,  and,  without  being  dismayed, 
made  an  exhortatory  oration  to  them,  and 
such  an  one,  indeed,  as  was  fit  for  men  of 
freedom  and  generosity,  and  spake  thus  : 

"Although  it  be  a  thing  incredible,  O 
Romans !  because  of  the  great  length  of 
time,  that  so  unexpected  an  event  hath 
happened,  yet  are  we  now  in  possession 
of  liberty.  How  long  indeed  this  will 
last  is  uncertain,  and  lies  at  the  disposal 
of  the  gods,  whose  grant  it  is;  yet  such 
it  is  as  is  sufficient  to  make  us  rejoice, 
and  be  happy  for  the  present,  although 


Chap.  II.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


107 


1 


we  may  soon  be  deprived  of  it;  for  one 
hour  is  sufficient  to  those  who  are  exer- 
cised in  virtue,  wherein  we  may  live  with 
a  mind  accountable  only  to  ourselves,  in 
our  own  country,  now  free,  and  governed 
by  such  laws  as  this  country  once  flou- 
rished under.  As  for  myself,  I  cannot 
remember  our  former  time  of  liberty,  as 
being  born  after  it  was  gone;  but  I  am 
beyond  measure  filled  with  joy  at  the 
thoughts  of  our  present  freedom.  I  also 
esteem  those  that  were  born  and  brought 
up  in  that  our  former  liberty,  happy  meu, 
and  that  those  men  are  worthy  of  no  less 
esteem  than  the  gods  themselves,  who 
have  given  us  a  taste  of  it  in  this  age; 
and  I  heartily  wish  that  this  quiet  enjoy- 
ment of  it,  which  we  have  at  present, 
might  continue  to  all  ages.  However,  this 
single  day  may  suffice  for  our  youth,  as 
well  as  for  us  that  are  in  years.  It  will 
seem  an  age  to  our  old  men,  if  they  might 
die  during  its  happy  duration  :  it  may  also 
be  for  the  instruction  of  the  younger  sort, 
what  kind  of  virtue  those  men,  from 
whose  loins  we  are  derived,  were  exercised 
in.  As  for  ourselves,  our  business  is, 
during  the  space  of  time,  to  live  virtu- 
ously, than  which,  nothing  can  be  more 
to  our  advantage;  which  course  of  virtue 
it  is  alone  that  can  preserve  our  liberty; 
for,  as  to  out  ancient  state,  I  have  heard 
of  it  from  the  relations  of  others ;  but  as  to 
our  later  state,  during  my  lifetime,  I  have 
known  it  by  experience,  and  learned  there- 
by what  mischief  tyrannies  have  brought 
upon  this  commonwealth,  discouraging  all 
virtue,  and  depriving  persons  of  magna- 
nimity of  their  liberty,  and  proving  the 
teachers  of  flattery  aud  slavish  fear,  be- 
cause it  leaves  the  public  administration 
not  to  be  governed  by  wise  laws,  but  by 
the  humour  of  those  that  govern.  For 
since  Julius  Cassar  took  it  into  his  head 
to  dissolve  our  democracy,  and,  by  over- 
bearing the  regular  system  of  our  laws,  to 
bring  disorders  into  our  administration, 
and  to  get  above  right  aud  justice,  aud  to 
be  a  slave  to  his  own  inclinations,  there 
is  no  kind  of  misery  but  what  hath  tended 
to  the  subversion  of  this  city;  while  all 
those  that  have  succeeded  him  have  striven 
one  with  another,  to  overthrow  the  ancient 
laws  of  their  country,  and  have  left  it  des- 
titute of  such  citizens  as  were  of  generous 
principles;  because  they  thought  it  tended 
to  their  safety  to  have  vicious  men  to  con- 
verse withal,  and  not  only  to  break  the 
spirits  of  those  that  were  best  esteemed 


for  their  virtue,  but  to  resolve  jpon  their" 
utter  destruction.  Of  all  which  emperors, 
who  have  been  many  iu  number,  and  whc 
laid  upon  us  insufferable  hardships,  during 
the  times  of  their  government,  this  Caius, 
who  hath  been  slain  to-day,  hath  brought 
more  terrible  calamities  upon  us  than  did 
all  the  rest,  not  only  by  exercising  his 
ungoverned  rage  upon  his  fellow-citizens, 
but  also  upon  his  kindred  and  friends, 
and  alike  upon  all  others,  and  by  inflicting 
still  greater  miseries  upon  them,  as  pu- 
nishments, which  they  never  deserved,  he 
being  equally  furious  against  men  and 
against  the  gods;  for  tyrants  are  not  con- 
tent to  gain  their  sweet  pleasure,  and  this 
by  acting  injuriously,  and  in  the  vexation 
they  bring  both  upon  men's  estates  and 
their  wives,  but  they  look  upon  that  to  be 
their  principal  advantage,  when  they  can 
utterly  overthrow  the  entire  families  of 
their  enemies;  while  all  lovers  of  liberty 
are  the  enemies  of  tyranny.  Nor  can 
those  that  patiently  endure  what  miseries 
they  bring  on  them  gain  their  friendship; 
for  as  they  are  conscious  of  the  abundant 
mischiefs  they  have  brought  on  these  men, 
and  how  magnanimously  they  have  borne 
their  hard  fortunes,  they  cannot  but  be 
sensible  what  evils  they  have  done,  and 
thence  only  depend  on  security  from  what 
they  are  suspicious  of,  if  it  may  be  in  their 
power  to  take  them  quite  out  of  the  world. 
Since,  then,  we  are  now  gotten  clear  of 
such  great  misfortunes,  aud  are  only  ac- 
countable to  one  auother,  (which  form  of 
government  affords  us  the  best  assurance 
of  our  present  concord,  and  promises  us 
the  best  security  from  all  evil  designs,  and 
will  be  most  for  our  own  glory  in  settling 
the  city  in  good  order,)  you  ought,  every 
one  of  you  in  particular,  to  make  provi- 
sion for  his  own,  and  iu  general  for  the 
public  utility:  or,  on  the  contrary,  they 
may  declare  their  dissent  to  such  things 
as  have  been  proposed,  and  this  without 
any  hazard  of  danger  to  come  upon  them, 
because  they  have  now  no  lord  set  over 
them,  who,  without  fear  of  punishment, 
could  do  mischief  to  the  city,  and  had  an 
uncontrollable  power  to  take  off  those  that 
freely  declared  their  opinions.  Nor  has 
any  thing  so  much  contributed  to  this  in- 
crease of  tyranny  of  late  as  sloth,  and  a 
timorous  forbearance  of  contradicting  the 
emperor's  will;  while  men  had  an  over- 
great  inclination  to  the  sweetuess  of  peace, 
and  had  learned  tolive  like  slaves;  and  as 
many  of  us  as  either  heard  of  intolerable 


103 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX 


•calamities  that  happened  at  a  distance 
from  us,  or  saw  the  miseries  that  were 
near  us,  out  of  the  dread  of  dying  virtu- 
ously, endured  a  death  joined  with  the 
utmost  infamy.  We  ought,  then,  in  the 
first  place,  to  decree  the  greatest  honours 
we  are  able  to  those  that  have  taken  off 
the  tyrant,  especially  to  Cherea  Cassius; 
for  this  one  man,  with  the  assistance  of 
the  gods,  hath,  by  his  counsel  and  by  his 
actions,  been  the  procurer  of  our  liberty. 
Nor  ought  we  to  forget  him  now  we  have 
recovered  our  liberty,  who,  under  the  fore- 
going tyranny,  took  counsel  beforehand, 
and  beforehand  hazarded  himself  for  our 
liberties;  but  ought  to  decree  him  proper 
honours,  and  thereby  freely  declare,  that 
he,  from  the  beginning,  acted  with  our 
approbation.  And  certainly  it  is  a  very 
excellent  thing,  and  what  becomes  free- 
men, to  requite  their  benefactors,  as  this 
man  hath  been  a  benefactor  to  us  all, 
although  not  at  all  likeCassius  and  Brutus, 
who  slew  Caius  Julius  [Cassar]  ;  for  those 
men  laid  the  foundations  of  sedition  and 
civil  wars  in  our  city; — but  this  man,  to- 
gether with  his  slaughter  of  the  tyrant, 
hath  set  our  city  free  from  all  those  sad 
miseries  which  arose  from  the  tyranny."* 
And  this  was  the  purport  of  Sentius's 
oration,  which  was  received  with  pleasure 
by  the  senators,  and  by  as  many  of  the 
equestrian  order  as  were -present.  And 
now  one  Trebellius  Maximus  rose  up 
hastily,  and  took  from  Sentius's  finger  a 
ring,  which  had  a  stone,  with  the  image 
of  Caius  engraven  upon  it,  and  which,  in 
his  zeal  in  speaking,  and  his  earnestness 
in  doing  what  he  was  about,  as  it  was 
supposed,  he  had  forgotten  to  take  off 
himself.  This  sculpture  was  broken  im- 
mediately. But  as  it  was  now  far  in  the 
night,  Cherea  demanded  of  the  consuls 
the  watchword,  who  gave  him  this  word, 
"  Liberty."  These  facts  were  the  subjects 
of  admiration  to  themselves,  and  almost 
incredible ;  for  it  was  100  yearsf  since  the 

*  In  this  oration  of  Sentius  Saturninus'3,  we  may 
see  the  gnat  value  virtuous  men  put  upon  public 
liberty,  and  the  sad  misery  they  underwent  while 
they  were  tyrannized  over  by  such  emperors  as 
Caius.  See  Josephus's  own  short  but  pithy  reflec- 
tion at  the  end  of  the  chapter:  "So  difficult, "  says 
he,  "  it  is  for  those  to  obtain  the  virtue  that  is  ne- 
cessary to  a  wise  man,  who  have  the  absolute  power 
to  do  what  they  please  without  control." 

■f  Hence  we  learn  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Satur- 
ninus,  the  sovereign  authority  of  the  consuls  and 
senate  had  been  taken  away  just  100  years  before 
the  death  of  Caius,  A.  D.  41 ;  or  the  sixtieth  year 
before  the  Christian  era,  when  the  first  triumvirate 
began  und«r  Ctesar,  Poinpey,  and  Crassus. 


democracy  had  been  laid  aside,  when  this 
giving  the  watchword  returned  to  the  con- 
suls; for,  before  the  city  was  subject  to 
tyrants,  they  were  the  commanders  of  the 
soldiers.  But  when  Cherea  received  the 
watchword,  he  delivered  it  to  those  on  the 
senate's  side,  which  were  four  regiments, 
who  esteemed  the  government  without 
emperors  to  be  preferable  to  tyranny.  So 
these  went  away  with  their  tribunes.  The 
people  also  now  departed  very  joyful,  full 
of  hope  and  of  courage,  as  having  recovered 
their  former  democracy,  and  no  longer 
under  an  emperor:  and  Cherea  was  in 
very  great  esteem  with  them. 

And  now  Cherea  was  very  uneasy  that 
Caius's  daughter  and  wife  were  still  alive, 
and  that  all  his  family  did  not  perish  with 
him,  since  whosoever  was  left  of  them 
must  be  left  for  the  ruin  of  the  city  and 
of  the  laws.  Moreover,  in  order  to  finish 
this  matter  with  the  utmost  zeal,  and,  in 
order  to  satisfy  his  hatred  of  Caius,  he 
sent  Julius  Lupus,  one  of  the  tribunes,  to 
kill  Caius's  wife  and  daughter.  They  pro- 
posed this  office  to  Lupus,  as  to  a  kinsman 
of  Clement,  that  he  might  be  so  far  a 
partaker  of  this  murder  of  the  tyrant,  and 
might  rejoice  in  the  virtue  of  having  as- 
sisted his  fellow-citizens,  and  that  he 
might  appear  to  have  been  a  partaker  with 
those  that  were  first  in  their  designs  against 
him;  yet  did  this  action  appear  to  some 
of  the  conspirators  to  be  too  cruel,  as  tc 
this  using  such  severity  to  a  woman,  be- 
cause Caius  did  more  iudulge  his  own  ill 
nature  than  use  her  advice  in  all  that  he 
did;  from  which  ill  nature  it  was  that  the 
city  was  in  so  desperate  a  condition  with 
the  miseries  that  were  brought  on  it,  and 
the  flower  of  the  city  was  destroyed;  but 
others  accused  her  of  giving  her  consent 
to  these  things;  nay,  they  ascribed  all 
that  Caius  had  done  to  her  as  the  cause 
of  it,  and  said  she  had  given  a  potion  to 
Caius,  which  had  made  him  obnoxious  to 
her,  and  had  tied  him  down  to  love  her 
by  such  evil  methods;  insomuch  that  she, 
haviug  rendered  him  distracted,  had  be- 
come the  author  of  all  the  mischiefs  that 
had  befallen  the  Romans  and  that  habita- 
ble world  which  was  subject  to  them.  So 
that  at  length  it  was  determined  that  she 
must  die;  nor  could  those  of  the  contrary 
opinion  at  all  prevail  to  have  her  saved ; 
and  Lupus  was  sent  accordingly.  Nor 
was  there  any  delay  made  in  executing 
what  he  went  about,  but  he  was  subser- 
vient to  those  that  sent  him  on  the  first 


Chap.  II.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


10< 


opportunity,  as  desirous  to  bo  noway 
blamable  in  what  might  be  done  for  the 
advantage  of  the  people.  So,  when  he 
had  come  into  the  palace,  he  found  Ccso- 
nia,  who  was  Caius's  wife,  lying  by  her 
husband's  dead  body,  which  also  lay  on 
the  ground,  and  destitute  of  all  such  things 
as  the  law  allows  to  the  dead,  and  all  over 
herself  besmeared  with  the  blood  of  her 
husband's  wounds,  and  bewailing  the  great 
affliction  she  was  under,  her  daughter  lying 
by  her  also;  and  nothing  else  was  heard 
in-  these  her  circumstances  but  her  com- 
plaint of  Caius,  as  if  he  had  not  regarded 
what  she  had  often  told  him  of  before- 
hand; which  words  of  hers  were  taken  in 
a  different  sense  even  at  that  time,  and 
are  now  esteemed  equally  ambiguous  by 
those  that  hear  of  them,  and  are  still  in- 
terpreted according  to  the  different  incli- 
nations of  people.  Now  some  said  that 
the  words  denoted  that  she  had  advised 
him  to  leave  off  his  mad  behaviour  and 
his  barbarous  cruelty  to  the  citizens,  and 
to  govern  the  public  with  moderation  and 
virtue,  lest  he  should  perish  by  the  same 
way,  upon  their  using  him  as  he  had  used 
them.  But  some  said,  that  as  certain 
words  had  passed  concerning  the  conspira- 
tors, she  desired  Caius  to  make  no  delay, 
but  immediately  to  put  them  all  to  death ; 
and  this,  whether  they  were  guilty  or  not, 
and  that  thereby  he  would  be  out  of  the 
fear  of  any  danger;  and  that  this  was 
what  she  reproached  him  for  when  she 
advised  him  so  to  do,  but  he  was  too  slow 
and  tender  in  the  matter.  And  this  was 
what  Cesonia  said;  and  what  the  opinions 
of  men  were  about  it.  But  when  she  saw 
Lupus  approach,  she  showed  him  Caius's 
dead  body,  and  persuaded  him  to  come 
nearer,  with  lamentation  and  tears;  and, 
as  she  perceived  that  Lupus  was  in  dis- 
order, and  approached  her  in  order  to 
execute  some  design  disagreeable  to  him- 
self, she  was  well  aware  for  what  purpose 
he  came,  and  stretched  out  her  naked 
throat,  and  that  very  cheerfully  to  him, 
bewailing  her  case,  like  one  utterly  de- 
spairing of  her  life,  and  bidding  him  not 
to  waver  at  finishing  the  tragedy  they  had 
resolved  upon  relating  to  her.  So  she 
boldly  received  her  death's  wound  at  the 
hand  of  Lupus,  as  did  the  daughter  after 
her.  So  Lupus  made  haste  to  inform 
Cherea  of  what  he  had  done. 

This  was  the  end  of  Caius,  after  he  had 
reigned  four  years,  within  four  months. 
He  was,  even  before  he  came  to  be  em- 


peror, ill  naturcd,  and  one  that  had  arrived 
at  the  utmost  pitch  of  wickedness  ;  a  slave 
to  his  pleasures,  and  a  lover  of  calumny; 
greatly  affected  by  every  terrible  accident, 
and,  on  that  account,  of  a  very  murderous 
disposition  where  he  durst  show  it.  ETe 
enjoyed  his  exorbitant  power  to  this  only 
purpose,  to  injure  those  who  least  de- 
served it,  with  unreasonable  insolence,  and 
got  his  wealth  by  murder  and  injustice. 
He  laboured  to  appear  above  regarding 
either  what  was  divine  or  agreeable  to  the 
laws,  but  was  a  slave  to  the  commenda- 
tions of  the  populace  ;  and  whatsoever  the 
laws  determined  to  be  shameful,  and  pu- 
nished, that  he  esteemed  more  honourable 
than  what  was  virtuous.  He  was  unmind- 
ful of  his  friends,  how  intimate  soever, 
and  though  they  were  persons  of  the  high- 
est character;  and,  if  he  was  once  angry 
at  any  of  them,  he  would  inflict  punish- 
ment upon  them  on  the  smallest  occasions; 
and  esteemed  every  man  that  endeavoured 
to  lead  a  virtuous  life  his  enemy  !  And 
whatsoever  he  commanded,  he  would  not 
admit  of  any  contradiction  to  his  inclina- 
tions; whence  it  was  that  he  had  criminal 
conversation  with  his  own  sister;  from 
which  occasion  chiefly  it  was  also  that  a 
bitter  hatred  first  sprang  up  against  him 
among  the  citizens,  that  sort  of  incest  not 
having  been  known  of  a  long  time ;  aud 
so  this  provoked  men  to  distrust  him,  and 
to  hate  him  that  was  guilty  of  it.  And 
for  any  great  or  royal  work  that  he  ever 
did,  which  might  be  for  the  present  and 
for  future  ages,  nobody  can  name  any 
such,  but  only  the  haven  that  he  made 
about  Bhegium  and  Sicily,  for  the  recep- 
tion of  the  ships  that  brought  corn  from 
Egypt;  which  was,  indeed,  a  work  with- 
out dispute  very  great  in  itself,  and  of  very 
great  advantage  to  the  navigation.  Yet 
was  not  this  work  brought  to  perfection 
by  him,  but  was  the  one-half  of  it  left 
imperfect,  by  reason  of  his  want  of  appli- 
cation to  it ;  the  cause  of  which  was  this, 
that  he  employed  his  studies  about  use- 
less matters,  and  that,  by  spending  his 
money  upon  such  pleasures  as  concerned 
no  one's  benefit  but  his  own,  he  could  not 
exert  his  liberality  in  things  that  were 
undeniably  of  great  consequence.  Other- 
wise, he  was  an  excellent  orator,  and 
thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  Greek 
tongue,  as  well  as  with  his  own  country 
or  Boman  language.  He  was  also  able, 
offhand  and  readily,  lo  give  answers  to 
compositions  made  by  others,  of  consider- 


110 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


able  _ength  and  accuracy.  He  was  also 
more  skilful  in  persuading  others  to  very 
great  things  than  any  one  else,  and  this 
from  a  natural  affability  of  temper,  which 
had  been  improved  by  much  exercise  and 
painstaking :  for  as  he  was  the  grandson* 
of  the  brother  of  Tiberius,  whose  suc- 
cessor he  was,  this  was  a  strong  induce- 
ment to  his  acquiring  of  learning,  because 
Tiberius  aspired  after  the  highest  pitch 
of  that  sort  of  reputation :  and  Caius  as- 
pired after  the  like  glory  for  eloquence, 
being  induced  thereto  by  the  letters  of 
his  kinsman  and  his  emperor.  He  was 
also  among  the  first  rank  of  his  own  citi- 
zens. But  the  advantages  he  received 
from  his  learning  did  not  countervail  the 
mischief  he  brought  upon  himself  in  the 
exercise  of  his  authority;  so  difficult  it  is 
for  those  to  obtain  the  virtue  that  is  ne- 
cessary for  a  wise  man,  who  have  the 
absolute  power  to  do  what  they  please 
without  control.  At  the  first  he  got  him- 
self such  friends  as  were  in  all  respects 
the  most  worthy,  and  was  greatly  beloved 
by  them,  while  he  imitated  their  zealous 
application  to  the  learning  and  to  the  glo- 
rious actions  of  the  best  men ;  but  when 
he  became  insolent  toward  them,  they  laid 
aside  the  kindness  they  had  for  him,  and 
began  to  hate  him ;  from  which  hatred 
came  that  plot  which  they  raised  against 
him,  and  wherein  he  perished. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Claudius  seized  on,  and  brought  to  the  camp — The 
senate  send  an  embassy  to  him. 

Now  Claudius,  as  I  said  before,  went 
out  of  that  way  along  which  Caius  had 
gone;  and,  as  the  family  was  in  a  mighty 
disorder  upon  the  sad  accident  of  the 
murder  of  Caius,  he  was  in  great  distress 
how  to  save  himself,  and  was  found  to 
have  hidden  himself  in  a  certain  narrow 
place,  though  he  had  no  other  occasion  fur 
suspicion  of  any  dangers  besides  the 
dignity  of  his  birth ;  for  while  he  was  a 
private  man,  he  behaved  himself  with 
moderation,  and  was  contented  with  his 
present  fortune,  applying  himself  to  learn- 
ing, and  especially  to  that  of  the  Greeks, 
and  keeping  himself  entirely  clear  from 
every  thing  that  might  bring  on  any  dis- 
turbance.    But  at  this  time  the  multitude 


*"  This  Caius  was  the  son  of  Gormanicus,  who 
was  the  son  of  Drusus,  the  brother  of  Tiberius  the 
emperor. 


were  under  a  consternation,  and  the  whola 
palace  was  full  of  the  soldiers'  madness, 
and  the  very  emperor's  guards  seemed 
under  the  like  fear  and  disorder  with 
private  persons,  the  band  called  Praetorian, 
which  was  the  purest  part  of  the  army, 
was  in  consultation  what  was  to  be  done 
at  this  juncture.  Now  all  those  that  were 
at  this  consultation  had  little  regard  to 
the  punishment  Caius  had  suffered,  be- 
cause he  justly  deserved  such  his  fortune; 
but  they  were  rather  considering  their  own 
circumstances,  how  they  might  take  the 
best  care  of  themselves,  especially  while 
the  Germans  were  busy  in  punishing  the 
murderers  of  Caius;  which  yet  was  rather 
done  to  gratify  their  own  savage  temper, 
than  for  the  good  of  the  public ;  all  which 
things  disturbed  Claudius,  who  was  afraid 
of  his  own  safety,  and  this  particularly 
because  he  saw  the  heads  of  Asprenas  and 
his  partners  carried  about.  His  station 
had  been  on  a  certain  elevated  place, 
whither  a  few  steps  led  him,  and  whither 
he  had  retired  in  the  dark  by  himself. 
But  when  Gratus,  who  was  one  of  the 
soldiers  that  belonged  to  the  palace,  saw 
him,  but  did  not  well  know  by  his  coun- 
tenance who  he  was,  because  it  was  dark, 
though  he  could  well  judge  that  it  was  a 
man  who  was  privately  there  on  some 
design,  he  came  near  to  him;  and  when 
Claudius  desired  that  he  would  retire,  he 
discovered  who  he  was,  and  owned  him  to 
be  Claudius.  So  he  said  to  his  followers, 
"This  is  a  Germanicus;*  come  on,  let  us 
choose  him  for  our  emperor !"  But  when 
Claudius  saw  they  were  making  prepara- 
tions for  taking  him  away  by  force,  and 
was  afraid  they  would  kill  him,  as  they 
had  killed  Caius,  he  besought  them  to 
spare  him,  putting  them  in  mind  how 
quietly  he  had  demeaned  himself,  and 
tbat  he  was  unacquainted  with  what  had 
been  done.  Hereupon  Gratus  smiled 
upon  him,  and  took  him  by  the  right 
hand,  and  said,  "Leave  off,  sir,  these  low 
thoughts  of  saving  yourself,  while  you 
ought  to  have  greater  thoughts,  even  of 
obtaining  the  empire,  which  the  gods,  out 
of  their  concern  for  the  habitable  world, 
by  taking  Caius  out  of  the  way,  commit 
to  thy  virtuous  conduct.  Go  to,  therefore, 
and  accept  of  the  throne  of  thy  ancestors." 
So  they  took  him  up  and  carried  him,  be- 
cause he  was  not  then  able  to  go  on  foot, 


*  The   surname   of  Germanicus  was   bestowed 
upon  Drusus,  and  his  posterity  also. 


Chap.  III. 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


Ill 


Bucb  was  his  dread  and  his  joy  at  what 
was  told  him. 

Now  there  was  already  gathered  toge- 
ther about  Gratus,  a  great  number  of  the 
guards;  and  when  they  saw  Claudius 
carried  off,  they  looked  with  a  sad  counte- 
nance, as  supposing  that  he  was  carried 
to  execution  for  the  mischiefs  that  had 
been  lately  done;  while  yet  they  thought 
him  a  man  who  never  meddled  with  pub- 
lic affairs  all  his  life  long,  and  one  that 
had  met  with  no  contemptible  dangers 
under  the  reign  of  Caius;  and  some  of 
them  thought  it  reasonable  that  the  con- 
suls should  take  cognisance  of  these  mat- 
ters; and,  as  still  more  and  more  of  the 
soldiery  got  together,  the  crowd  about  him 
ran  away,  and  Claudius  could  hardly  go 
on,  his  body  was  then  so  weak ;  and  those 
who  carried  his  sedan,  upon  an  inquiry 
that  was  made  about  his  being  carried  off, 
ran  away,  and  saved  themselves,  as  de- 
spairing of  their  lord's  preservation.  But, 
when  they  had  come  into  the  large  court 
of  the  palace,  (which,  as  the  report  goes 
about  it,  was  inhabited  first  of  all  the 
parts  of  the  city  of  Rome,)  and  had  just 
reached  the  public  treasury,  many  more 
soldiers  came  about  him,  as  glad  to  see 
Claudius's  face,  and  thought  it  exceeding 
right  to  make  him  emperor  on  account  of 
their  kindness  for  Germanicus,  who  was 
his  brother,  and  had  left  behind  him  a 
vast  reputation  among  all  that  were  ac- 
quainted with  him.  They  reflected,  also, 
on  the  covetous  temper  of  the  leadiug  men 
of  the  senate,  and  what  great  errors  they 
had  been  guilty  of  when  the  senate  had 
the  government  formerly;  they  also  con- 
sidered the  impossibility  of  such  an  under- 
taking, as  also  what  dangers  they  should 
be  in  if  the  government  should  come  to 
a  single  person,  and  that  such  an  one 
should  possess  it  as  they  had  no  hand  in 
advancing,  and  not  to  Claudius,  who 
would  take  it  as  their  grant,  and  as  gained 
by  their  good-will  to  him,  and  would  re- 
member the  favours  they  had  done  him, 
and  would  make  them  a  sufficient  recom- 
pense for  the  same. 

These  were  the  discourses  the  soldiers 
had  one  with  another  by  themselves,  and 
they  communicated  them  to  all  such  as 
came  in  to  them.  Now  those  that  in- 
quired about  this  matter,  willingly  em- 
braced the  invitation  that  was  made  them 
to  join  with  the  rest :  so  they  carried 
Claudius  into  the  camp,  crowding  about 
him  as  his  guard,  and  encompassing  him 
2Q 


about,  one  chairman  still  succeeding  an- 
other,  that  their  vehement  endeavours 
might  not  be  hindered.  But  as  to  the 
populace  and  senators,  they  disagreed  in 
their  opinions.  The  latter  were  very  de- 
sirous to  recover  their  former  dignity,  and 
were  zealous  to  get  clear  of  the  slavery 
that  had  been  brought  ou  them  by  the 
injurious  treatment  of  the  tyrants,  which 
the  present  opportunity  afforded  them; 
but  for  the  people,  who  were  envious 
against  them,  and  knew  that  the  emperors 
were  capable  of  curbing  their  covetous 
temper,  and  were  a  refuge  from  them, 
they  were  very  glad  that  Claudius  had 
been  seized  upon,  and  brought  to  them, 
and  thought,  that  if  Claudius  were  made 
emperor,  he  would  prevent  a  civil  war, 
such  as  there  was  in  the  days  of  Pompey. 
But  when  the  senate  knew  that  Claudius 
was  brought  into  the  camp  by  the  soldiers, 
they  sent  to  him  those  of  their  body 
which  had  the  best  character  for  their 
virtues,  that  they  might  inform  him  that 
he  ought  to  do  nothing  by  violence,  in 
order  to  gain  the  government;  that  he 
who  was  a  single  person,  one  either  al- 
ready, or  hereafter  to  be  a  member  of 
their  body,  ought  to  yield  to  the  senate, 
which  consisted  of  so  great  a  number; 
that  he  ought  to  let  the  law  take  place  in 
the  disposal  of  all  that  related  to  the  pub- 
lic order,  and  to  remember  how  greatly 
the  former  tyrants  had  afflicted  their  city, 
and  what  dangers  both  he  and  they  had 
escaped  under  Caius;  and  that  he  ought 
not  to  hate  the  heavy  burden  of  tyranny, 
when  the  injury  is  done  by  others,  while 
he  did  himself  wilfully  treat  his  country 
after  a  mad  and  insolent  manner;  that  if 
he  would  comply  with  them,  and  demon- 
strate that  his  firm  resolution  was  to  live 
quietly  and  virtuously,  he  would  have  the 
greatest  honours  decreed  to  him  that  a 
free  people  could  bestow;  aud,  by  sub- 
jecting himself  to  the  law,  would  obtain 
this  branch  of  commendation,  that  he 
acted  like  a  man  of  virtue,  both  as  a  ruler 
and  a  subject;  but  that  if  he  would  act 
foolishly,  aud  learn  no  wisdom  by  Caius's 
death,  they  would  not  permit  him  to  go 
on ;  that  a  great  part  of  the  army  was  got 
together  for  them,  with  plenty  of  weapons, 
and  a  great  number  of  slaves,  which  they 
could  make  use  of;  that  good  hope  was  a 
great  matter  in  such  cases,  as  was  also 
good  fortune ;  and  that  the  gods  would 
never  assist  any  others  but  those  that  un- 
dertook to  act  with  virtue  and  goodness, 


112 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


"Boo 


k  XVITI. 


who  can  be  no  other  than  such  as  fight  for 
the  liberty  of  their  country. 

Now  the  ambassadors,  Veranius  and 
Broechus,  who  were  both  of  them  tribunes 
of  the  people,  made  this  speech  to  Clau- 
dius; and  falling  down  upon  their  knees, 
they  begged  of  him  that  be  would  not 
throw  the  city  into  wars  and  misfortunes; 
but  when  they  saw  what  a  multitude  of 
soldiers  encompassed  and  guarded  Clau- 
dius, and  that  the  forces  that  were  with 
the  consuls  were,  in  comparison  of  them, 
perfectly  inconsiderable,  they  added,  that 
if  he  did  desire  the  government,  he  should 
accept  of  it  as  given  by  the  senate ;  that 
he  would  prosper  better,  and  be  happier 
if  he  came  to  it,  not  by  the  injustice,  but 
by  the  good-will  of  those  that  would  be- 
stow it  upon  him. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Claudius,  assisted  by  Agrippa,  obtains  the  sove- 
reignty of  Rome — executes  the  murderers  of 
Caius. 

Now  Claudius,  though  he  was  sensible 
after  what  an  insolent  manner  the  senate 
had  sent  to  him,  yet  did  he,  according  to 
their  advice,  behave  himself  for  the  pre- 
sent with  moderation;  but  not  so  far  that 
he  could  not  recover  himself  out  of  his 
fright;  so  he  was  encouraged  [to  claim 
the  government]  partly  by  the  boldness 
of  the  soldiers,  and  partly  by  the  per- 
suasion of  King  Agrippa,  who  exhorted 
him  not  to  let  such  a  dominion  slip  out  of 
his  hands,  when  it  came  thus  to  him  of 
its  own  accord.  Now  this  Agrippa,  with 
relation  to  Caius,  did  what  became  one 
that  had  been  so  much  honoured  by  him; 
for  he  embraced  Caius's  body  after  it  was 
dead,  and  laid  it  upon  a  bed,  and  covered 
it  as  well  as  he  could,  and  went  out  to  the 
guards,  and  told  them  that  Caius  was  still 
alive ;  but  he  said  that  they  should  call 
for  physicians,  since  he  was  very  ill  of  his 
wounds.  But  when  he  had  learned  that 
Claudius  was  carried  away  violently  by 
the  soldiers,  he  rushed  through  the  crowd 
to  him,  and  when  he  found  that  he  was  in 
disorder,  and  ready  to  resign  up  the  go- 
vernment to  the  senate,  he  encouraged  him, 
and  desired  him  to  keep  the  government; 
but  when  he  had  said  this  to  Claudius,  he 
retired  home.  And,  upon  the  senate's 
sending  for  him,  he  anointed  his  head 
with  ointment,  as  if  he  had  lately  accom- 
panied with  his  wife,  and  had  dismissed 
her,  and  then  came  to  them  :  he  also  asked 


of  the  senators  what  Claudius  did;  whc 
told  him  the  present  state  of  affairs,  and 
then  asked  his  opinion  about  the  settle- 
ment of  the  public.  He  told  them  in 
words,  that  he  was  ready  to  lose  his  life  for 
the  honour  of  the  senate,  but  desired  them 
to  consider  what  was  for  their  advantage, 
without  any  regard  to  what  was  most  agree- 
able to  them;  for  that  those  who  grasp  at 
government  will  stand  in  need  of  weapons 
and  soldiers  to  guard  them,  unless  they  will 
set  up,  without  any  preparation  for  it,  and 
so  fall  into  danger.  And  when  the  senate 
replied,  that  they  would  bring  in  weapons 
in  abundance,  and  money,  and  that  as  to 
an  army,  a  part  of  it  was  already  collect- 
ed together  for  them,  and  they  would 
raise  a  larger  one  by  giving  the  slaves  their 
liberty,  Agrippa  made  answer,  "0  sena- 
tors! may  you  be  able  to  compass  what 
you  have  a  mind  to;  yet  will  I  imme- 
diately tell  you  my  thoughts,  because  they 
tend  to  your  preservation.  Take  notice, 
then,  that  the  army  which  will  fight  for 
Claudius  hath  been  long  exercised  in 
warlike  affairs;  but  our  army  will  be  no 
better  than  a  rude  multitude  of  raw  men, 
and  those  such  as  have  been  unexpectedly 
made  free  from  slavery,  and  ungovernable; 
we  must  then  fight  against  those  that  are 
skilful  in  war,  with  men  who  know  not  so 
much  as  how  to  draw  their  swords.  So 
that  my  opinion  is,  that  we  should  send 
some  persons  to  Claudius,  to  persuade  him 
to  lay  down  the  government;  aud  I  am 
ready  to  be  one  of  your  ambassadors." 

Upon  this  speech  of  Agrippa's,  the  se- 
nate complied  with  him,  and  he  was  sent 
among  others,  and  privately  informed 
Claudius  of  the  disorder  the  senate  was 
in,  and  gave  him  instructions  to  answer 
them  in  a  somewhat  commanding  strain, 
and  as  one  invested  with  dignity  and  au- 
thority. Accordingly,  Claudius  said  to 
the  ambassadors  that  he  did  not  wonder 
the  senate  had  no  mind  to  have  an  emperor 
over  them,  because  they  had  been  harass- 
ed by  the  barbarity  of  those  that  had 
formerly  been  at  the  head  of  their  affairs; 
but  that  they  should  taste  of  an  equitable 
government  under  him,  and  moderate 
times,  while  he  should  only  be  their  ruler 
in  name,  but  the  authority  should  be 
equally  common  to  them  all;  and  since  he 
hud  passed  through  many  and  various 
scenes  of  life  before  their  eyes,  it  would 
be  good  for  them  not  to  distrust  him.  So 
the  ambassadors,  upon  their  hearing  this 
his  answer,  were  dismissed.     But  Claudius 


Chap.  IV.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


113 


discoursed  with  the  army  which  was  there 
gathered  together,  who  took  oaths  that 
they  would  persist  in  their  fidelity  to  him; 
upon  which  he  gave  the  guards,  to  every 
man  5000*  drachmae,  and  a  proportiona- 
ble quantity  to  their  captains,  and  promised 
to  give  the  same  to  the  rest  of  the  armies, 
wheresoever  they  were. 

And  now  the  consuls  called  the  senate 
together  into  the  temple  of  Jupiter  the 
Conqueror,  while  it  was  still  night  ;  but 
some  of  those  senators  concealed  them- 
selves in  the  city,  being  uncertain  what  to 
do,  upon  the  hearing  of  this  summons; 
and  some  of  them  went  out  of  the  city  to 
their  own  farms,  as  foreseeing  whither  the 
public  affairs  were  going,  and  despairing 
of  liberty;  nay,  these  supposed  it  much 
better  for  them  to  be  slaves  without  dan- 
ger to  themselves,  and  to  live  a  lazy  and 
iuactive  life,  than,  by  claiming  the  dignity 
of  their  forefathers,  to  run  the  hazard  of 
their  own  safety.  However,  100,  and 
no  more,  had  gotten  together;  and  as  they 
were  in  consultation  about  the  present 
posture  of  affairs,  a  sudden  clamour  was 
made  by  the  soldiers  that  were  on  their 
side,  desiring,  that  the  senate  would 
choose  them  an  emperor,  and  not  bring  the 
government  into  ruin  by  setting  up  a  mul- 
titude of  rulers.  So,  they  fully  declared 
themselves  to  be  for  the  giving  of  the 
government  not  to  all,  but  to  one ;  but 
they  gave  the  senate  leave  to  look  out  for 
a  person  worthy  to  set  over  them,  inso- 
much, that  now  the  affairs  of  the  senate 
were  much  worse  than  before;  because 
they  had  not  only  failed  in  the  recovery 
of  their  liberty,  which  they  boasted  them- 
selves of,  but  were  in  dread  of  Claudius 
also.  Yet  there  were  those  that  hankered 
after  the  government,  both  on  account  of 
the  dignity  of  their  families,  and  that  ac- 
cruing to  them  by  their  marriages;  for 
Marcus  Minucianus  was  illustrious,  both 
by  his  own  nobility,  and  by  his  having 
married  Julia,  the  sister  of  Caius,  who, 
accordingly,  was  very  ready  to  claim  the 
government,  although  the  consuls  dis- 
couraged him,  and  made  one  delay  after 
another  iu  proposing  it :  that  Minucianus 
also,  who  was  one  of  Caius's  murderers, 
restrained  Valerius  of  Asia  from  thinking 
of  such  things;  and  a  prodigious  slaughter 


*  This  number  of  drachma;  to  be  distributed  to 
each  private  soldier,  5000  drachmae,  equal  to  20,000 
sesterces,  or  £161  sterling,  seems  much  too  large, 
and  directly  contradicts  Suetonius,  who  makes 
them  in  all  but  15  sesterces,  or  2«.  id. 

Vol.  II.— 8 


there  had  been,  if  leave  had  been  given  to 
these  men  to  set  up  for  themselves,  and 
oppose  Claudius.  There  were  also  a  con- 
siderable number  of  gladiators  besidos, 
and  those  soldiers  who  kept  watch  by  night 
in  the  city,  and  rowers  of  ships,  who  all 
ran  into  the  camp;  insomuch,  that  of 
those  who  put  in  for  the  government,  some 
left,  off  their  pretensions  in  order  to  spare 
the  city,  and  others  out  of  fear  for  their 
own  persons. 

But  as  soon  as  ever  it  was  day,  Cherea. 
and  those  that  were  with  him,  came  into 
the  senate,  and  attempted  to  make  speeches 
to  the  soldiers.  However,  the  multitude 
of  those  soldiers,  when  they  saw  that  they 
were  making  signals  for  silence  with  their 
hands,  and  were  ready  to  begin  to  speak 
to  them,  grew  tumultuous,  aud  would  not 
let  them  speak  at  all,  because  they  were 
all  zealous  to  be  under  a  monarchy ;  and 
they  demanded  of  the  senate  one  for  their 
ruler,  as  not  enduring  any  longer  delays. 
But  the  senate  hesitated  about  either  their 
own  governing,  or  how  they  should  them- 
selves be  governed,  while  the  soldiers 
would  not  admit  them  to  govern;  and  the 
murderers  of  Caius  would  not  permit  the 
soldiers  to  dictate  to  them.  When  they 
were  in  these  circumstances,  Cherea  was 
not  able  to  contain  the  anger  he  had,  and 
promised  that  if  they  desired  an  emperor, 
he  would  give  them  one,  if  any  one  would 
bring  him  the  watchword  from  Eutychus. 
Now,  this  Eutychus  was  charioteer  of  the 
green-band  faction,  styled  Prasine,  and  a 
great  friend  of  Caius,  wTho  used  to  harass 
the  soldiery  with  building  stables  for  the 
horses,  and  spent  his  time  in  ignominious 
labours,  which  occasioned  Cherea  to  re- 
proach them  with  him,  and  to  abuse  them 
with  much  other  scurrilous  language;  and 
told  them  that  he  would  bring  them  the 
head  of  Claudius;  and  that  it  was  an 
amazing  thing  that,  after  their  former 
madness,  they  should  commit  their  go- 
vernment to  a  fool.  Yet  were  they  not 
moved  with  his  words,  but  drew  their 
swords,  and  took  up  their  ensigns,  and 
went  to  Claudius,  to  join  in  taking  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  him.  So,  the  senate 
were  left  without  anybody  to  defend 
them ;  and  the  very  consuls  differed  no- 
thing from  private  persons.  They  were 
also  under  consternation  and  sorrow,  meu 
not  knowing  what  would  become  of  them, 
because  Claudius  was  very  angry  at  them  ; 
so  they  fell  to  reproaching  one  another, 
and  repented  of  what  they  had  done.     At 


114 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Bcok  XIX 


■which  juncture,  Sabinus,  one  of  Caius's 
murderers,  threatened  that  he  would  soon- 
er come  into  the  midst  of  them  and  kill 
himself,  than  consent  to  make  Claudius 
emperor,  and  see  slavery  returning  upon 
them ;  he  also  abused  Cherea  for  loving 
his  life  too  well,  while  he  who  was  the  first 
in  his  contempt  of  Caius,  could  think  it  a 
good  thing  to  live,  when  even  by  all  that 
they  had  done  for  the  recovery  of  their 
liberty,  they  had  found  it  impossible  to 
do  it.  But  Cherea  said  he  had  no  manner 
of  doubt  upon  him  about  killing  himself; 
yet  he  would  first  sound  the  intentions  of 
Claudius  before  he  did  it. 

These  were  the  debates  [about  the  se- 
nate] ;  but  in  the  camp  everybody  was 
crowding  on  all  sides  to  pay  their  court  to 
Claudius;  and  the  other  consul,  Quintus 
Pompouius,  was  reproached  by  the  soldiery 
as  having  rather  exhorted  the  senate  to 
recover  their  liberty ;  whereupon  they 
drew  their  swords,  and  were  going  to 
assault  him,  and  they  had  done  it,  if 
Claudius  had  not  hindered  them,  who 
snatched  the  consul  out  of  the  danger  he 
was  in,  and  set  him  by  him.  But  he  did 
not  receive  that  part  of  the  senate  which 
was  with  Quintus  in  the  like  honourable 
manner;  nay,  some  of  them  received 
blows,  and  were  thrust  away  as  they  came 
to  salute  Claudius;  nay,  Aponius  went 
away  wounded,  and  they  were  all  in  dan- 
ger. However,  King  Agrippa  went  up  to 
Claudius,  and  desired  he  would  treat  the 
senators  more  gently;  for  if  any  mischief 
should  come  to  the  senate,  he  would  have 
no  others  over  whom  to  rule.  Claudius 
complied  with  him,  and  called  the  senate 
together  into  the  palace,  and  was  carried 
thither  himself  through  the  city,  while 
the  soldiery  conducted  him,  though  this 
was  to  the  great  vexation  of  the  multi- 
tude; for  Cherea  and  Sabinus,  two  of 
Caius's  murderers,  went  in  the  forefront 
of  them,  in  an  open  manner,  while  Pollio, 
whom  Claudius,  a  little  before,  had  made 
captain  of  his  guards,  had  sent  them 
an  epistolary  edict,  to  forbid  them  to 
appear  in  public.  Then  did  Claudius, 
upon  his  coming  to  the  palace,  get  his 
friends  together,  and  desired  their  suffrages 
about  Cherea.  They  said  that  the  work 
he  had  done  was  a  glorious  one  ;  but  they 
accused  him  that  he  did  it  of  perfidious- 
ness,  and  thought  it  just  to  inflict  the 
punishment  [of  death]  upon  him,  to  dis- 
countenance such  actions  for  the  time 
to  come.     So  Cherea  was  led  to  his  execu- 


tion, and  Lupus  a«d  many  other  Romans 
with  him.  Now,  it  is  reported  that  Che- 
rea bore  his  calamity  courageously ;  and 
this  not  only  by  the  firmness  of  his  own 
behaviour  under  it,  but  by  the  reproaches 
he  laid  upon  Lupus,  who  fell  into  tears; 
for  when  Lupus  had  laid  his  garment 
aside,  and  complained  of  the  cold,*  he 
said,  that  cold  was  never  hurtful  to  Lupus 
[that  is,  a  wolf].  And  as  a  great  many 
men  went  along  with  them  to  see  the  sight, 
when  Cherea  came  to  the  place,  he  asked 
the  soldier  who  was  to  be  their  executioner, 
whether  this  office  was  what  he  was  used 
to,  or  whether  this  was  the  first  time  of 
his  using  his  sword  in  that  manner;  and 
desired  him  to  bring  him  that  very  sword 
with  which  he  himself  slew  Caius.  So 
he  was  happily  killed  at  oue  stroke.  But 
Lupus  did  not  meet  with  such  good  for- 
tune in  going  out  of  the  world,  since  he 
was  timorous,  and  had  many  blows  levelled 
at  his  neck,  because  he  did  not  stretch  it 
out  boldly  [as  he  ought  to  have  done]. 

Now,  a  few  days  after  this,  as  the  Pa- 
rental Solemnities  were  just  at  hand,  the 
Roman  multitude  made  their  usual  obla- 
tions to  their  several  ghosts,  and  put 
portions  into  the  fire  in  honour  of  Cherea, 
and  besought  him  to  be  merciful  to  them, 
and  not  continue  his  anger  against  them 
for  their  ingratitude.  And  this  was  the 
end  of  the  life  that  Cherea  came  to.  But 
for  Sabinus,  although  Claudius  not  only 
set  him  at  liberty,  but  gave  him  leave  to 
retain  his  former  command  in  the  army, 
yet  did  he  think  it  would  be  unjust  in  him 
to  fail  of  performing  his  obligations  to  his 
fellow-confederates;  so  he  fell  upon  his 
sword,  and  killed  himself,  the  wound 
reaching  up  to  the  very  hilt  of  the  sword. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Claudius  restores  to  Agrippa  his  grandfather's 
kingdoms — augments  his  dominions;  and  pub- 
lishes an  edict  in  behalf  of  the  Jews. 

Now,  when  Claudius  had  taken  out  of 
the  way  all  those  soldiers  whom  he  sus- 
pected, which  he  did  immediately,  he 
published  an  edict,  and  therein  confirmed 
that  kingdom  to  Agrippa  which  Caius  had 
given  him,  and   therein  commended    the 


*  This  piercing  cold  here  complained  of  by  Lu- 
pus, agrees  well  to  the  time  of  the  year  that 
Claudius  began  his  reign;  it  being  for  certain 
about  the  months  of  November,  December,  or 
January,  and  most  probably  a  few  days  after  the 
24th  of  January,  and  a  few  days  before  the  Ro« 
mau   Parentalia. 


Chap.  V.] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


115 


king  highly.  He  also  made  an  addition 
to  it  of  all  that  country  over  which  Herod, 
who  was  his  grandfather,  had  reigned, 
that  is,  Judea  and  Samaria;  and  this  he 
restored  to  him  as  due  to  his  family.  But 
for  Abila  of  Lysanias,  and  all  that  lay  at 
Mount  Libamis,  he  bestowed  them  upon 
him,  as  out  of  his  own  territories.  He 
also  made  a  league  with  this  Agrippa,  con- 
firmed by  oaths,  in  the  middle  of  the 
forum,  in  the  city  of  Rome:  he  also  took 
away  from  Antiochus  that  kingdom  which 
he  was  possessed  of,  but  gave  him  a  certain 
part  of  Cilicia  and  Commagena :  he  also 
set  Alexander  Lysimachus,  the  alabarch, 
at  liberty,  who  had  been  his  old  friend, 
and  steward  to  his  mother  Antonia,  but 
had  been  imprisoned  by  Caius,  whose  son 
[Marcus]  married  Bernice,  the  daughter 
of  Agrippa.  But  when  Marcus,  Alexan- 
der's son,  was  dead,  who  had  married  her 
when  she  was  a  virgin,  Agrippa  gave  her 
in  marriage  to  his  brother  Herod,  and 
begged  for  him  of  Claudius  the  kingdom 
of  Chalcis. 

Now,  about  this  time  there  was  a  sedition 
between  the  Jews  and  the  Greeks,  at  the 
city  of  Alexandria ;  for,  when  Caius  was 
dead,  the  nation  of  the  Jews,  which  had 
been  very  much  mortified  under  the  reign 
of  Caius,  and  reduced  to  very  great  dis- 
tress by  the  people  of  Alexandria,  reco- 
vered itself,  and  immediately  took  up  arms 
to  fight  for  themselves.  So  Claudius  sent 
an  order  to  the  president  of  Egypt  to 
quiet  that  tumult;  he  also  sent  an  edict, 
at  the  request  of  King  Agrippa  aud  King 
Herod,  both  to  Alexandria  and  to  Syria, 
whose  contents  were  as  follows: — "Tibe- 
rius Claudius  Cre-ar  Augustus  Germani- 
cus,  high  priest  and  tribune  of  the  people, 
ordains  thus:  Since  I  am  assured  that  the 
Jews  at  Alexandria,  called  Alexandrians, 
have  been  joint  inhabitants  in  the  earliest 
times  with  the  Alexandrians,  and  have 
obtained  from  their  kings  equal  privileges 
with  them,  as  is  evident  by  the  public 
records  that  are  in  their  possession,  and 
the  edicts  themselves;  and  that  after 
Alexandria  had  been  subjected  to  our 
empire  by  Augustus,  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges have  been  preserved  by  those  presi- 
dents who  have  at  divers  times  been  sent 
thither;  and  that  no  dispute  had  been 
raised  about  these  rights  and  privileges, 
even  when  Aquila  was  governor  of  Alex- 
andria ;  and  that  when  the  Jewish  ethnarch 
was  dead,  Augustus  did  not  prohibit  the 
making  such  ethnarchs,  as  willing  that  all 


men  should  be  so  subject  [to  the  Romans] 
as  to  continue  in  the  observation  of  their 
own  customs,  and  not  to  be  forced  to 
transgress  the  ancient  rules  of  their  own 
country  religion;  but  that,  in  the  time  of 
Caius,  the  Alexandrians  became  insolent 
toward  the  Jews  that  were  among  them, 
which  Caius,  out  of  his  great  madness  and 
want  of  understanding,  reduced  the  nation 
of  the  Jews  very  low,  because  they  would 
not  transgress  the  religious  worship  of 
their  country,  and  call  him  a  god  :  I  will, 
therefore,  that  the  nation  of  the  Jews  be 
not  deprived  of  their  rights  and  privileges, 
on  account  of  the  madness  of  Caius;  but 
that  those  rights  and  privileges,  which 
they  formerly  enjoyed,  be  preserved  to 
them,  and  that  they  may  continue  in  their 
own  customs.  And  I  charge  both  parties 
to  take  very  great  care  that  no  troubles 
may  arise  after  the  promulgation  of  this 
edict." 

And  such  were  the  contents  of  this  edict 
on  behalf  of  the  Jews,  that  were  sent  to 
Alexandria.  But  the  edict  that  was  sent 
into  the  other  parts  of  the  habitable  earth 
was  this  which  follows: — "Tiberius  Clau- 
dius Caesar  Augustus  Germanicus,  high 
priest,  tribune  of  the  people,  chosen  consul 
the  second  time,  ordains  thus:  Upon  the 
petition  of  King  Agrippa  and  King  Herod, 
who  are  persons  very  dear  to  me,  that 
I  would  grant  the  same  rights  and  privi- 
leges should  be  preserved  to  the  Jews 
which  are  in  all  the  Roman  empire,  which 
I  have  granted  to  those  of  Alexandria,  I 
very  willingly  comply  therewith;  and  this 
grant  I  make,  not  only  for  the  sake  of  the 
petitioners,  but  as  judging  those  Jews  for 
whom  I  have  been  petitioned,  worthy  of 
such  a  favour,  on  account  of  their  fidelity 
and  friendship  to  the  Romans.  I  think  it 
also  very  just  that  no  Grecian  city  should 
be  deprived  of  such  rights  and  privileges, 
since  they  were  preserved  to  them  under 
the  great  Augustus.  It  will,  therefore, 
be  fit  to  permit  the  Jews,  who  are  in  all 
the  world  under  us,  to  keep  their  ancient 
customs  without  being  hindered  so  to  do. 
And  I  do  charge  them  also  to  use  this  my 
kindness  to  them  with  moderation,  and 
not  to  show  a  contempt  of  the  superstitious 
observances  of  other  nations,  but  to  keep 
their  own  laws  only.  And  I  will,  that 
this  decree  of  mine  be  engraven  on  tables 
by  the  magistrates  of  the  cities  and  colo- 
nies, and  municipal  places,  both  those 
within  Italy  and  those  without  it,  both 
kings  and  governors,  by  the  means  of  the 


11(3 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX. 


ambassadors,  and  to  Lave  them  exposed  to 
tlie  public  for  full  80  days,  in  such  a 
place,  whence  it  may  be  plainly  read  from 
the  ground."* 


CHAPTER  Vi. 

Conduct  of  Agrippa — Petronius  writes  to  the  inha- 
bitants of  Doris  on  behalf  of  the  Jews. 

Now  Claudius  Caesar,  by  these  decrees 
of  his  which  were  sent  to  Alexandria  and 
to  all  the  habitable  earth,  made  known 
what  opinion  he  had  of  the  Jews.  So, 
he  soon  sent  away  Agrippa  to  take  his 
kingdom,  now  he  was  advanced  to  a  more 
illustrious  dignity  than  before,  and  sent 
letters  to  the  presidents  and  procurators  of 
the  provinces,  that  they  should  treat  him 
very  kindly.  Accordingly,  he  returned  in 
haste,  as  was  likely  he  would,  now  he 
returned  in  much  greater  prosperity  than 
he  had  before.  He  also  came  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  offered  all  the  sacrifices  that  be- 
longed to  him,  and  omitted  nothing  which 
the  law  required;  on  which  accouut,  he 
ordered  that  many  of  the  Nazarites  should 
have  their  heads  shorn.  And  for  the 
golden  chain  which  had  been  given  him 
by  Caius,  of  equal  weight  with  that  iron 
chain  wherewith  his  royal  hands  had  been 
bound,  he  hung  it  up  within  the  limits  of 
the  temple,  over  the  treasury, f  that  it 
may  be  a  memorial  of  the  severe  fate 
he  had  lain  under,  and  a  testimony  of  his 
change  for  the  better;  that  it  might  be  a 
demonstration  how  the  greatest  prosperity 
may  have  a  fall,  and  that  God  sometimes 
raises  what  is  fallen  down;  for  this  chain 
thus  dedicated  afforded  a  document  to  all 
men,  that  King  Agrippa  had  been  once 
bound  in  a  chain  for  a  small  cause,  but 
recovered  his  former  dignity  again,  and, 
a  little  while  afterward,  got  out  of  his 
bonds,  and  was  advanced  to  be  a  more 
illustrious  king  than  he  was  before. 
Whence  men  may  understand,  that  all 
that  partake  of  human  nature,  how  great 
soever  they  are,  may  fall;  and  that  those 
that  fall  may  gain  their  former  illustrious 
dignity  again. 

*  This  form  was  so  known  and  frequent  among 
the  Romans,  that  it  used  to  be  represented  at  the 
bottom  of  their  edicts  by  the  initial  letters  only, 
I  .  D.  P.  It.  L.  P.,  Unde  De  Piano  Kecte  Lege 
Possit:  "  Whence  it  may  be  plainly  read  from  the 
ground." 

f  This  treasury-chamber  seems  to  have  been 
the  same  in  which  Christ  taught,  and  where  the 
people  offered  their  charity-money  for  the  repairs 
or  other  uses  of  the  temple.  Mark  xii.  41,  &c.; 
Luke  xxii.  1 ;    John  viii.  20. 


And  when  Agrippa  bad  entirely  finished 
all  the  duties  of  the  divine  worship,  he 
removed  Theophilus,  the  son  of  Ananus, 
from  the  high-priesthood,  and  bestowed 
tbat  honour  on  his  son  Simon,  the  son  of 
Boethus,  whose  name  was  also  Cantheras, 
whose  daughter  King  Herod  had  married, 
as  I  have  related  before.  Simon,  there- 
fore, had  the  [high]  priesthood  with  his 
brethren,  and  with  his  father,  in  like 
manner  as  the  sons  of  Simon,  the  son  of 
Onias,  who  were  three,  had  it  formerly 
under  the  government  of  the  Macedonians, 
as  we  have  related  in  a  former  book. 

When  the  king  had  settled   the  high- 
priesthood  after  this  manner,  he  returned 
the  kindness    which    the    inhabitants  of 
Jerusalem  had  shown  him;  for  he  released 
them  from  the  tax  upon  houses,  every  one 
of  whom  paid  it  before,  thinking  it  a  good 
thing  to  requite  the  tender  affection  of 
those    that    loved    him.     He   also    made 
Silas  the  general  of  his  forces,  as  a  man 
who  had  partaken  with  him  in  many  of 
his  troubles.     But  after  a  very  little  while 
the  young  men  of  Doris,  preferring  a  rash 
attempt  before  piety,  and  being  naturally 
bold   and  insolent,    carried    a    statue   of 
Csesar  into  a  synagogue  of  the  Jews,  and 
erected  it  there.    This  procedure  of  theirs 
greatly  provoked  Agrippa;  for  it  plainly 
tended  to  the  dissolution  of  the  laws  of 
his  country.     So  he  came  without  delay 
to  Publius  Petronius,  who  was  then  presi- 
dent of  Syria,  and  accused  the  people  of 
Doris.     Nor  did  he  less  resent  what  was 
done  than    did  Agrippa;  for    he  judged 
it   a  piece  of  impiety  -to   transgress  the 
laws    that  regulate    the  actions  of  men. 
So,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the 
people  of  Doris,    in  an    angry  strain: — 
"Publius  Petronius,  the  president  under 
Tiberius  Claudius  Caesar  Augustus  Ger- 
manicus,    to    the    magistrates    of   Doris, 
ordains    as   follows:  Since   some  of  you 
have  had  the  boldness,  or  madness  rather, 
after  the  edict  of  Claudius  Coosar  Augustus 
Germanicus  was  published  for  permitting 
the  Jews   to   observe    the   laws  of  their 
country,  not  to  obey  the  same,  but  have 
acted  in  entire  opposition  thereto,  as  for- 
bidding the  Jews  to  assemble  together  in 
the    synagogue,    by    removing    Caesar's 
statue,    and    setting   it   up    therein,  and 
thereby  have  offended  not  only  the  Jews, 
but  the  emperor  himself,  whose  statue  is 
more   commodiously    placed  in   his   own 
temple  than  in  a  foreign   one,  where  is 
the  place  of  assembling  together;  while 


I'k*  VIL] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF    THE   JEWS. 


117 


it  is  but  a  part  of  natural  justice,  that 
every  one  should  have  the  power  over  the 
place  belonging  peculiarly  to  themselves, 
according  to  the  determination  of  Caesar, 
to  say  nothing  of  my  own  determination, 
which  it  would  be  ridiculous  to  mention 
after  the  emperor's  edict,  which  gives  the 
Jews  leave  to  make  use  of  their  own  cus- 
toms, as  also  gives  order  that  they  enjoy 
equally  the  rights  of  citizens  with  the 
Greeks  themselves,  I  therefore  ordain, 
that  Proculus  Vitellius,  the  centurion, 
bring  those  men  to  me,  who,  contrary  to 
Augustus's  edict,  have  been  so  insolent 
as  to  do  this  thing,  at  which  those  very 
men  who  appear  to  be  of  principal  repu- 
tation among  them  have  an  indignation 
also,  and  allege  for  themselves,  that  it 
was  not  done  with  their  consent,  but  by 
the  violence  of  the  multitude,  that  they 
may  give  an  account  of  what  hath  been 
done.  I  also  exhort  the  principal  magis- 
trates among  them,  unless  they  have  a 
mind  to  have  this  action  esteemed  to  be 
done  with  their  consent,  to  inform  the 
centurion  of  those  that  were  guilty  of  it, 
and  take  care  that  no  handle  be  hence 
taken  for  raising  a  sedition  or  quarrel 
among  them ;  which  those  seem  to  me  to 
hunt  after,  who  encom-age  such  doings ; 
while  botli  I  myself,  and  King  Agrippa, 
for  whom  I  have  the  highest  honour,  have 
nothiug  more  under  our  care  than  that  the 
nation  of  the  Jews  may  have  no  occasion 
given  them  of  getting  together,  under  the 
pretence  of  avenging  themselves,  and  be- 
come tumultuous.  And  that  it  may  be 
more  publicly  known  what  Augustus  hath 
resolved  about  this  whole  matter,  I  have 
subjoined  those  edicts  which  he  hath  lately 
caused  to  be  published  at  Alexandria,  and 
which,  although  they  may  be  well  known 
to  all,  yet  did  King  Agrippa,  for  whom  I 
have  the  highest  honour,  read  them  at  that 
time  before  my  tribunal,  and  pleaded  that 
the  Jews  ought  not  to  be  deprived  of 
those  rights  which  Augustus  hath  granted 
them.  1  therefore  charge  you,  that  you 
do  not,  for  the  time  to  come,  seek  for  any 
occasion  of  sedition  or  disturbance,  but 
that  every  one  be  allowed  to  follow  their 
own  religious  customs." 

Thus  did  Petronius  take  care  of  this 
matter,  that  such  a  breach  of  the  law 
might  be  corrected,  and  that  no  such 
thing  might  be  attempted  afterward 
against  the  Jews.  And  now  King  Agrippa 
took  the  [high]  priesthood  away  from  Si- 
mon   Cantheras,   and    put  Jonathan,   the 


son  of  Ad  anus,  into  it  again,  and  owned 
that  he  was  more  worthy  of  that  dignity 
than  the  other.  ]>ut  this  was  not  a  thing 
acceptable  to  him,  to  recover  that  his 
former  dignity.  So  he  refused  it,  and 
said,  "  0  king !  I  rejoice  in  the  honour  that 
thou  hast  for  me,  and  take  it  kindly  that 
thou  wouldst  give  me  such  a  dignity  of 
thy  own  inclinations,  although  God  hath 
judged  that  I  am  not  at  all  worthy  of  the 
high-priesthood.  I  am  satisfied  with  hav- 
ing once  put  on  the  sacred  garments;  for 
I  then  put  them  on  after  a  more  holy 
manner  than  I  should  now  receive  them 
again.  But,  if  thou  desirest  that  a  person 
more  worthy  than  myself  should  have 
this  honourable  employment,  give  me 
leave  to  name  thee  such  an  one.  I  have 
a  brother  that  is  pure  from  all  sin  against 
God,  and  of  all  offences  against  thyself; 
I  recommend  him  to  thee,  as  one  that  is 
fit  for  this  dignity."  So  the  king  was 
pleased  with  these  words  of  his,  and 
passed  by  Jonathan,  and,  according  to 
his  brother's  desire,  bestowed  the  high- 
priesthood  upon  Matthias.  Nor  was  it 
long  before  Mai-cus  succeeded  Petronius 
as  president  of  Syria. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Silas  imprisoned  by  Agrippa — Jerusalem  encom- 
passed by  a  wall— Benefits  conferred  on  the  in- 
habitants of  Berytus  hf  Agrippa. 

Now  Silas,  the  general  of  the  king's 
horse,  because  he  had  been  faithful  to  him 
under  all  his  misfortunes,  and  had  never 
refused  to  be  a  partaker  with  him  in  any 
of  his  dangers,  but  had  oftentimes  under- 
gone the  most  hazardous  dangers  for  him, 
was  full  of  assurance,  and  thought  he 
might  expect  a  sort  of  equality  with  the 
king,  on  account  of  the  firmness  of  the 
friendship  he  had  shown  to  him.  Accord- 
ingly, he  would  nowhere  let  the  king  sit 
as  his  superior,  and  took  the  like  liberty 
in  speaking  to  him  upon  all  occasions,  till 
he  became  troublesome  to  the  king,  when 
they  were  merry  together,  extolling  him- 
self beyond  measure,  and  often  putting 
the  king  in  mind  of  the  severity  of  for- 
tune he  had  undergone,  that  he  might,  by 
way  of  ostentation,  demonstrate  what 
zeal  he  had  shown  in  his  service;  and  was 
continually  harping  upon  this  string, 
what  pains  he  had  taken  for  him,  and 
much  enlarged  still  upon  that  subject. 
The  repetition  of  this  so  frequently 
seemed  to  reproach  the  king,  insomuch, 
that  he  took  this  ungovernable  libertv  of 


113 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XIX 


talking  very  ill  at  his  hands.  For  the 
commemoration  of  times,  when  men  have 
been  under  ignominy,  is  by  no  means 
agreeable  to  them;  and  he  is  a  very  silly 
man  who  is  perpetually  relating  to  a  per- 
son what  kindness  he  had  done  him.  At 
last,  therefore,  Silas  had  so  thoroughly 
provoked  the  king's  indignation,  that  he 
acted  rather  out  of  passion  than  good  con- 
sideration, aud  did  not  only  turn  Silas 
out  of  his  place,  as  general  of  his  horse, 
but  sent  him  in  bonds  to  his  own  country. 
But  the  edge  of  his  anger  wore  off  by 
length  of  time,  and  made  room  for  more 
just  reasonings  as  to  his  judgment  about 
this  man;  and  he  considered  how  many 
labours  he  had  undergone  for  his  sake. 
So  when  Agrippa  was  solemnizing  his 
birthday,  and  he  gave  festival  entertain- 
ments to  all  his  subjects,  he  sent  for 
Silas,  on  the  sudden,  to  be  his  guest. 
But,  as  he  was  a  very  frank  man,  he 
thought  he  had  now  a  just  handle  given 
him  to  be  angry ;  which  he  could  not 
conceal  from  those  that  came  for  him,  but 
said  to  them,  u  What  honour  is  this  the 
king  invites  me  to,  which  I  conclude  will 
soon  be  over !  For  the  king  hath  not  let 
me  keep  those  original  marks  of  the  good- 
will I  bore  him,  which  I  once  had  from 
him;  but  he  hath  plundered  me,  and  that 
unjustly  also.  Does  he  think  that  I  can 
leave  off  that  liberty  of  "speech,  which, 
upon  the  consciousness  of  my  deserts,  I 
shall  use  more  loudly  than  before,  and 
shall  relate  how  many  misfortunes  I  have 
delivered  him  from?  how  many  labours  I 
have  undergone  for  him,  whereby  I  pro- 
cured him  deliverance  and  respect?  as  a 
reward  for  which  I  have  borne  the  hard- 
ships of  bonds  and  a  dark  prison !  I 
shall  never  forget  this  usage.  Nay,  per- 
haps, my  very  soul,  when  it  is  departed 
out  of  my  body,  will  not  forget  the  glori- 
ous actions  I  did  on  his  account."  This 
was  the  clamour  he  made ;  and  he  ordered 
the  messengers  to  tell  it  to  the  king.  So 
he  perceived  that  Silas  was  incurable  in 
his  folly,  and  still  suffered  him  to  lie  in 
prison. 

As  for  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  that 
were  adjoining  to  the  new  city  [Bezetha], 
he  repaired  them  at  the  expense  of  the 
public,  and  built  them  wider  in  breadth 
and  higher  in  altitude;  aud  he  had  made 
lhem  too  strong  for  all  human  power  to 
demolish,  unless  Marcus,  the  then  presi- 
dent of  Syria,  had  by  letter  informed 
Olaudius  Caesar  of  what  he    was  doing. 


And  when  Claudius  had  some  suspicion 
of  attempts  for  innovation,  he  sent  to 
Agrippa  to  leave  off  the  building  of  those 
walls  presently.  So  he  obeyed,  as  not 
thinking  it  proper  to  contradict  Claudius 

Now  this  king  was  by  nature  very 
beneficent,  and  liberal  in  his  gifts,  and 
very  ambitious  to  oblige  people  with  such 
large  donations;  and  he  made  himself 
very  illustrious  by  the  many  chargeable 
presents  he  made  them.  He  took  delight 
in  giving,  and  rejoiced  in  living  with  good 
reputation.  He  was  not  at  all  like  that 
Herod  who  reigned  before  him  ;  for  that 
Herod  was  ill-natured,  and  severe  in  his 
punishments,  and  had  no  mercy  on  them 
that  he  hated;  and  every  one  perceived 
that  he  was  more  friendly  to  the  Greeks 
than  to  the  Jews;  for  he  adorned  foreign 
cities  with  large  presents  in  money;  with 
building  them  baths  and  theatres  besides; 
nay,  in  some  of  those  places,  he  erected 
temples,  aud  porticos  in  others;  but  he 
did  not  vouchsafe  to  raise  one  of  the  least 
edifices  in  any  Jewish  city,  or  make  them 
any  donation  that  was  worth  mentioning. 
But  Agrippa's  temper  was  mild,  and 
ecpually  liberal  to  all  men.  He  was  hu- 
mane to  foreigners,  and  made  them  sensi- 
ble of  his  liberality.  He  was  in  like 
manner  rather  of  a  gentle  and  compas- 
sionate temper.  Accordingly,  he  loved 
to  live  continually  at  Jerusalem,  and  was 
exactly  careful  in  the  observances  of  the 
laws  of  his  country.  He  therefore  kept 
himself  entirely  pure;  nor  did  any  day 
pass  over  his  head  without  its  appointed 
sacrifice. 

However,  there  was  a  certain  man  of 
the  Jewish  nation  at  Jerusalem,  who  ap- 
peared to  be  very  accurate  in  the  know- 
ledge of  the  law.  His  name  was  Simon. 
This  man  got  together  an  assembly, 
while  the  king  was  absent  at  Cesarea,  and 
had  the  insolence  to  accuse  him  as  not 
living  holily,  and  that  he  might  justly  be 
excluded  out  of  the  temple,  since  it  be- 
longed only  to  native  Jews.  But  the 
general  of  Agrippa's  army  informed  him 
that  Simon  had  made  such  a  speech  to 
the  people.  So  the  king  sent  for  him; 
and,  as  he  was  then  sitting  in  the  theatre, 
he  bade  him  sit  down  by  him,  aud  said  to 
him  with  a  low  and  gentle  voice,  "  What 
is  there  done  in  this  place  that  is  contrary 
to  the  law?"  But  he  had  nothing  to  say 
for  himself,  but  begged  his  pardon.  So 
the  king  was  more  easily  reconciled  to 
him    than    one    could    have  imagined,  as 


Chap.  VIII.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE  JEWS. 


119 


esteeming  mildness  a  better  quality  in  a 
king  than  anger;  and  knowing  that  mode- 
ration is  more  becoming  in  great  men 
than  passion.  So  he  made  Simon  a  small 
present,  and  dismissed  him. 

Now,  as  Agrippa  was  a  great  builder 
in  many  places,  he  paid  a  peculiar  regard 
to  the  people  of  Berytus:  for  he  erected 
a  theatre  for  them,  superior  to  many 
others  of  that  sort,  both  in  sumptuous- 
ness  and  elegance,  as  also  an  amphithea- 
tre, built  at  vast  expense;  and,  besides 
these,  he  built  them  baths  and  porticos, 
and  spared  for  no  costs  in  any  of  his  edi- 
fices, to  render  them  both  handsome  and 
large.  He  also  spent  a  great  deal  upon 
their  dedication,  and  exhibited  shows  upon 
them,  and  brought  thither  musicians  of  all 
sorts,  and  such  as  made  the  most  delight- 
ful music,  of  the  greatest  variety.  He 
also  showed  his  magnificence  upon  the 
theatre,  in  his  great  number  of  gladiators; 
and  there  it  was  that  he  exhibited  the 
several  antagonists,  in  order  to  please  the 
spectators;  no  fewer,  indeed,  than  700 
men  to  fight  with  700  other  men  ;*  and 
allotted  all  the  malefactors  he  had  for  this 
exercise,  that  both  the  malefactors  might 
receive  their  punishment,  and  that  this 
operation  of  war  might  be  a  recreation  in 
peace.  And  thus  were  these  criminals  all 
destroyed  at  once. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Death  of  Agrippa. 

"Wiien  Agrippa  bad  finished  what  I 
have  above  related,  at  Berytus,  he  removed 
to  Tiberias,  a  city  of  Galilee.  Now,  he 
was  in  great  esteem  among  other  kings. 
Accordingly  there  came  to  him  Antiochus, 
king  of  Commagena,  Sampsigeramus,  king 
of  Emesa,  and  Cotys,  who  was  king  of 
the  Lesser  Armenia,  and  Polemo,  who 
was  king  of  Pontus,  as  also  Herod  his 
brother,  who  was  king  of  Chalcis.  All 
these  he  treated  with  agreeable  entertain- 
ments, and  after  an  obliging  manner,  and 
so  as  to  exhibit  the  greatness  of  his  mind, 
and  so  as  to  appear  worthy  of  those 
respects  which  the  kings  paid  to  him  by 
coming  thus  to  see  him.  However,  while 
these  kings  stayed  with  him,  Marcus,  the 
president  of  Syria,  came  thither.  So  the 
king,  in  order  to  preserve  the  respect  that 


*  A  strange  number  of  condemned  criminals  to 
be  under  sentence  of  death  at  once;  no  fewer,  it 
seems,  than  1400  ! 


was  due  to  the  Romans,  went  oat  of  tho 
city  to  meet  him,  as  far  as  seven  furlongs. 
But  this  proved  to  be  the  beginning  of  a 
difference  between  him  and  Marcus  ;  for 
he  took  with  him  in  his  chariot  those 
other  kings  as  his  assessors.  But  Marcus 
had  a  suspicion  what  the  meaning  could 
be  of  so  great  a  friendship  of  these  kings 
one  with  another,  and  did  not  think  so 
close  an  agreement  of  so  many  potentates 
to  be  for  the  interest  of  the  Romans.  He 
therefore  sent  some  of  his  domestics  to 
every  one  of  them,  and  enjoined  them  to 
go  their  ways  home  without  further  delay. 
This  was  very  ill  taken  by  Agrippa,  who, 
after  that,  became  his  enemy.  And  now 
he  took  the  high-priesthood  away  from 
Matthias,  and  made  Elioneus,  the  son  of 
Cantheras,  high  priest  in  his  stead. 

Now  when  Agrippa  had  reigned  three 
years  over  all  Judea,  he  came  to  the  city 
of  Cesaroa,  which  was  formerly  called 
Strato's  Tower;  and  there  he  exhibited 
shows  in  honour  of  Ca;sar,  upon  his  being 
informed  that  there  was  a  certain  festival 
celebrated  to  make  vows  for  his  safety. 
At  which  festival,  a  great  multitude  had 
gotten  together  of  the  principal  persous, 
and  such  as  were  of  dignity  through  his 
province.  On  the  second  day  of  which 
shows,  he  put  on  a  garment  made  wholly 
of  silver,  and  of  a  contexture  truly  won- 
derful, and  came  into  the  theatre  early  in 
the  morning;  at  which  time  the  silver  of 
his  garment  being  illuminated  by  the 
fresh  reflection  of  the  sun's  rays  upon  it, 
shone  out  after  a  surprising  manner,  and 
was  so  resplendent  as  to  spread  a  horror 
over  those  that  looked  intently  upon  him  : 
and  presently  his  flatterers  cried  out,  one 
from  one  place,  and  another  from  another, 
(though  not  for  his  good,)  that  he  was  a 
god  :  and  they  added,  "  Be  thou  merciful 
to  us;  for  although  we  have  hitherto 
reverenced  thee  only  as  a  man,  yet  shall 
we  henceforth  own  thee  as  sup.  rior  to  mor- 
tal nature."  Upon  this  the  king  did  nei- 
ther rebuke  them  nor  reject  their  impious 
flattery.  But,  as  he  presently  afterward 
looked  up,  he  saw  an  owl  sitting  upon  a 
certain  rope  over  his  head,  aud  imme- 
diately understood  that  this  bird  was  the 
messenger  of  ill  tidings,  as  it  had  once 
been  the  messenger  of  good  tidings  to 
him;  and  fell  into  the  deepesl  sorrow. 
A  severe  pain  also  arose  in  his  belly,  aud 
began  in  a  most  violent  manner.  Ho 
therefore  looked  upon  his  friends  and  said, 
"I,  whom  you  call  a  god,  am  commanded 


=ri 


120 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS.  [Book  XIX.  Chap.   IX 


presently  to  depart  this  life ;  while  Pro- 
vidence thus  reproves  the  lying  words  you 
have  just  now  said  to  me;  and  I,  who  was 
by  you  called  immortal,  am  immediately 
to  be  hurried  away  by  death.  But  I  am 
bound  to  accept  of  what  Providence  allots, 
as  it  pleases  God :  for  we  have  by  no 
means  lived  ill,  but  in  a  splendid  and  hap- 
py manner."  When  he  had  said  this,  his 
pain  had  become  violent.  Accordingly, 
he  was  carried  into  the  palace;  and  the 
rumour  went  abroad  everywhere  that  he 
would  certainly  die  in  a  little  time.  But 
the  multitude  presently  sat  in  sackcloth, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  after  the 
law  of  their  country,  and  besought  God 
for  the  king's  recovery.  All  places  were 
also  full  of  mourning  and  lamentations. 
Now,  the  king  rested  in  a  high  chamber, 
and  as  he  saw  them  below  lying  prostrate 
on  the  ground,  he  could  not  himself  for- 
bear weeping.  And  when  he  had  been 
quite  worn  out  by  the  pain  in  his  belly 
for  five  days,  he  departed  this  life,  being 
in  the  54th  year  of  his  age,  and  in  the 
seventh  year  of  his  reign;  for  he  reigned 
four  years  under  Caius  Caesar,  three  of 
them  were  over  Philip's  tetrarchy  only, 
and,  on  the  fourth,  he  had  that  of  Herod 
added  to  it ;  and  he  reigned,  besides  those, 
three  years  under  the  reign  of  Claudius 
Csesar :  in  which  tima  he  reigned  over 
the  forementioned  countries,  and  had  Ju- 
dea  added  to  them,  as  also  Samaria  and 
Cesarea.  The  revenues  that  he  received 
out  of  them  were  very  great,  no  less  than 
12,000,000  of  drachma}.*  Yet  did  he 
borrow  great  sums  from  others;  for  he 
was  so  very  liberal,  that  his  expenses  ex- 
ceeded his  incomes;  and  his  generosity 
was  boundless. f 

But  before  the  multitude  were  made 
acquainted  with  Agrippa's  being  expired, 
Herod,  the  king  of  Chalcis,  and  Helcias, 
the  master  of  the  horse,  and  the  king's 
friend,  sent  Aristo,  one  of  the  king's  most 
faithful  servants,  and  slew  Silas,  who  had 
been  their  enemy,  as  if  it  had  been  done 
by  the  king's  own  command. 


*  This  sum  of  12,000,000  of  drachma;,  which  is 
equal  to  3,000,000  of  shekels,  t.  e.  at  2*.  lOd.  a 
shekel,  equal  to  £425,000  sterling,  was  Agrippa's 
yearly  income,  or  about  three-fourths  of  his  grand- 
father Herod's  income,  he  having  abated  the  tax 
upon  houses  at  Jerusalem;  neither  was  he  so  tyran- 
nical as  Herod  had  been  to  the  Jews. 

f  Reland  takes  notice  here,  that  Josephus  omits 
the  reconciliation  of  this  Herod  Agrippa  to  the  Ty- 
rians  and  Sidonians,  by  the  means  of  Blastus  the 
king's  chamberlain.     Acts  xii.  20. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

The    Emperor  Claudius    appoints  Cuspius   Fadtu 
procurator  of  Judea. 

And  thus  did  King  Agrippa  depart  this 
life.  But  he  left  behind  him  a  son,  Agrip- 
pa by  name,  a  youth  in  the  seventeenth 
year  of  his  age,  and  three  daughters,  one 
of  whom,  Bernice,  was  married  to  Herod, 
his  father's  brother,  and  was  sixteen  years 
old;  the  other  two,  Mariamne  and  Dru- 
silla,  were  still  virgins;  the  former  was 
ten  years  old,  and  Drusilla  six.  Now, 
these  his  daughters  were  thus  espoused  by 
their  father:  Mariamne  to  Julius  Arche- 
laus  Epiphanes,  the  son  of  Antiochus,  the 
son  of  Cheleias;  and  Drusilla  to  the  king 
of  Commagena.  But  when  it  was  known 
that  Agrippa  had  departed  this  life,  the  in- 
habitants of  Cesarea  and  of  Sebaste  forgot 
the  kindnesses  he  had  bestowed  on  them, 
and  acted  the  part  of  the  bitterest  ene- 
mies; for  they  cast  such  reproaches  upon 
the  deceased  as  are  not  fit  to  be  spoken  of: 
and  so  many  of  them  as  were  then  sol- 
diers, which  were  a  great  number,  went 
to  his  house,  and  hastily  carried  off  the 
statues*  of  the  king's  daughters,  and  all 
at  once  carried  them  into  the  brothel- 
houses,  and  when  they  had  set  them  on 
the  tops  of  those  houses,  they  abused 
them  to  the  utmost  of  their  power,  and  did 
such  things  to  them  as  are  too  indecent  to 
be  related.  They  also  laid  themselves 
down  in  public  places,  and  celebrated  ge- 
neral feastings  with  garlands  on  their 
heads,  and  with  ointments  and  libations 
to  Charon,  and  drinking  to  one  another 
for  joy  that  the  king  had  expired.  Nay, 
they  were  not  only  unmindful  of  Agrippa, 
who  had  extended  his  liberality  to  them 
in  abundance,  but  of  his  grandfather  He- 
rod also,  who  had  himself  rebuilt  their 
cities,  and  had  raised  them  havens  and 
temples  at  vast  expense. 

Now  Agrippa,  the  son  of  the  deceased, 
was  at  Rome,  and  brought  up  with  Clau- 
dius Caesar.  And  when  Caesar  was  in- 
formed that  Agrippa  was  dead,  and  that 
the  inhabitants  of  Sebaste  and  Cesarea 
had  abused  him,  he  was  sorry  for  the  first 
news,  and  was  displeased  with  the  ingrati- 
tude of  those  cities.  He  was  therefore 
disposed  to  send  Agrippa  junior  away 
presently  to  succeed  his  father  in  the  king- 
dom, and  was  willing  to  confirm  him   in 


*  Photius  says,  they  were  not  the  statues  or 
images,  but  the  ladies  themselves,  who  were  thus 
basely  abused  by  the  soldiers. 


Book  XX    Chap.  1.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


121 


it  by  his  oath.  But  tbose  freed  men  and 
friends  of  his  who  had  the  greatest  au- 
thority with  him,  dissuaded  him  from  it, 
and  sail]  that  it  was  a  dangerous  experi- 
ment to  permit  so  large  a  kingdom  to  come 
under  the  government  of  so  very  young  a 
man,  and  one  hardly  yet  arrived  at  the 
years  of  discretion,  who  would  not  be  able 
to  take  sufficient  care  of  its  administration ; 
while  the  weight  of  a  kingdom  is  heavy 
enough  for  a  grown  man.  So  Ccesar 
thought  what  they  said  to  be  reasonable. 
Accordingly,  he  sent  Cuspius  Fadus  to  be 
procurator  of  Judea,  and  of  the  entire  king- 
dom, and  paid  that  respect  to  the  deceased, 
as  not  to  introduce  Marcus,  who  had  been 
at  variance  with  him,  into  his  kingdom. 
But  he  determined,  in  the  first  place,  to 
send  orders  to  Fadus,  that  he  should  chas- 
tise the  inhabitants  of  Cesareaaud  Sebaste 
for  those  abuses  they  had  offered  to  him 


that  was  deceased,  and  their  madnOBS 
inward  bis  daughters  that  were  still  alive; 
and  that  he  should  remove  that  body  of 
soldiers  that  were  at  Cesarea  and  Sebaste, 
with  the  five  regiments,  into  Pontus,  that 
they  might  do  their  military  duty  there, 
and  that  he  should  choose  au  equal  num- 
ber of  soldiers  out  of  the  Roman  legions 
that  were  in  Syria,  to  supply  their  place. 
Yet  were  not  those  that  had  such  orders 
actually  removed ;  for  by  sending  ambas- 
sadors to  Claudius,  they  pacified  him,  and 
got  leave  to  abide  in  Judea  still ;  and 
these  were  the  very  men  that  became  the 
source  of  very  great  calamities  to  the 
Jews  in  after  times,  and  sowed  the  seeds 
of  that  war  which  began  under  Floras; 
whence  it  was  that,  when  Vespasian  had 
subdued  the  country,  he  removed  them 
out  of  his  provinces,  as  we  shall  relate 
hereafter.* 


BOOK  XX. 


CONTAINING  THE    INTERVAL  OF    TWENTY-TWO    YEARS,    FROM    FADUS 
THE   PROCURATOR  TO   FLORUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Sedition  of  the  Philadelphians  against  the  Jews. 

Upon  the  death  of  King  Agrippa,  which 
we  have  related  in  the  foregoing  book, 
Claudius  Ccesar  sent  Cassius  Longinus  as 
successor  to  Marcus,  out  of  regard  to  the 
memory  of  King  Agrippa,  who  had  often 
desired  of  him  by  letters,  while  he  was 
alive,  that  he  would  not  suffer  Marcus  to 
be  any  longer  president  of  Syria.  But 
Fadus,  as  soon  as  he  had  come  as  procura- 
tor in  Judea,  found  quarrelsome  doings 
between  the  Jews  that  dwelt  in  Pereaand 
the  people  of  Philadelphia,  about  their 
borders,  at  a  village  called  Mia,  that  was 
filled  with  men  of  a  warlike  temper;  for 
the  Jews  of  Perea  had  taken  up  arms 
without  the  consent  of  their  principal  men, 
and  had  destroyed  many  of  the  Philadel- 
phians.  "When  Fadus  was  informed  of 
this  procedure,  it  provoked  him  very  much 
that  they  had  not  left  the  determination 
of  the  matter  to  him,  if  they  thought  that 
the  Philadelphians  had  done  them  any 
wrong,  brt    had   rashly    taken    up   arms 


against  them.  So  he  seized  upon  three  of 
their  principal  men,  who  were  also  the 
causes  of  this  sedition,  and  ordered  them 
to  be  bound,  and  afterward  had  one  of 
them  slain,  whose  name  was  Hannibal ; 
and  he  banished  the  other  two,  Amram 
and  Eleazar ;  Tholomy  also,  the  arch-rob- 
ber, was,  after  some  time,  brought  to  him 
bound,  and  slain,  but  not  till  he  had  done 
a  world  of  mischief  to  Idumea  and  the 
Arabians.  And  indeed,  from  that  time, 
Judea  was  cleared  of  robberies  by  the 
care  and  providence  of  Fadus.  He  also 
at  this  time  sent  for  the  high  priests  and 
the  principal  citizens  of  Jerusalem,  and 
this  at  the  command  of  the  emperor,  and 
admonished  them,  that  they  should  lay  up 
the  long  garment  and  the  sacred  vestment, 
which  it  is  customary  for  nobody  but  the 
high  priest  to  wear,  in  the  tower  of  Auto- 
nia,  that  it  might  be  under  the  power  of 
the  Romans,  as  it  had  been  formerly. 
Now,  the  Jews  durst  not  contradict  what 
he  had  said,  bufdesired  Fabius,  however, 


Thifl  history  is  now  wanting. 


122 


ANTIQUITIES    OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XX 


and  Longinus,  (which  last  had  come  to 
Jerusalem,  and  had  brought  a  great  army 
with  him,  out  of  a  fear  that  the  [rigid] 
injunctions  of  Fadus  should  force  the  Jews 
to  rebel,)  that  they  might,  in  the  first 
place,  have  leave  to  send  ambassadors  to 
Caesar,  to  petition  him  that  they  might 
have  the  holy  vestments  under  their  own 
power;  and  that,  in  the  next  place,  they 
would  tarry  till  they  knew  what  answer 
Claudius  would  give  to  their  request.  So 
they  replied,  that  they  would  give  them 
leave  to  send  their  ambassadors,  pro- 
vided they  would  give  them  their  sons  as 
pledges  [for  their  peaceable  behaviour]. 
And  when  they  had  agreed  so  to  do,  and 
had  given  them  the  pledges  they  desired, 
the  ambassadors  were  sent  accordingly. 
But  when,  upon  their  coming  to  Rome, 
Agrippa  junior,  the  son  of  the  deceased, 
understood  the  reason  why  they  came,  (for 
he  dwelt  with  Claudius  Caesar,  as  we  said 
before),  he  besought  Caesar  to  grant  the 
Jews  their  request  about  the  holy  vest- 
ments, and  to  send  a  message  to  Fadus 
accordingly.  • 

Hereupon  Claudius  called  for  the  am- 
bassadors, and  told  them  that  he  granted 
their  request;  and  bade  them  to  return 
their  thanks  to  Agrippa  for  this  favour, 
which  had  been  bestowed  on  them  upon 
his  entreaty.  And,  besides  these  answers 
of  his,  he  sent  the  following  letter  by 
them: — "Claudius  Caesar  Germanicus,  tri- 
bune of  the  people  the  fifth  time,  and 
designed  consul  the  fourth  time,  and  im- 
perator  the  tenth  time,  the  father  of  his 
country,  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and 
people,  and  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews, 
sendeth  greeting.  Upon  the  representa- 
tion of  your  ambassadors  to  me  by  Agrip- 
pa my  friend,  whom  I  have  brought  up, 
and  have  now  with  me,  and  who  is  a  per- 
son of  very  great  piety,  who  are  come  to 
give  me  thanks  for  the  care  I  have  taken 
of  your  nation,  and  to  entreat  me,  in  an 
earnest  and  obliging  manner,  that  they 
may  have  the  holy  vestments,  with  the 
crown  belonging  to  them,  under  their 
power,  I  grant  their  request,  as  that  excel- 
lent person  Vitellius,  who  is  very  dear  to 
me,  had  done  before  me.  And  I  have 
complied  with  your  desire,  in  the  first 
place,  out  of  regard  to  that  piety  which 
I  profess,  and  because  I  would  have  every 
one  worship  God  according  to  the  laws  of 
their  own  country ;  and  this  I  do  also,  be- 
cause I  shall  hereby  highly  gratify  King 
Herod  and  Agrippa  junior,  whose  sacred 


regards  to  me,  and  earnest  good-will  to 
you  I  am  well  acquainted  with,  and  with 
whom  I  have  the  greatest  friendship,  and 
whom  I  highly  esteem,  and  look  on  as  a 
person  of  the  best  character.  Now,  I  have 
written  about  these  affairs  to  Cuspius  Fa- 
dus my  procurator.  The  names  of  those 
that  brought  me  your  letter  are  Cornelius, 
the  son  of  Cero,  Trypho,  the  son  of  Theu- 
dio,  Dorotheus,  the  son  of  Nathaniel,  and 
John,  the  son  of  John.  This  is  dated  be- 
fore the  fourth  of  the  calends  of  July, 
when  Rufus  and  Pompeius  Sylvanus  are 
consuls." 

Herod  also,  the  brother  of  the  deceased 
Agrippa,  who  was  then  possessed  of  the 
royal  authority  over  Chalcis,  petitioned 
Claudius  Caesar  for  the  authority  over  the 
temple,  and  the  money  of  the  sacred  trea- 
sure, and  the  choice  of  the  high  priests, 
and  obtained  all  that  he  petitioned  for. 
So  after  that  time  this  authority  continued 
among  all  his  descendants  till  the  end  of 
the  war.*  Accordingly,  Herod  removed 
the  last  high  priest,  called  Cantheras,  and 
bestowed  that  dignity  on  his  successor 
Joseph,  the  son  of  Cananus. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Helena,  queen  of  Adiabene,  and  her  son  Izates, 
embrace  the  Jewish  religion — Helena  supplies 
the  poor  with  corn  during  a  great  famine  at 
Jerusalem. 

About  this  time  it  was  that  Helena, 
queen  of  Adiabene,  and  her  son  Izates, 
changed  their  course  of  life,  and  embraced 
the  Jewish  customs,  and  this  on  the  occa- 
sion following : — Monobazus,  the  king  of 
Adiabene,  who  had  also  the  name  of  Ba- 
zeus,  fell  in  love  with  his  sister  Helena, 
and  took  her  to  be  his  wife,  and  begat  her 
with  child.  But  as  he  was  in  bed  with  her 
one  night,  he  laid  his  hand  upon  his  wife, 
and  fell  asleep,  and  seemed  to  hear  a  voice, 
which  bade  him  take  his  hand  from  off  of 
her,  and  not  to  hurt  the  infant  that  was 
within  the  womb,  and  which  by  God's  pro- 
vidence, would  be  safely  born,  and  have  a 
happy  end.  This  voice  put  him  into  dis- 
order; so  he  awaked  immediately,  and  told 
the  story  to  his  wife;  and  when  his  son 
was  born,  he  called  him  Izates.  He  bad 
indeed  Monobazus,  his  elder  brother,  by 


*  Here  is  some  error  in  the  copies,  or  mistakes 
in  Josephus;  for  the  power  of  appointing  high 
priests,  after  Herod  king  of  Chalcis  was  dead,  and 
Agrippa  junior  was  made  king  of  Chalcis  in  his 
room,  belonged  to  him  ;  and  he  exercised  ihe  same 
all  along  till  Jerusalem  was  destroyed. 


CiiAr.  II. 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


1: 


Helena  also,  and  he  had  other  sons  by 
other  wives  besides.  Yet  did  he  openly 
place  all  his  affections  on  this  only  begot- 
ten* son  Izates,  which  was  the  origin  of 
that  envy  which  his  other  brethren,  by 
the  same  father,  bore  to  him ;  while  on 
this  account  they  hated  him  more  and 
more,  and  were  all  under  great  affliction 
that  their  father  should  prefer  Izates  be- 
fore them  all.  Now,  although  their  father 
was  very  sensible  of  these  their  passions, 
yet  did  he  forgive  them,  as  not  indulging 
those  passions  out  of  an  ill  disposition, 
but  out  of  a  desire  each  of  them  had  to 
be  beloved  by  their  father.  However,  he 
sent  Izates,  with  many  presents,  to  Aben- 
nerig,  the  king  of  Charax-Spasini,  and 
that  out  of  the  great  dread  he  was  in 
about  him,  lest  he  should  come  to  some 
misfortune  by  the  hatred  his  brethren  bore 
him;  and  committed  his  son's  preserva- 
tion to  him.  Upon  which  Abennerig 
gladly  received  the  young  man,  and  had  a 
great  affection  for  him,  and  married  him  to 
his  own  daughter,  whose  name  was  Sama- 
cha  :  he  also  bestowed  a  country  upon  him, 
from  which  he  received  large  revenues. 

But  when  Monobazus  had  grown  old, 
and  saw  that  he  had  but  a  little  time  to 
live,  he  had  a  mind  to  come  to  the  sight 
of  his  son  before  he  died.  So  he  sent  for 
him,  and  embraced  him  after  the  most 
affectiouate  manner,  and  bestowed  on  him 
the  country  called  Came :  it  was  a  soil 
that  bore  ammonium  in  great  plenty  :  there 
are  also  in  it  the  remains  of  that  ark, 
wherein  it  is  related  that  Noah  escaped 
the  deluge,  and  where  they  are  still  shown 
to  such  as  are  desirous  to  see  them.  Ac- 
cordingly, Izates  abode  in  that  country 
until  his  father's  death.  But  the  very 
day  that  Monobazus  died,  Queen  Helena 
sent  for  all  the  grandees  and  governors  of 
the  kingdom,  and  for  those  that  had  the 
armies  committed  to  their  command ;  and 
when  they  had  come,  she  made  the  fol- 
lowing speech  to  them  : — "  I  believe  you 
are  not  unacquainted  that  my  husband 
was  desirous  that  Izates  should  succeed 
him  in  the  government,  and  I  thought 
him  worthy  so  to  do.  However,  I  wait 
your  determination ;  for  happy  is  he  who 
raceives  a  kingdom,  not  from  a  single 
person  only,  but  from  the  willing  suffrages 
of  a  great  many."  This  she  said,  in  order 
to  try  those  that  were  invited,  and  to  dis- 
cover their  sentiments.     Upon  the  hearing 


*  Or  best  beloved. 


of  which,  they  first  of  all  paid  their 
homage  to  the  queen,  as  their  custom  was, 
and  then  they  said  that  they  confirmed 
the  king's  determination,  and  would  sub- 
mit to  it;  and  they  rejoiced  that  Izates's 
father  had  preferred  him  before  the  rest 
of  his  brethren,  as  being  agreeable  to  all 
their  wishes  :  but  that  tht:y  were  desirous, 
first  of  all,  to  slay  his  brethren  and  kins- 
men, that  so  the  government  might  come 
securely  to  Izates;  because  if  they  were 
once  destroyed,  all  that  fear  would  be  over 
which  might  arise  from  their  hatred  and 
envy  to  him.  Helena  replied  to  this,  that 
she  returned  them  her  thanks  for  their 
kindness  to  herself  and  to  Izates ;  but 
desired  that  they  would,  however,  defer 
the  execution  of  this  slaughter  of  Izates's 
brethren,  till  he  should  be  there  himself, 
and  give  his  approbation  to  it.  So  since 
these  men  had  not  prevailed  with  her 
when  they  advised  her  to  slay  them,  they 
exhorted  her  at  least  to  keep  them  in 
bonds  till  he  should  come,  and  that  for 
their  own  security;  they  also  gave  her 
counsel  to  set  up  some  one  whom  she 
could  put  the  greatest  trust  in,  as  governor 
of  the  kingdom  in  the  mean  time.  So 
Queen  Helena  complied  with  this  counsel 
of  theirs,  and  set  up  Monobazus,  the  eldest 
son,  to  be  king,  and  put  the  diadem  upon 
his  head,  and  gave  him  his  father's  ring, 
with  its  signet;  as  also  the  ornament 
which  they  called  Sampser,  and  exhorted 
him  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  king- 
dom till  his  brother  should  come;  who 
came  suddenly,  upon  hearing  that  his 
father  was  dead,  and  succeeded  his  bro- 
ther Monobazus,  who  resigned  up  the 
government  to  him. 

Now,  during  the  time  that  Izates  abode 
at  Charax-Spasini,  a  certain  Jewish  mer- 
chant, whose  name  was  Ananias,  got 
among  the  women  that  belonged  to  the 
king,  and  taught  them  to  worship.  God 
according  to  the  Jewish  religion.  He, 
moreover,  by  their  means  became  known 
to  Izates;  and  persuaded  him,  in  like 
manner,  to  embrace  that  religion;  he  also, 
at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  Izates,  accom- 
panied him  when  he  was  sent  for  by  his 
father  to  come  to  Adiabeue;  it  also  hap- 
pened that  Helena,  about  the  same  time, 
was  instructed  by  a  certain  other  Jew,  and 
went  over  to  them.  But  when  Izates 
had  taken  the  kingdom,  and  had  come  to 
Adiabene,  aud  there  saw  his  brethren  and 
other  kinsmen  in  bonds,  he  was  displeased 
at  it ;  and  as  he  thought  it  ua  instance  of 


124 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX. 


impiety  cither  to  slay  or  imprison  them, 
but  still  thought  it  a  hazardous  thing  for 
to  let  them  have  their  liberty,  with  the 
remembrance  of  the  injuries  that  had  been 
offered  them,  he  sent  some  of  them  and 
their  children  for  hostages  to  Rome,  to 
Claudius  Cresar,  and  sent  the  others  to 
Artabanus,  the  king  of  Parthia,  with  the 
like  intentions. 

And  when  he  perceived  that  his  mother 
was  highly  pleased  with  the  Jewish  cus- 
toms, he  made  haste  to  change,  and  to 
embrace  them  entirely;  and  as  he  sup- 
posed that  he  could  not  be  thoroughly  a 
Jew  unless  he  were  circumcised,  he  was 
ready  to  have  it  done.  But  when  his  mo- 
ther understood  what  he  was  about,  she 
endeavoured  to  hinder  him  from  doing  it, 
and  said  to  him  that  this  thing  would 
bring  him  into  danger;  and  that  as  he 
was  a  king,  he  would  hereby  bring  him- 
self into  great  odium  among  his  subjects, 
when  they  should  understand  that  he  was 
so  fond  of  rites  that  were  to  them  strange 
and  foreign ;  and  that  they  would  never 
bear  to  be  ruled  over  by  a  Jew.  This  it 
was  that  she  said  to  him,  and,  for  the  pre- 
sent, persuaded  him  to  forbear.  And 
when  he  had  related  what  she  had  said  to 
Ananias,  he  confirmed  what  his  mother 
had  said ;  and  when  he  had  also  threat- 
ened to  leave  him,  unless  he  complied 
with  him,  he  went  away  from  him;  and 
said  that  he  was  afraid  lest  such  an  action 
being  once  become  public  to  all,  he  should 
himself  be  in  danger  of  punishment  for 
having  been  the  occasion  of  it,  and  having 
been  the  king's  instructor  in  actions  that 
were  of  ill  reputation ;  and  he  said,  that 
he  might  worship  God  without  being  cir- 
cumcised, even  though  he  did  resolve  to 
follow  the  Jewish  law  entirely ;  which 
worship  of  God  was  of  a  superior  nature 
to  circumcision.  He  added,  that  God 
would  forgive  him,  though  he  did  not  per- 
form the  operation,  while  it  was  omitted 
out  of  necessity,  and  for  fear  of  his  sub- 
jects. So  the  king  at  that  time  complied 
with  these  persuasions  of  Ananias.  But 
afterward,  as  he  had  not  quite  left  off  his 
desire  of  doing  this  thing,  a  certain  other 
Jew  that  came  out  of  Galilee,  whose  name 
was  Eleazar,  and  who  was  esteemed  very 
skilful  in  the  learning  of  his  country,  per- 
suaded him  to  do  the  thing;  for  as  he 
entered  into  his  palace  to  salute  him,  and 
found  him  reading  the  law  of  Moses,  he 
said  to  him,  "Thou  dost  not  consider,  0 
king!    that   thou    unjustly    breakest    the 


principal  of  those  laws,  and  art  injurious 
to  God  himself  [by  omitting  to  be  cir- 
cumcised]; for  thou  oughtest  not  only  to 
read  them,  but  chiefly  to  practise  what 
they  enjoin  thee.  How  long  wilt  thou 
continue  uncircumcised?  but,  if  thou  hast 
not  yet  read  the  law  about  circumcision, 
and  dost  not  know  how  great  impiety  thou 
art  guilty  of  by  neglecting  it,  read  it 
now."  When  the  king  had  heard  what 
he  said,  he  delayed  the  thing  no  longer, 
but  retired  to  another  room,  and  sent  for 
a  surgeon,  and  did  what  he  was  command- 
ed to  do.  He  then  sent  for  his  mother, 
and  Ananias  his  tutor,  and  informed  them 
that  he  had  done  the  thing ;  upon  which 
they  were  presently  struck  with  astonish- 
ment and  fear,  and  that  to  a  great  degree, 
lest  the  thing  should  be  openly  discovered 
and  censured,  and  the  king  should  hazard 
the  loss  of  his  kingdom,  while  his  subjects 
would  not  bear  to  be  governed  by  a  man 
who  was  so  zealous  in  another  religion; 
and  lest  they  should  themselves  run  some 
hazard,  because  they  would  be  supposed 
the  occasion  of  his  so  doing.  But  it  was 
God  himself  who  hindered  what  they 
feared  from  taking  effect ;  for  he  preserved 
both  Izatcs  himself  and  his  sons  when  they 
had  fallen  into  mauy  dangers,  and  pro- 
cured their  deliverance  when  it  seemed  to 
be  impossible,  and  demonstrated  thereby 
that  the  fruit  of  piety  does  not  perish  as 
to  those  that  have  regard  to  him,  and  fix 
their  faith  upon  him  only  :  but  the  events 
we  shall  relate  hereafter. 

But  as  to  Helena,  the  king's  mother, 
when  she  saw  that  the  affairs  of  Izates's 
kingdom  were  in  peace,  and  that  her  son 
was  a  happy  man,  and  admired  among  all 
men,  and  even  among  foreigners,  by  the 
means  of  God's  providence  over  him,  she 
had  a  mind  to  go  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem, 
in  order  to  worship  at  that  temple  of  God 
which  was  so  very  famous  among  all  men, 
and  to  offer  her  thank-offerings  there.  So 
she  desired  her  son  to  give  her  leave  to 
go  thither :  upon  which  he  gave  his  con- 
sent to  what  she  desired  very  willingly, 
and  made  preparations  for  her  dismission, 
and  gave  her  a  great  deal  of  money,  and 
she  went  down  to  the  city  of  Jerusalem, 
her  son  conducting  her  on  her  journey  a 
great  way.  Now,  her  coming  was  of  very 
great  advantage  to  the  people  of  Jerusa- 
lem ;  for  whereas  a  famine  did  oppress 
them  at  that  time,  and  many  people  died 
for  want  of  what  was  necessary  to  procure 
food  withal,  Queen  Helena  sent  some  of 


Chap.  III.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE    JEWS. 


125 


1 


her  servants  to  Alexandria  with  money  to 
buy  a  great  quantity  of  corn,  and  others  of 
them  to  Cyprus,  to  bring  a  cargo  of  dried 
figs;  and  as  soon  as  the}-  had  come  back, 
and  had  brought  those  provisions,  which 
was  done  very  quickly,  she  distributed 
food  to  those  that  were  in  want  of  it,  and 
left  a  most  excellent  memorial  behind  her 
of  this  benefaction,  which  she  bestowed  on 
our  whole  nation ;  and  when  her  son 
Izates  was  informed  of  this  famine,  he 
sent  great  sums  of  money  to  the  principal 
men  in  Jerusalem.  However,  what  fa- 
vours this  queen  and  king  conferred  upon 
our  city  Jerusalem  shall  be  further  related 
hereafter.* 


CHAPTER  III. 

Artabanus,  king  of  Parthia,  reinstated  in  his  go- 
vernment by  Izates — Bardanes  denounces  war 
against  Izates. 

But  now  Artabanus,  king  of  the  Par- 
thians, perceiving  that  the  governors  of 
the  provinces  had  framed  a  plot  against 
him,  did  not  think  it  safe  for  him  to  con- 
tinue among  them ;  but  resolved  to  go  to 
Izates,  in  hopes  of  finding  some  way  for 
his  preservation  by  his  means,  and,  if  pos- 
sible, for  his  return  to  his  own  dominions. 
So  he  came  to  Izates,  and  brought  1000 
of  his  kindred  aud  servants  with  him,  and 
met  him  upon  the  road,  while  he  well 
knew  Izates,  but  Izates  did  not  know  him. 
When  Artabanus  stood  near  him,  and,  in 
the  first  place,  worshipped  him  according 
to  the  custom,  he  then  said  to  him,  "0 
king  !  do  not  thou  overlook  me  thy  ser- 
vant, nor  do  thou  proudly  reject  the  suit 
I  make  thee;  for  as  I  am  reduced  to  a  low 
estate,  by  the  change  of  fortune,  and,  of  a 
king,  am  become  a  private   man,  I  stand 

*  This  further  account  of  the  benefactions  of 
Izates  and  Helena  to  the  Jerusalem  Jews  which 
Josephus  here  promises,  is  nowhere  performed  by 
him  in  his  present  works  ;  but  of  this  terrible  fa- 
mine itself  in  Judea,  Dr.  Hudson  says  this  is  that 
famine  foretold  by  Agabus,  Acts  xi.  28 ;  which 
happened  when  Claudius  was  consul  the  fourth  time  ; 
and  not  that  other  which  happened  when  Claudius 
was  consul  the  second  time,  and  Csesina  was  his 
colleague.  Now,  when  Josephus  has  said  a  little 
afterward,  that  "  Tiberius  Alexander  succeeded 
Cuspius  Fadusaa  procurator,"  he  immediately  sub- 
joins, that  "  under  these  procurators  there  happened 
a  great  famine  in  Judea."  Whence  it  is  plain  that 
this  famine  continued  for  many  years,  on  account 
of  its  duration  under  those  two  procurators.  Now, 
Fadus  was  not  sent  to  Judea  till  alter  the  death  of 
King  Agrippa,  t.  e.  toward  the  latter  end  of  tbe  -Jth 
year  of  Claudius:  so  that  this  famine  foretold  by 
Agabus  happened  upon  the  5th,  6th,  and  7th  years 
of  Claudius. 


in  need  of  thy  assistance.  Have  r 
therefore,  unto  the  uncertainty  of  fortune, 
and  esteem  the  care  thou  shalt  take  of  me 
to  be  taken  of  thyself  also;  for  if  I  bo 
neglected,  aud  my  subjects  go  off  unpu- 
nished, many  other  subjects  will  become 
the  more  insolent  toward  other  kings 
also."  And  this  speech  Artabanus  made 
with  tears  in  his  eyes,  and  with  a  dejected 
countenance.  Now,  as  soon  as  Izates 
heard  Artabanus's  name,  and  saw  him 
stand  as  a  supplicant  before  him,  he 
leaped  down  from  his  horse  immediately, 
and  said  to  him,  "Take  courage,  0  king! 
nor  be  disturbed  at  thy  present  calamity, 
as  if  it  were  incurable;  for  the  change  of 
thy  sad  condition  shall  be  sudden  ;  for 
thou  shalt  find  me  to  be  more  thy  friend 
and  thy  assistant  than  thy  hopes  can  pro- 
mise thee;  for  I  will  either  re-establish 
thee  in  the  kingdom  of  Parthia,  or  lose 
my  own." 

When  he  had  said  this,  he  set  Artaba- 
nus upon  his  horse,  and  followed  him  on 
foot,  in  honour  of  a  king  whom  he  owned 
as  greater  than  himself;  which,  when 
Artabanus  saw,  he  was  very  uneasy  at  it, 
and  sware  by  his  present  fortune  and 
honour,  that  he  would  get  down  from  his 
horse,  unless  Izates  would  get  upon  his 
horse  and  go  before  him.  So  he  complied 
with  his  desire,  and  leaped  upon  his  horse ; 
and,  when  he  had  brought  him  to  his 
royal  palace,  he  showed  him  all  sorts  of 
respect  when  they  sat  together,  and  he 
gave  him  the  upper  place  at  festivals  also, 
as  regarding  not  his  present  fortune,  but 
his  former  dignity;  and  that  upon  this 
consideration  also,  that  the  changes  of  for- 
tune are  common  to  all  men.  He  also 
wrote  to  the  Parthians,  to  persuade  them 
to  receive  Artabanus  again;  and  gave 
them  his  right  hand  and  his  faith,  that  he 
should  forget  what  was  past  and  done,  and 
that  he  would  undertake  for  this  as  a  medi- 
ator between  them.  Now  the  Parthians 
did  not  themselves  refuse  to  receive  him 
again,  but  pleaded  that  it  was  not  now  in 
their  power  so  to  do,  because  they  had 
committed  the  government  to  another  per- 
son, who  had  accepted  of  it,  and  whose 
name  was  Cinnamus;  and  that  they  were 
afraid  lest  a  civil  war  should  arise  on  this 
account.  When  Cinnamus  understood 
their  intentions,  he  wrote  to  Artabanus 
himself,  for  he  had  been  brought  up  by 
him,  and  was  of  a  nature  good  and  gentle 
also,  aud  desired  him  to  put  confidence  in 
him,  and  to  come  and  take  his  own   do- 


12G 


ANTIQUITIES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX 


minions  again.  Accordingly,  Artabanus 
trusted  him,  and  returned  home,  when 
Cinnamus  met  him,  worshipped  him,  and 
saluted  him  as  a  king,  and  took  the  dia- 
dem off  his  own  head,  and  put  it  on  the 
head  of  Artabanus. 

And  thus  was  Artabanus  restored  to  his 
kingdom  again  by  the  means  of  Izates, 
when  he  had  lost  it  by  the  means  of  the 
grandees  of  the  kingdom.  Nor  was  he 
unmindful  of  the  benefits  he  had  conferred 
upon  him,  but  rewarded  him  with  such 
honours  as  were  of  the  greatest  esteem 
among  them ;  for  he  gave  him  leave  to 
wear  his  tiara  upright,  and  to  sleep  upon 
a  golden  bed,  which  are  privileges  and 
marks  of  honour  peculiar  to  the  kings  of 
Parthia.  He  -also  cut  off  a  large  and 
fruitful  country  from  the  king  of  Armenia, 
and  bestowed  it  upon  him.  The  name  of 
the  country  is  Nisibis,  wherein  the  Mace- 
donians had  formerly  built  that  city  which 
they  called  Antioch  of  Mygodonia.  And 
these  were  the  honours  that  were  paid 
Izates  by  the  king  of  the  Parthians.  But 
in  no  loug  time  Artabanus  died,  and  left 
his  kingdom  to  his  son  Bardanes.  Now, 
this  Bardanes  came  to  Izates,  and  would 
have  persuaded  him  to  join  him  with  his 
army,  and  to  assist  him  in  the  war  he  was 
preparing  to  make  with  the  Bomans;  but 
he  could  not  prevail  with  him.  For  Izates 
so  well  knew  the  strength  and  good  for- 
tuue  of  the  Bomans,  that  he  took  Bar- 
danes to  attempt  what  was  impossible  to 
be  done;  and  having  besides  sent  his  sons, 
five  in  number,  and  they  but  young  also, 
to  learn  accurately  the  language  of  our 
nation,  together  with  our  learning,  as  well 
as  he  had  sent  his  mother  to  worship  at 
our  temple,  as  I  have  said  already,  was 
the  more  backward  to  a  compliance;  and 
restrained  Bardanes,  telling  bim  perpe- 
tually of  the  great  armies  and  famous 
actions  of  the  Bomans,  and  thought  there- 
by to  terrify  him,  and  desired  thereby  to 
hinder  him  from  the  expedition.  But  the 
Parthian  king  was  provoked  at  this  his 
behaviour,  and  denounced  war  immediate- 
ly against  Izates.  Yet  did  he  gain  no 
advantage  by  this  war,  because  God  cut 
off  all  his  hopes  therein ;  for  the  Par- 
thiaus,  perceiving  Bardanes's  intention, 
and  how  he  had  determined  to  make  war 
with  the  Bomans.  slew  bim,  and  gave  his 
kingdom  to  his  brother  Gotarzes.  He 
also,  in  no  long  time,  perished  by  a  plot 
made  against  him,  and  Vologases,  his 
brother,  succeeded   him,  who   committed 


two  of  his  provinces  to  two  of  his  brothers 
by  the  same  father ;  that  of  the  Medes  to 
the  elder,  Pacorus;  and  Armenia  to  the 
younger,  Tiridates. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Izates  betrayed  by  bis  subjects,  and  is  attacked  by 
tbe  Arabians,  but  eventually  subdues  tbem. 

Now,  when  the  king's  brother,  Mono- 
zabus,  and  his  other  kindred,  saw  how 
Izates,  by  his  piety  to  God,  had  become 
greatly  esteemed  by  all  men,  they  also 
had  a  desire  to  leave  the  religion  of  their 
country,  and  to  embrace  the  customs  of 
the  Jews;  but  that  act  of  theirs  was  disco- 
vered by  Izates's  subjects.  Whereupon  the 
grandees  were  much  displeased,  and  could 
not  contain  their  anger  at  them,  but  had 
an  intention,  when  they  should  find  a 
proper  opportunity,  to  inflict  a  punish- 
ment upon  them.  Accordingly,  they 
wrote  to  Abia,  king  of  the  Arabians,  and 
promised  him  great  sums  of  money,  if 
he  would  make  an  expedition  against  their 
king  :  and  they  further  promised  him, 
that,  on  the  first  onset,  they  would  desert 
their  king,  because  they  were  desirous  to 
punish  him,  by"  reason  of  the  hatred  he 
had  to  their  religious  worship ;  then  they 
obliged  themselves  by  oaths  to  be  faithful 
to  each  other,  and  desired  that  he  would 
make  haste  in  his  design.  The  king  of 
Arabia  complied  with  their  desires,  and 
brought  a  great  army  into  the  field,  and 
marched  against  Izates;  and,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  first  onset,  and  before  they 
came  to  a  close  fight,  those  grandees,  as  if 
they  had  a  panic  terror  upon  them,  all 
deserted  Izates,  as  they  had  agreed  to  do, 
and,  turning  their  backs  upon  their  ene- 
mies, ran  away.  Yet  was  not  Izates  dis- 
mayed at  this;  but  when  he  understood 
that  the  grandees  had  betrayed  him,  he 
also  retired  into  his  camp,  and  made 
inquiry  into  the  matter;  and,  as  soon  as 
he  knew  who  they  were  that  made  this 
conspiracy  with  the  king  of  Arabia,  he 
cut  off  those  that  were  found  guilty  ;  and, 
renewing  the  fight  on  the  next  day,  he 
slew  the  greatest  part  of  his  enemies,  and 
forced  all  the  rest  to  betake  themselves  to 
flight.  He  also  pursued  their  king,  and 
drove  him  into  a  fortress  called  Arsamus, 
and,  following  on  the  siege  vigorously,  he 
took  that  fortress.  And,  when  he  had 
plundered  it  of  all  the  prey  that  was  in  it, 
which  was  not  small,  he  returned  to  Adia« 
bene;  yet  did  not  he   take  Abia  alive; 


Chap.  IV.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


127 


because,  when  he  found   himself  encom- 
passed upon  every  side,  he  slew  himself. 

But  although  the  grandees  of  Adiabene 
had  failed  in  their  first  attempt,  as  being 
delivered  up  by  God  into  their  king's 
hands,  yet  would  they  not  even  then  be 
quiet,  but  wrote  again  to  Vologases,  who 
was  then  king  of  Parthia,  and  desired 
that  he  would  kill  Izates,  and  set  over 
them  some  other  potentate,  who  should  be 
of  a  Parthian  family  ;  for  they  said  that 
they  hated  their  own  king  for  abrogating 
the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  embrac- 
ing foreign  customs.  When  the  king  of 
Parthia  heard  this,  he  boldly  made  war 
upon  Izates;  and,  as  he  had  no  just 
pretence  for  this  war,  he  sent  to  him,  and 
demanded  back  those  honourable  privileges 
which  had  been  bestowed  on  him  by  his 
father,  and  threatened,  on  his  refusal,  to 
make  war  upon  him.  Upon  hearing  of 
this,  Izates  was  under  no  small  trouble  of 
mind,  as  thinking  it  would  be  a  reproach 
upon  him  to  appear  to  resign  those  pri- 
vileges that  had  been  bestowed  upon  him 
out  of  cowardice,  yet,  because  he  knew, 
that  though  the  king  of  Parthia  should 
receive  back  those  honours,  yet  would  he 
not  be  quiet,  he  resolved  to  commit  himself 
to  God,  his  protector,  in  the  present 
danger  he  was  in  of  his  life ;  and,  as  he 
esteemed  him  to  be  his  principal  assistant, 
he  intrusted  his  children  and  his  wives  to 
a  very  strong  fortress,  and  laid  up  his  corn 
in  citadels,  and  set  the  hay  and  the  grass 
on  fire.  And  when  he  had  thus  put  things 
in  order,  as  well  as  he  could,  he  awaited 
the  coming  of  the  enemy.  And  when  the 
king  of  Parthia  had  come  with  a  great 
army  of  footmen  and  horsemen,  which  he 
did  sooner  than  was  expected,  (for  he 
marched  in  great  haste,)  and  had  cast  up 
a  bank  at  the  river  that  parted  Adiabene 
from  Media,  Izates  also  pitched  his  camp 
not  far  off,  having  with  him  6000  horse- 
men. But  there  came  a  messenger  to 
Izates,  sent  by  the  king  of  Parthia,  who 
told  him  how  large  his  dominions  were,  as 
reaching  from  the  river  Euphrates  to 
Bactria,  and  enumerated  the  king's  sub- 
jects; he  also  threatened  him  that  he 
should  be  punished,  as  a  person  ungrateful 
to  his  lords  ;  and  said  that  the  God  whom 
he  worshipped  could  not  deliver  him  out 
of  the  king's  hands.  When  the  messen- 
ger had  delivered  this  his  message,  Izates 
replied,  that  he  knew  the  king  of  Parthia' s 
power  was  much  greater  than  his  own; 
but  that  he  knew  also  that  God  was  much 
2R 


more  powerful  than  all  men.  And  when 
he  had  returned  him  this  answer,  he  betook 
himself  to  make  supplications  to  God,  and 
threw  himself  on  the  ground,  and  put 
ashes  upon  his  head,  in  testimony  of  his 
confession,  and  fasted,  together  with  his 
wives  and  children.*  Then  he  called  upon 
God,  and  said,  "  0  Lord  and  Governor, 
if  I  have  not  in  vain  committed  myself  to 
thy  goodness,  but  have  justly  determined 
that  thou  only  art  the  Lord  and  Principal 
of  all  beings,  come  now  to  my  assistance, 
and  defend  me  from  my  enemies,  not  only 
on  my  own  account,  but  on  account  of 
their  insolent  behaviour  with  regard  to 
thy  power,  while  they  have  not  feared  to 
lift  up  their  proud  and  arrogant  tongue 
against  thee."  Thus  did  he  lament  and 
bemoan  himself,  with  tears  in  his  eyes; 
whereupon  God  heard  his  prayer.  And 
immediately  that  very  night  Vologases 
received  letters,  the  contents  of  which 
were  these,  that  a  great  band  of  Dahae  and 
Sacas,  despising  him,  now  he  was  gone  so 
long  a  journey  from  home,  had  made  an 
expedition,  and  laid  Parthia  waste ;  so  that 
he  [was  forced  to]  retire  back,  without 
doing  any  thing.  And  thus  it  was  that 
Izates  escaped  the  threatenings  of  the 
Parthians,  by  the  providence  of  God. 

It  was  not  long  ere  Izates  died,  when 
he  had  completed  55  years  of  his  life,  and 
had  ruled  his  kingdom  24  years.  He  left 
behind  him  24  sons  and  24  daughters. 
However,  he  gave  order  that  his  brother 
Monobazus  should  succeed  in  the  govern- 
ment, thereby  requiting  him,  because  while 
he  was  himself  absent,  after  their  father's 
death,  he  had  faithfully  preserved  the 
government  for  him.  But  when  Helena, 
his  mother,  heard  of  her  son's  death,  she 
was  in  great  heaviness,  as  was  but  natural, 
upon  her  loss  of  such  a  most  dutiful  son ; 
yet  was  it  a  comfort  to  her  that  she  heard 
the  succession  came  to  her  eldest  son. 
Accordingly,  she  went  to  him  in  haste ; 
and  when  she  had  come  into  Adiabene, 
she  did  not  long  outlive  her  son  Izates. 
But  Monobazus  sent  her  bones,  as  well  as 
those  of  Izates,  his  brother,  to  Jerusalem, 
and  gave  order  that  they  should  be  buried 
at  the  pyramids'}"  which  their  mother  had 


*  This  mourning,  and  fasting,  and  praying,  used 
by  Izates,  with  prostration  of  his  body,  and  ashea 
upon  his  head,  are  plain  signs  that  he  had  become 
either  a  Jew  or  an  Ebionite  Christian,  who,  indeed, 
differed  not  much  from  proper  Jews. 

I  [These  pyramids  or  pillars,  erected  by  Helena, 
queon  of  Adiabene,  near  Jerusalem,  three  in  num- 


128 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX 


erected ;  they  were  three  in  number,  and 
distant  no  more  than  three  furlongs  from 
the  city  of  Jerusalem.  But  for  the  actions 
of  Monobazus  the  king,  which  he  did 
during  the  rest  of  his  life,  we  will  relate 
them  hereafter.* 


CHAPTER  V. 

Concerning  Theudas  and  the  sons  of  Judas  the 
Galilean — calamity  of  the  Jews  on  the  day  of 
the  Passover. 

Now,  it  came  to  pass,  while  Fadus  was 
procurator  of  Judea,  that  a  certain  ma- 
gician, whose  name  was  Theudas,  "j"  per- 
suaded a  great  part  of  the  people  to  take 
their  effects  with  them,  and  follow  him  to 
the  river  Jordan ;  for  he  told  them  he 
was  a  prophet,  and  that  he  would,  by  his 
own  command,  divide  the  river,  and  afford 
them  an  easy  passage  over  it;  and  many 
were  deluded  by  his  words.  However, 
Fadus  did  not  permit  them  to  make  any 
advantage  of  his  wild  attempt,  but  sent  a 
troop  of  horsemen  out  against  them  ;  who, 
falling  upon  them  unexpectedly,  slew  many 
of  them  and  took  many  of  them  alive. 
They  also  took  Theudas  alive,  and  cut  off 
his  head,  and  carried  it  to  Jerusalem. 
This  was  what  befell  the  Jews  in  the  time 
of  Cuspius  Fadus's  government. 

Then  came  Tiberius  Alexander,  as  suc- 
cessor to  Fadus;  he  was  the  sou  of 
Alexander,  the  alabarch  of  Alexandria; 
which  Alexander  was  a  principal  person 
among  all  his  contemporaries,  both  for 
his  family  and  wealth  ;  he  was  also  more 
eminent  for  his  piety  than  this  his  son 
Alexander,  for  he  did  not  continue  in  the 
religion  of  his  country.  Under  these 
procurators  that  great  famine  happened  in 
Judea,  in  which  Queen  Helena  bought 
corn  in  Egypt  at  a  great  expense,  and 
distributed  it  to  those  that  were  in  want, 
as  I  have  related  already  ;  and,  besides 
this,  the  sons  of  Judas  of  Galilee  were  now 
sh.iu  ;  I  mean  of  that  Judas  who  caused 
the  people  to  revolt,  when  Cyrenius  came 
to  take  an  account  of  the  estates  of  the 
Jevvs,  as  we  have  shown  in  a  foregoing 
book.  The  names  of  those  sons  were 
James  and  Simon,  whom  Alexander  com- 


ber, are  mentioned  by  Eusebius.  They  are  also 
mentioned  by  Pausanias.  Reland  guesses  that  that 
now  called  Absalom's  pillar  may  be  one  of  them. 

*  This  account  is  now  wanting. 

-f-  This  Theudas  who  arose  under  Fadus  the 
procurator,  about  A.  D.  45  or  40,  could  not  be  that 
Theudas  who  arose  in  the  days  of  the  taxing,  under 
Cy.  enius,  or  about  A.  D.  7.    Acts  v.  36,  37. 


manded  to  be  crucified;  but  now  Herodj 
king  of  Chalcis,  removed  Joseph,  the  son 
of  Camydus,  from  the  high-priesthood, 
and  made  Ananias,  the  son  of  Nebedeus, 
his  successor ;  and  now  it  was  that  Cumanus 
came  as  successor  to  Tiberius  Alexander; 
as  also  that  Herod,  brother  of  Agrippa 
the  great  king,  departed  this  life  in  the 
eighth  year  of  the  reign  of  Claudius  Caesar. 
He  left  behind  him  three  sons,  Aristobulus, 
whom  he  had  by  his  first  wife,  with 
Bernicianus  and  Hyrcanus,  both  of  whom 
he  had  by  Bernice,  his  brother's  daughter; 
but  Claudius  Caesar  bestowed  his  domi- 
nions on  Agrippa  junior. 

Now,  while  the  Jewish  affairs  were 
under  the  administration  of  Cumanus, 
there  happened  a  great  tumult  at  the  city 
of  Jerusalem,  and  many  of  the  Jews 
perished  therein ;  but  I  shall  first  explain 
the  occasion  whence  it  was  derived.  When 
that  feast  which  is  called  the  Passover 
was  at  hand,  at  which  time  our  custom 
is  to  use  unleavened  bread,  and  a  great 
multitude  were  gathered  together  from  all 
parts  to  that  feast,  Cumanus  was  afraid 
lest  some  attempt  of  innovation  should 
then  be  made  by  them  ;  so  he  ordered  that 
one  regiment  of  the  army  should  take  their 
arms,  and  stand  in  the  temple  cloisters,  to 
repress  any  attempts  at  innovation,  if 
perchance  any  such  should  begin ;  and 
this  was  no  more  than  what  the  former 
procurators  of  Judea  did  at  such  festivals; 
but  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  feast,  a 
certain  soldier  let  down  his  breeches,  and 
exposed  his  privy  members  to  the  multi- 
tude, which  put  those  that  saw  him  into 
a  furious  rage,  and  made  them  cry  out  that 
this  impious  action  was  not  done  to  repoach 
them,  but  God  himself;  nay,  some  of  them 
reproached  Cumanus,  and  pretended  that 
the  soldier  was  set  on  by  him  ;  which, 
when  Cumanus  heard,  he  was  also  himself 
not  a  little  provoked  at  such  reproaches 
laid  upon  him;  yet  did  he  exhort  them  to 
leave  off  such  seditious  attempts,  and  not 
to  raise  a  tumult  at  the  festival;  but  when 
he  could  not  induce  them  to  be  quiet,  for 
they  still  went  on  in  their  reproaches  to 
him,  he  gave  order  that  the  whole  army 
should  take  their  entire  armour,  and  come 
to  Antonia,  which  was  a  fortress,  as  we 
have  said  already,  which  overlooked  the 
temple;  but  when  the  multitude  saw  the 
soldiers  there,  they  were  affrighted  at 
them,  and  ran  away  hastily ;  but  as  the 
passages  out  were  but  narrow,  and  as  they 
thought  their  enemies  followed  them,  they 


Chap  VI.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


129 


were  crowded  together  in  their  flight,  and 
a  great  number  were  pressed  to  death  in 
those  narrow  passages;  nor,  indeed,  was 
the  number  fewer  than  20.000  that  pe- 
rished in  this  tumult.  So,  instead  of  a 
festival,  they  had  at  last  a  mournful  day 
of  it;  and  they  all  of  them  forgot  their 
prayers  and  sacrifices,  and  betook  them- 
selves to  lamentation  and  weeping;  so 
great  an  affliction  did  the  impudent  obseene- 
ness  of  a  single  soldier  bring  upon  them.* 
Now,  before  this  their  first  mourning 
was  over,  another  mischief  befell  them 
also;  for  some  of  those  that  raised  the 
foregoing  tumult,  when  they  were  travel- 
ling along  the  public  road,  about  100 
furlongs  from  the  city,  robbed  Stephanus, 
a  servant  of  Caesar,  as  he  was  journeying, 
and  plundered  him  of  all  that  he  had  with 
him  ;  which  things  when  Cumanus  heard 
of,  he  sent  soldiers  immediately,  and 
ordered  them  to  plunder  the  neighbouring 
villages,  and  to  bring  the  most  eminent 
persons  among  them  in  bonds  to  him. 
Now,  as  this  devastation  was  making,  one 
of  the  soldiers  seized  the  Laws  of  Moses, 
that  lay  in  one  of  those  villages,  and 
brought  them  out  before  the  eyes  of  all 
present,  and  tore  them  to  pieces;  and  this 
was  done  with  reproachful  language,  and 
much  scurrility;  which  things  when  the 
Jews  heard  of,  they  ran  together,  and 
that  in  great  numbers,  and  came  down  to 
Caesarea,  where  Cumanus  then  was,  and 
besought  him  that  he  would  avenge,  not 
themselves,  but  God  himself,  whose  laws 
had  been  affronted;  for  that  they  could 
not  bear  to  live  any  longer,  if  the  laws  of 
their  forefathers  must  be  affronted  after 
this  manner.  Accordingly,  Cumanus,  out 
of  fear  lest  the  multitude  should  go  into 
a  sedition,  and  by  the  advice  of  his  friends 
also,  took  care  that  the  soldier  who  had 
offered  the  affront  to  the  laws  should  be 
beheaded ;  and  thereby  put  a  stop  to  the 
sedition  which  was  ready  to  be  kindled  a 
second  time. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

A  quarrel  between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans — 
Claudius  puts  an  end  to  their  differences. 

Now,  there  arose  a  quarrel  between  the 
Samaritans  and  the  Jews  on  the  occasion 


*  This  and  many  more  tumults  and  seditions, 
which  arose  at  the  Jewish  festivals,  in  Josephus, 
illustrate  the  cautious  procedure  of  the  Jewish 
governors,  when  they  said — Matt  xxvi.  5 — "  Let  us 
not  take  Jesus  on  the  feast-day,  lest  there  be  an 
uproar  among  the  people." 
Vol.  II. — 9 


following: — It  was  the  custom  of  the  Gali- 
leans, when  they  came  to  the  holy  city  at 
the  festivals,  to  take  their  journeys  through 
the  country  of  the  Samaritans;*  and  at 
this  time  there  lay,  in  the  road  they  took, 
a  village  that  was  called  Ginea,  which 
was  situated  in  the  limits  of  Samaria  and 
the  great  plain,  where  certain  persons 
thereto  belonging  fought  with  the  Gali- 
leans, and  killed  a  great  many  of  them; 
but  when  the  principal  of  the  Galileans 
were  informed  of  what  had  been  done, 
they  came  to  Cumanus,  and  desired  him 
to  avenge  the  murder  of  those  that  were 
killed ;  but  he  was  induced  by  the  Sama- 
ritans, with  money,  to  do  nothing  in  the 
matter;  upon  which  the  Galileans  were 
much  displeased,  and  persuaded  the  mul- 
titude of  the  Jews  to  betake  themselves 
to  arms,  and  to  regain  their  liberty,  saying, 
that  slavery  was  in  itself  a  bitter  thing, 
but  that,  when  it  was  joined  with  direct 
injuries,  it  was  perfectly  intolerable.  And 
when  their  principal  men  endeavoured  to 
pacify  them,  and  promised  to"endeavour  to 
persuade  Cumanus  to  avenge  those  that 
were  killed,  they  would  not  hearken  to 
tbem,  but  took  their  weapons,  and  entreat- 
ed the  assistance  of  Eleazar,  the  son  of 
Dineus,  a  robber,  who  had  many  years 
made  his  abode  in  the  mountains,  with 
which  assistance  they  plundered  many 
villages  of  the  Samaritans.  When  Cuma- 
nus heard  of  this  action  of  theirs,  he  took 
the  band  of  Sebaste,  with  four  regiments 
of  footmen,  and  armed  the  Samaritans, 
and  marched  out  against  the  Jews,  and 
caught  them,  and  slew  many  of  them, 
and  took  a  great  number  of  them  alive; 
whereupon  those  that  were  the  most  emi- 
nent persons  at  Jerusalem,  and  that  both 
in  regard  to  the  respect  that  was  paid 
them,  and  the  families  they  were  of,  as 
soon  as  they  saw  to  what  a  height  things 
were  gone,  put  on  sackcloth,  and  heaped 
ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  by  all  possible 
means  besought  the  seditious,  and  per- 
suaded them  that  they  would  set  before 
their  eyes  the  utter  subversion  of  their 
country,  the  conflagration  of  their  temple, 
and  the  slavery  of  themselves,  their  wives, 
and  children,  which  would  be  the  conse- 
quences of  what  they  were  doing,  and 
would  alter  their  minds,  would  cast  away 
their  weapons,  and  for  the  future  be  quiet, 


*  This  constant  passage  of  the  Galileans  through 
the  country  of  Samaria,  as  they  went  t<>  Judea  and 
Jerusalem,  illustrates  several  passages  in  the  Gos- 
pels to  the  same  purpose.   See  Luke  xvii.;  John  iv.  4. 


130 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX 


and  return  to  their  own  homes.  These 
persuasions  of  theirs  prevailed  upon  them. 
So  the  people  dispersed  themselves,  and 
the  robbers  went  away  again  to  their 
places  of  strength ;  and,  after  this  time, 
all  Judea  was  overrun  with  robberies. 

But  the  principal  of  the  Samaritans 
went  to  Ummidius  Quadratus,  the  presi- 
dent of  Syria,  who  at  that  time  was  at 
Tyre,  and  accused  the  Jews  of  setting 
their  villagos  on  fire,  and  plundering  them  ; 
and  said  withal,  that  they  were  not  so 
much  displeased  at  what  they  had  suffered, 
as  they  were  at  the  contempt  thereby 
shown  to  the  Romans ;  while  if  they  had 
received  any  injury,  they  ought  to  have 
made  them  the  judges  of  what  had  been 
done,  and  not  presently  to  make  such 
devastation,  as  if  they  had  not  the  Ro- 
mans for  their  governors ;  on  which  ac- 
count they  came  to  him,  in  order  to  obtain 
that  vengeance  they  wanted.  This  was 
the  accusation  which  the  Samaritans 
brought  against  the  Jews.  But  the  Jews 
affirmed  that  the  Samaritans  were  the 
authors  of  this  tumult  and  fighting;  and 
that,  in  the  first  place,  Cumanus  had  been 
corrupted  by  their  gifts,  and  passed  over 
the  murder  of  those  that  were  slain  in 
silence;  which  allegations  when  Quadra- 
tus heard,  he  put  off  the  hearing  of  the 
cause,  and  promised  that  he  would  give 
sentence  when  he  should  come  into  Judea, 
and  should  have  a  more  exact  knowledge 
of  the  truth  of  that  matter.  So  these 
men  went  away  without  success.  Yet  was 
it  not  long  ere  Quadratus  came  to  Sa- 
maria; where  upon  hearing  the  cause,  he 
supposed  that  the  Samaritans  were  the 
authors  of  that  disturbance.  But  when 
he  was  informed  that  certain  of  the  Jews 
were  making  innovations,  he  ordered 
those  to  be  crucified  whom  Cumanus  had 
taken  captives.  From  whence  he  came  to 
a  certain  village  called  Lydda,  which  was 
not  less  than  a  city  in  largeness,  and  there 
heard  the  Samaritan  cause  a  second  time 
before  his  tribunal,  and  there  learned  from 
a  certain  Samaritan,  that  one  of  the  chief 
of  the  Jews,  whose  name  was  Dortus,  and 
Borne  other  innovators  with  him,  four  in 
number,  persuaded  the  multitude  to  a 
revolt  from  the  Romans;  whom  Quadra- 
tus ordered  to  be  put  to  death  :  but  still 
he  sent  away  Ananias  the  high  priest,  and 
Ananus  the  commander  [of  the  temple], 
in  bonds  to  Rome,  to  give  an  account  of 
what  they  had  done  to  Claudius  Caesar. 
He  also  ordered  the  principal  men,  both  of 


the  Samaritans  and  of  the  Jews,  as  also' 
Cumanus,  the  procurator,  and  Celer,  the 
tribune,  to  go  to  Italy  to  the  emperor, 
that  he  might  hear  their  cause,  and  de- 
termine their  differences  one  with  another. 
But  he  came  again  to  the  city  of  Jerusa- 
lem, out  of  his  fear  that  the  multitude  of 
the  Jews  should  attempt  some  innova- 
tions; but  he  found  the  city  in  a  peace- 
able state,  and  celebrating  one  of  the  usual 
festivals  of  their  country  to  God.  So  he 
believed  that  they  would  not  attempt  any 
innovations,  and  left  them  at  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  festival,  and  returned  to 
Antioch. 

Now  Cumanus  and  the  principal  of  the 
Samaritans,  who  were  sent  to  Rome,  bad 
a  day  appointed  them  by  the  emperor, 
whereon  they  were  to  have  pleaded  their 
cause  about  the  quarrels  they  had  one 
with  another.  But  now  Ctesar's  freedmen 
and  his  friends  were  very  zealous  on  the 
behalf  of  Cumanus  and  the  Samaritans; 
and  they  had  prevailed  over  the  Jews, 
unless  Agrippa  junior,  who  was  then  at 
Rome,  had  seen  the  principal  of  the  Jews 
hard  set,  and  had  earnestly  entreated 
Agrippina,  the  emperor's  wife,  to  persuade 
her  husband  to  hear  the  cause,  so  as  was 
agreeable  to  his  justice,  and  to  condemn 
those  to  be  punished  who  were  really  the 
authors  of  this  revolt  from  the  Roman 
government:  whereupon  Claudius  was  so 
well  disposed  beforehand,  that  when  he 
had  heard  the  cause,  and  found  that  the 
Samaritans  had  been  the  ringleaders  in 
those  mischievous  doings,  he  gave  order 
that  those  who  came  up  to  him  should  be 
slain,  and  that  Cumanus  should  be  banish- 
ed. He  also  gave  order  that  Celer  the 
tribune  should  be  carried  back  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  should  be  drawn  through  the 
city  in  the  sight  of  all  the  people,  and 
then  should  be  slain. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Felix  made   procurator  of  Judea — Concerning  the 
younger  Agrippa  and  his  sisters. 

So  Claudius  sent  Felix,  the  brother  of 
Pallans,  to  take  care  of  the  affairs  of 
Judea;  and  when  he  bad  already  com- 
pleted the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign,  he  be- 
stowed upon  Agrippa  the  tetrarchy  of 
Philip,  and  Batanea,  and  added  thereto 
Trachonitis,  with  Abila;  which  last  had 
been  the  tetrarchy  of  Lysanius;  but  he 
took  from  him  Chalcis,  when  he  had  been 
governor  thereof  four  years.     And  when 


Chap.  VIII.  ] 


ANTIQUITIES  OF   THE   JEWS. 


131 


Agrippa  had  received  these  countries  as 
the  gift  of  Cajsar,  he  gave  his  sister  Bru- 
silla  in  marriage  to  Azizus,  king  of  Emesa, 
upon  his  consent  to  be  circumcised j  for 
Epiphanes,  the  son  of  King  Antiochus, 
had  refused  to  marry  her,  because,  after 
he  had  promised  her  father  formerly  to 
come  over  to  the  Jewish  religion,  he 
would  not  now  perform  that  promise.  He 
also  gave  Mariamne  in  marriage  to  Ar- 
chelaus,  the  son  of  Helcias,  to  whom  she 
had  formerly  been  betrothed  by  Agrippa 
her  father;  from  which  marriage  was  de- 
rived a  daughter,  whose  name  was  Bernice. 

But  for  the  marriage  of  Brasilia  with 
Azizus,  it  was  in  no  long  time  afterward 
dissolved,  upon  the  following  occasion: 
While  Felix  was  procurator  of  Judea,  he 
saw  this  Brasilia,  and  fell  in  love  with 
her;  for  she  did  exceed  all  other  women 
in  beauty ;  and  he  sent  to  her  a  person 
whose  name  was  Simon,*  one  of  his 
friends;  a  Jew  he  was,  and  by  birth  a 
Cypriot,  and  one  who  pretended  to  be  a 
magician ;  and  endeavoured  to  persuade 
her  to  forsake  her  present  husband,  and 
marry  him ;  and  promised  that  if  she 
would  not  refuse  him,  he  would  make  her 
a  happy  woman.  Accordingly,  she  acted 
ill,  and,  because  she  was  desirous  to  avoid 
her  sister  Bernice's  envy,  for  she  was  very 
ill  treated  by  her  on  account  of  her 
beauty,  was  prevailed  upon  to  transgress 
the  laws  of  her  forefathers,  and  to  marry 
Felix;  and  when  he  had  had  a  son  by  her, 
he  named  him  Agrippa.  But  after  what 
manner  that  young  man,  with  his  wife, 
perished  at  the  conflagration  of  the  moun- 
tain Vesuvius,  in  the  days  of  Titus  Caesar, 
shall  be  related  hereafter.f 

But  as  for  Bernice,  she  lived  a  widow  a 
long  while  after  the  death  of  Herod,  [king 
of  Chalcis,]  who  was  both  her  husband 
and  her  uncle.  But,  when  the  report 
went  that  she  had  criminal  conversation 
with  her  brother,  [Agrippa  junior,]  she 
persuaded  Polemo,  who  was  king  of  Cili- 
cia,  to  be  circumcised,  and  to  marry  her, 
as  supposing  that  by  this  means  she  should 
prove  those  calumnies  upon  her  to  be  false; 
and  Polemo  was  prevailed  upon,  and  that 
chiefly  on  account  of  her  riches.     Yet  did 

*  This  Simon,  a  friend  of  Felix,  a  Jew,  born  in 
Cyprus,  though  he  pretended  to  be  a  magician, 
could  hardly  be  that  famous  Simon  the  magician, 
in  tho  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  (viii.  9,  Ac.)  The  Si- 
mon mentioned  in  the  Acts  was  not  properly  a  Jew, 
but  a  Samaritan,  of  the  town  of  Gittae,  in  the 
country  of  Samaria. 

■j"  This  is  now  wanting. 


not  this  matrimony  endure  long;  but  Ber 
nice  left  Polemo,  and,  as  was  said,  with 
impure  intentions.  So  he  forsook  at  onc6 
this  matrimony  and  the  Jewish  religion: 
and,  at  the  same  time,  Mariamne  put  away 
Archelaus,  and  was  married  to  Bemetrius, 
the  principal  man  among  the  Alexandrian 
Jews,  both  for  his  family  and  his  wealth; 
and,  indeed,  he  was  then  their  alabarch. 
So  she  named  her  son  whom  she  had  by 
him  Agrippinus.  But  of  all  these  par- 
ticulars we  shall  hereafter  treat  more 
exactly.* 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Nero  succeeds  to  the  Roman  government — his  cru- 
elties— Felix  and  Festus  procurators  of  Judea. 

Now,  Claudius  Caesar  died  when  he 
had  reigned  thirteen  year",  eight  months, 
and  twenty  days ;  and  a  report  went  about 
that  he  was  poisoned  by  his  wife  Agrip- 
pina.  Her  father  was  Germanicus,  the 
brother  of  Caesar.  Her  husband  was 
Bomitius  iEnobarbus,  one  of  the  most 
illustrious  persons  that  were  in  the  city  of 
Rome ;  after  whose  death,  and  her  long 
continuance  in  widowhood,  Claudius  took 
her  to  wife.  She  brought  along  with  her 
a  son,  Bomitius,  of  the  same  name  with  his 
father.  He  had  before  this  slain  his  wife 
Messalina,  out  of  jealousy,  by  whom  he 
had  his  children  Britannicus  and  Octavia; 
their  eldest  sister  was  Antonia,  whom  he 
had  by  Pelina  his  first  wife.  He  also 
married  Octavia  to  Nero;  for  that  was  the 
name  that  Csesar  gave  him  afterward, 
upon  his  adopting  him  for  his  son. 

But  now  Agrippina  was  afraid,  lest, 
when  Britannicus  should  come  to  mau's 
estate,  he  should  succeed  his  father  in  the 
government,  and  desired  to  seize  upon  the 
principality  beforehand  for  her  own  son 
[Nero] ;  upon  which  the  report  went  that 
she  thence  compassed  the  death  of  Clau- 
dius. Accordingly,  she  sent  Burrhus,  tho 
general  of  the  army,  immediately,  and 
with  him  the  tribunes,  and  such  also  of 
the  freedmeu  as  were  of  the  greatest  au- 
thority, to  bring  Nero  away  into  the  camp, 
and  to  salute  him  emperor.  And  when 
Nero  had  thus  obtained  the  government, 
he  got  Britannicus  to  be  so  poisoned  that 
the  multitude  should  not  perceive  it; 
although  he  publicly  put  his  own  mother 
to  death  not  long  afterward,  making  her 
this  requital,  not  only  for  being  born  of 


*  Thii  also  it  now  muting 


132 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  XX 


her,  but  for  bringing  it  so  about  by  her 
contrivances  that  he  obtained  the  Romas 
empire.  He  also  slew  Octavia,  his  own 
wife,  and  many  other  illustrious  persons, 
under  this  pretence,  that  they  plotted 
against  him. 

But  I  omit  any  further  discourse  about 
these  affairs ;  for  there  have  been  a  great 
many  who  have  composed  the  history  of 
Nero;  some  of  whom  have  departed  from 
the  truth  of  facts,  out  of  favour,  as  having 
received  benefits  from  him  ;  while  others, 
out  of  hatred  to  him,  and  the  great  ill-will 
which  they  bore  him,  have  so  impudently 
raved  against  him  with  their  lies,  that 
they  justly  deserve  to  be  condemned. 
Nor  do  I  wonder  at  such  as  have  told  lies 
of  Nero,  since  they  have  not  in  their 
writings  preserved  truth  of  history  as  to 
those  facts  that  were  earlier  than  his  time, 
even  when  the  actors  could  have  noway 
incurred  their  hatred,  since  those  writers 
lived  a  longtime  after  them;  but  as  to 
those  that  have  no  regard  to  truth,  they 
may  write  as  they  please,  for  in  that  they 
take  delight:  but  as  to  ourselves,  who 
have  made  the  truth  our  direct  aim,  we 
shall  briefly  touch  upon  what  only  belongs 
remotely  to  this  undertaking,  but  shall 
relate  what  hath  happened  to  us  Jews 
with  great  accuracy,  and  shall  not  grudge 
our  pains  in  giving  an  account  both  of  the 
calamities  we  have  suffered  and  of  the 
crimes  we  have  been  guilty  of.  I  will 
now,  therefore,  return  to  the  relation  of 
our  own  affairs. 

For,  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of 
Nero,  upon  the  death  of  Azizus,  king  of 
Emesa,  Soemus,  his  brother,  succeed- 
ed in  his  kingdom,  and  Aristobulus, 
the  son  of  Herod,  king  of  Chalcis,  was 
intrusted  by  Nero  with  the  government 
of  the  Lesser  Armenia.  Caesar  also  .be- 
stowed on  Agrippa  a  certain  part  of  Gali- 
lee, Tiberias  and  Tarickege,  and  ordered 
them  to  submit  to  his  jurisdiction.  He 
gave  him  also  Julias,  a  city  of  Perea,  with 
fourteen  villages  that  lay  about  it. 

Now,  as  for  the  affairs  of  the  Jews,  they 
grew  worse  and  worse  continually ;  for 
the  country  was  again  filled  with  robbers 
and  impostors,  who  deluded  the  multitude. 
Yet  did  Felix  catch  and  put  to  death 
many  of  those  impostors  every  day,  to- 
gether with  the  robbers.  He  also  caught 
Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dineus,  who  had 
gotten  together  a  company  of  robbers  ;  and 
this  he  did  by  treachery ;  for  he  gave  him 
assurance  that  he  should  suffer  no  harm, 


and  thereby  persuaded  him  to  come  tc 
him;  but  when  he  came,  he  bound  him, 
and  sent  him  to  Rome.  Felix  also  bore 
an  ill-will  to  Jonathan,  the  high  priest, 
because  he  frequently  gave  him  admoni- 
tions about  governing  the  Jewish  affairs 
better  than  he  did,  lest  he  should  himself 
have  complaints  made  of  him  by  the 
multitude,  since  he  it  was  who  had  de- 
sired Caesar  to  send  him  as  procurator  of 
Judea.  So  Felix  contrived  a  method 
whereby  he  might  get  rid  of  him,  now  he 
had  become  so  continually  troublesome  to 
him ;  for  such  continual  admonitions  are 
grievous  to  those  who  are  disposed  to  act 
unjustly.  "Wherefore  Felix  persuaded  one 
of  Jonathan's  most  faithful  friends,  a 
citizen  of  Jerusalem,  whose  name  was 
Doras,  to  bring  the  robbers  upon  Jonathan, 
in  order  to  kill  him ;  and  this  he  did  by 
promising  to  give  him  a  great  deal  of 
money  fox  so  doing.  Doras  comjjlied  with 
the  proposal,  and  contrived  matters  so, 
that  the  robbers  might  murder  him  after 
the  following  manner : — Certain  of  those 
robbers  went  up  to  the  city,  as  if  they 
were  going  to  worship  God,  while  they 
had  daggers  under  their  garments;  and, 
by  thus  mingling  themselves  among  the 
multitude,  they  slew  Jonathan  ;  and,  as 
this  murder  was  never  avenged,  the  rob- 
bers went  up  with  the  greatest  security  at 
the  festivals  after  this  time;  and  having 
weapons  concealed  in  like  manner  as  be- 
fore, and  mingling  themselves  among  the 
multitude,  they  slew  certain  of  their  own 
enemies,  and  were  subservient  to  other 
men  for  money;  and  slew  others  not  only 
in  remote  parts  of  the  city,  but  in  the 
temple  itself  also;  for  they  had  the  bold- 
ness to  murder  men  there,  without  think- 
ing of  the  impiety  of  which  they  were 
guilty.  And  this  seems  to  have  been  the 
reason  why  God,  out  of  his  hatred  to  these 
men's  wickedness,  rejected  our  city ;  and 
as  for  the  temple,  he  no  longer  esteemed 
it  sufficiently  pure  for  him  to  inhabit 
therein,  but  brought  the  Romans  upon  us, 
and  threw  a  fire  upon  the  city  to  purge 
it ;  and  brought  upon  us,  our  wives,  and 
children,  slavery,  as  desirous  to  make  us 
wiser  by  our  calamities.* 


*  This  treacherous  and  harharous  murder  of  the 
high  priest  Jonathan,  by  the  contrivance  of  Felix, 
was  the  immediate  occasion  of  the  ensuing  murders 
by  the  "sicarii,"  or  ruffians,  and  one  great  cause 
of  the  horrid  cruelties  and  miseries  of  the  Jewish 
nation.  Subjoined  is  a  list  of  the  last  twenty-eight 
high  priests : — 


Chap.  VIII  ] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


133 


These  works  that  wore  done  by  the 
robbers,  filled  the  city  with  impiety.  And 
now  these  impostors  and  deceivers  per- 
suader! the  multitude  to  follow  them  into 
the  wilderness,  and  pretended  that  they 
would  exhibit  manifest  wonders  and  signs, 
that  should  be  performed  by  the  provi- 
dence of  God.  And  many  that  were 
prevailed  on  by  them  suffered  the  punish- 
ments of  their  folly;  for  Felix  brought 
them  back,  and  then  punished  them. 
Moreover,  there  came  out  of  Egypt  about 
this  time  to  Jerusalem,  one  that  said  he 
was  a  prophet,  and  advised  the  multitude 
of  the  common  people  to  go  along  with 
him  to  the  Mount  of  Olives,  as  it  was 
called,  which  lay  over  against  the  city, 
and  at  the  distance  of  five  furlongs.  He 
said  further,  that  he  would  show  them 
from  hence,  how  at  his  command,  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  would  fall  down ;  and 
he  promised  them  that  he  would  procure 
them  an  entrance  into  the  city  through 
those  walls,  when  they  had  fallen  down. 
Now  when  Felix  was  informed  of  these 
things,  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  take 
their  weapons,  and  came  against  them 
with  a  great  number  of  horsemen  and 
footmen,  from  Jerusalem,  and  attacked 
the  Egyptian  and  the  people  that  were 
with  him.  He  also  slew  400  of  them, 
and  took  200  alive.  But  the  Egyptian 
himself  escaped  out  of  the  fight,  but  did 
not  appear  any  more.  And  again  the 
robbers  stirred  up  the  people  to  make  war 
with  the  Romans,  and  said  they  ought  not 
to  obey  them  at  all ;  and  when  any  persons 
would  not  comply  with  them,  they  set 
fire  to  their  villages,  and  plundered  them. 

And  now  it  was  that  a  great  sedition 


Ananelus. 

Aristobulus. 

Jesus,  son  of  Fabus. 

Simon,  son  of  Boethus. 

Matthias,  son  of  Theo- 
pfailus. 

Joazar,  son  of  Boethus. 

Eleazar,  son  of  Boethus. 

Jesusyson  of  Sic. 

[Annas,  or]  Ananus,  son 
of  Seth. 

Ismael,  son  of  Fabus. 

Eleazar,  son  of  Ananus. 

Simon,  son  of  Camithus. 

Josephus  Caiaphas,  son- 
in-law  to  Ananus. 

Jonathan,  son  of  Ananus. 

Theophilus,  his  brother, 
and  son  of1  Ananus. 


Simon,  son  of  Boethus. 

Matthias,  brother  of  Jo- 
nathan, and  son  of 
Ananus. 

Aljoneus. 

Josephus,  son  of  Caniy- 
dus. 

Ananias,  son  of  Nebe- 
deus. 

Jonathas. 

Ismael,  son  of  Fabi. 

Joseph  Cabi,  son  of  Si- 
mon. 

Ananus,  son  of  Ananus. 

Jesus,  son  of  Damneus. 

Jesus,  son  of  Gamaliel. 

Matthias,  son  of  Theo- 
philus. 

Phannias,  son  of  Samuel. 


Ananus  and  Joseph  Caiaphas  were  the  Annas 
and  Caiaphas  so  often  mentioned  in  the  four  Gos- 
pels ;  and  Ananias,  the  son  of  Nebedeus,  was  the 
high  jriest  before  whom  St  Paul  pleaded  his  own 
cause,  Acts  xxiv. 


arose  between  the  Jews  that  inhabited 
Cesarea,  and  the  Syrians  who  dwelt  there 
also,  concerning  their  equal  right  to  tho 
privileges  belonging  to  the  citizens;  for  the 
Jews  claimed  the  pre-eminence,  because 
Herod  their  king  was  the  builder  of 
Cesarea,  and  because  he  was  by  birth  a 
Jew.  Now  the  Syrians  did  not  deny  what 
was  alleged  about  Herod;  but  they  said 
that  Cesarea  was  formerly  called  Strato's 
Tower,  and  that  then  there  was  not  oDe 
Jewish  inhabitant.  When  the  presidents 
of  that  country  heard  of  these  disorders, 
they  caught  the  authors  of  them  on  both 
sides,  and  tormented  them  with  stripes, 
and,  by  that  means,  put  a  stop  to  the 
disturbance  for  a  time.  But  the  Jewish 
citizens,  depending  on  their  wealth,  and, 
on  that  account,  despising  the  Syrians, 
reproached  them  again,  and  hoped  to  pro- 
voke them  by  such  reproaches.  However, 
the  Syrians,  though  they  were  inferior 
in  wealth,  yet  valuing  themselves  highly 
on  this  account,  that  the  greatest  part  of 
the  Roman  soldiers  that  were  there,  were 
either  of  Cesarea  or  Sebaste,  they  also  for 
some  time  used  reproachful  language  to 
the  Jews  also;  and  thus  it  was,  till  at 
length  they  came  to  throwing  stones  at 
one  another;  and  several  were  wounded, 
and  fell  on  both  sides,  though  still  the 
Jews  were  the  conquerors.  But  when 
Felix  saw  that  this  quarrel  had  become  a 
kind  of  war,  he  came  upon  them  on  the 
sudden,  and  desired  the  Jews  to  desist; 
and  when  they  refused  so  to  do,  he  armed 
his  soldiers,  aud  sent  them  out  upon  them, 
and  slew  many  of  them,  and  took  more 
of  them  alive,  and  permitted  his  soldiers 
to  plunder  some  of  the  houses  of  the 
citizens,  which  were  full  of  riches.  Now, 
those  Jews  that  were  more  moderate,  and 
of  principal  dignity  among  them,  were 
afraid  of  themselves,  and  desired  of  Felix 
that  he  would  sound  a  retreat  to  his 
soldiers,  and  spare  them  for  the  future, 
and  afford  them  room  for  repentance  for 
what  they  had  done ;  and  Felix  was  pre- 
vailed upon  to  do  so. 

About  this  time  King  Agrippa  gave  the 
high-priesthood  to  Ismael,  who  was  the 
son  of  Fabi.  And  now  arose  a  sedition 
between  the  high  priests  and  the  principal 
men  of  the  multitude  of  Jerusalem;  each 
of  whom  got  them  a  company  of  the 
boldest  sort  of  men,  and  of  those  that 
loved  innovations;  about  them,  and  became 
leaders  to  them ;  and  when  they  struggled 
together,  they  did  it  by  casting  reproach- 


134 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX. 


ful  words  against  one  another,  and  by 
throwing  stones  also.  And  there  was 
nobody  to  reprove  them ;  but  these  dis- 
orders were  done  after  a  licentious  manner 
in  the  city,  as  if  it  had  no  government 
over  it.  And  such  was  the  impudence 
and  boldness  that  had  seized  on  the  high- 
priests,  that  they  had  the  hardness  to 
send  their  servants  into  the  threshing- 
floors,  to  take  away  those  tithes  that  were 
due  to  the  priests,  insomuch  that  it  so 
fell  out  that  the  poorer  sort  of  the  priests 
died  for  want.  To  this  degree  did  the 
violence  of  the  seditious  prevail  over  all 
right  and  justice. 

Now,  when  Porcius  Festus  was  sent  as 
successor  to  Felix  by  Nero,  the  principal 
of  the  Jewish  inhabitants  of  Cesarea  went 
up  to  Rome  to  accuse  Felix ;  and  he  had 
certainly  been  brought  to  punishment, 
unless  Nero  had  yielded  to  the  importunate 
solicitations  of  his  brother  Pallas,  who 
was  at  that  time  held  in  the  greatest 
honour  by  him.  Two  of  the  principal 
Syrians  in  Cesarea  persuaded  Burrhus, 
who  was  Nero's  tutor,  and  secretary  for 
his  Greek  epistles,  by  giving  him  a  great 
sum  of  money,  to  disannul  that  equality 
of  the  Jewish  privileges  of  citizens  which 
they  hitherto  enjoyed.  So  Burrhus,  by 
his  solicitations,  obtained  leave  of  the 
emperor  that  an  epistle  should  be  written 
to  that  purpose.  This  epistle  became 
the  occasion  of  the  following  miseries  that 
befell  our  nation ;  for,  when  the  Jews  of 
Cesarea  were  informed  of  the  contents 
of  this  epistle  to  the  Syrians,  they  were 
more  disorderly  than  before,  till  a  war 
was  kindled. 

Upon  Festus's  coming  into  Judea,  it 
happened  that  Judea  was  afflicted  by  the 
robbers,  while  all  the  villages  were  set  on 
fire,  and  plundered  by  them.  And  then  it 
was  that  the  "  sicarii,"  as  they  were  called, 
who  were  robbers,  grew  numerous.  They 
made  use  of  small  swords,  not  much 
different  in  length  from  the  Persian 
"acinacas,"  but  somewhat  crooked,  and 
like  the  Roman  "  sicae"  [or  sickles],  as 
they  were  called ;  and  from  these  weapons 
these  robbers  got  their  denomination;  and 
with  these  weapons  they  slew  a  great 
many ;  for  they  mingled  themselves  among 
the  multitude  at  their  festivals,  when  they 
were  come  up  in  crowds  from  all  parts  to 
the  city  to  worship  God,  as  we  said  before, 
and  easily  slew  those  that  they  had  a 
mind  to  slay.  They  also  came  frequently 
upon  the  villages  belonging  to  their  ene- 


mies, with  their  weapons,  and  plundered 
them,  and  set  them  on  fire.  So  Festus 
sent  forces,  both  horsemen  and  footmen, 
to  fall  upon  those  that  had  been  seduced 
by  a  certain  impostor,  who  promised  them 
deliverance  and  freedom  from  the  miseries 
they  were  under,  if  they  would  but  fol- 
low him  as  far  as  the  wilderness.  Ac- 
cordingly, these  forces  that  were  sent 
destroyed  both  him  that  had  deluded  them, 
and  those  that  were  his  followers  also. 

About  the  same  time  King  Agrippa 
built  himself  a  very  large  dining-room  in 
the  royal  palace  at  Jerusalem,  near  to 
the  portico.  Now,  this  palace  had  been 
erected  of  old  by  the  children  of  Asamo- 
neus,  and  was  situate  upon  an  elevation, 
and  afforded  a  most  delightful  prospect  to 
those  that  had  a  mind  to  take  a  view  of 
the  city,  which  prospect  was  desired  by 
the  king;  and  there  he  could  lie  down, 
and  eat,  and  thence  observed  what  was 
done  in  the  temple :  which  thing,  when 
the  chief  men  of  Jerusalem  saw,  they 
were  very  much  displeased  at  it ;  for  it 
was  not  agreeable  to  the  institutions  of 
our  country  or  law  that  what  was  done  in 
the  temple  should  be  viewed  by  others, 
especially  what  belonged  to  the  sacrifices. 
They  therefore  erected  a  wall  upon  the 
uppermost  building  which  belonged  to  the 
inner  court  of  the  temple  toward  the 
west ;  which  wall,  when  it  was  built,  did 
not  only  intercept  the  prospect  of  the 
dining-room  in  the  palace,  but  also  of  the 
western  cloisters  that  belonged  to  the 
outer  court  of  the  temple  also,  where  it 
was  the  Romans  kept  guards  for  the 
temple  at  the  festivals.  At  these  doings 
both  King  Agrippa,  and  principally  Festus 
the  procurator,  were  much  displeased ; 
and  Festus  ordered  them  to  pull  the  wall 
down  again :  but  the  Jews  petitioned  him 
to  give  them  leave  to  send  an  embassy 
about  this  matter  to  Nero;  for  they  said 
they  could  not  endure  to  live  if  any  part 
of  the  temple  should  be  demolished ;  and 
when  Festus  had  given  them  leave  so  to 
do,  they  sent  ten  of  their  principal  men 
to  Nero,  as  also  Ismael  the  high  priest, 
and  Helcias,  the  keeper  of  the  sacred 
treasure.  And  when  Nero  had  heard 
what  they  had  to  say,  he  not  only  forgave 
them  what  they  had  already  done,  but 
also  gave  them  leave  to  let  the  wall  they 
had  built  stand.  This  was  granted  them 
in  order  to  gratify  Poppea,  Nero's  wife, 
who  was  a  religious  woman,  and  had  re- 
quested these  favours  of  Nero,  and  wha 


Chai\  IX.] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


13? 


gave  order  to  the  ten  ambassadors  to  go 
their  way  home;  but  retained  Helcias 
and  Ismael  as  hostages  with  himself.  As 
soon  as  the  king  heard  this  news,  he  gave 
the  high-priesthood  to  Joseph,  who  was 
called  Cabi,  the  son  of  Simoa,  formerly 
high  priest. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Albinus  procurator  of  Judea— the  Apostle  James 
slain— Edifices  built  by  Agrippa. 

And  now  Caesar,  upon  hearing  of  the 
death  of  Festus,  sent  Albinus  into  Judea, 
as  procurator;  but  the  king  deprived  Jo- 
seph of  the  high-priesthood,  and  bestowed 
the  succession  to  that  dignity  on  the  son 
of  Ananus,  who  was  also  himself  called 
Auanus.     Now  the  report  goes,  that  this 
elder  Ananus    proved    a  most  fortunate 
man ;  for  he  had  five  sons,  who  had   all 
performed  the  office  of  a  high   priest  to 
God,   and  he  had  himself   enjoyed  that 
dignity  a  long  time  formerly,  which  had 
never  happened  to  any  other  of  our  high 
priests;  but  this  younger  Ananus,  who, 
as  we  have   told  you  already,  took   the 
high-priesthood,  was  a  bold  man  in  his 
temper,  and  very  insolent;  he  was  also 
of  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,*  who  are 
very  rigid  in  judging  offenders,  above  all 
the  rest  of  the  Jews,  as  we  have  already 
observed;1  when,  therefore,  Ananus   was 
of   this  disposition,   he   thought  he   had 
now  a  proper  opportunity  [to  exercise  his 
authority].     Festus  was  now  dead,   and 
Albinus   was  but  upon  the  road;  so  he 
assembled  the  sanhedrim  of  judges,  and 
brought  before   them  the  brother  of  Je- 
sus, who  was  called  Christ,  whose  name 
was  James,  and  some  others   [or  some  of 
his  companions] ;  and,  when  he  had  form- 
ed an  accusation  against  them  as  breakers 
of    the    law,    he    delivered   them    to    be 
stoned :  but  as  for  those  who  seemed  the 
most  equitable  of  the  citizens,  and  such 
as  were  the  most  uneasy  at  the  breach 
of  the  laws,  they  disliked  what  was  done; 
they  also  sent  to  the  king  [Agrippa],  de- 
siring him   to   send  to  Ananus   that   he 
should  act  so  no  more,  for  that  what  he 
had  already  done  was  not  to  be  justified^ 
nay,  some  of  them  went  also  to  meet  At1 
binus,  as  he  was  upon  his  journey  from 


Alexandria,  and  informed  him  that  it  was 
not  lawful  for  Ananus  to  assemble  a  san- 
hedrim without  his  consent  :*  whereupon 
Albinus  complied  with  what  they  said, 
and  wrote  in  anger  to  Ananus,  and  threat- 
tened  that  he  would  bring  him  to  punish- 
ment for  what  he  had  done;  on  which 
King  Agrippa  took  the  high-priesthood 
from  him,  when  he  had  ruled  but  three 
months,  and  made  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Damneus,  high  priest. 

Now,  as  soon  as  Albinus  had  come  to 
the  city  of  Jerusalem,  he  used  all  his  en- 
deavours and  care  that  the  country  might 
be  kept  in  peace,  and  this  by  destroying 
many  of  the  "sicariij"  but  as  for  the 
high  priest  Ananias,  he  increased  in  glory 
every  day,  and  this  to  a  great  degree, 
and  had  obtained  the  favour  aud  esteem 
of  the  citizens  in  a  signal  manner;  for 
he  was  a  great  hoarder  up  of  money . 
he  therefore  cultivated  the  friendship  of 
Albinus,  and  of  the  high  priest  [Jesus], 
by  making  them  presents;  he  also  had 
servants  who  were  very  wicked,  who  join- 
ed themselves  to  the  boldest  sort  of  the 
people,  aud  went  to  the  threshing-floors, 
and  took  away  the  tithes  that  belonged 
to  the  priests  by  violence,  and  did  not 
refrain  from  beating  such  as  would  not 
give  these  tithes  to  them.  So  the  other 
high  priests  acted  in  like  manner,  as  did 
those  his  servants,  without  any  one  being 
able  to  prohibit  them ;  so  that  [some  of 
the]  priests,  that  of  old  were  wont  to  be 
supported  with  those  tithes,  died  for  want 
of  food. 

But  now  the  "sicarii"  went  into  the 
city  by  night,  just  before  the  festival, 
which  was  now  at  hand,  and  took  the 
scribe  belonging  to  the  governor  of  the 
temple,  whose  name  was  Eleazar,  who 
was  the  son  of  Auanus  (Ananias)  the 
high  priest,  and  bound  him,  aud  carried 
him  away  with  them;  after  which  they 
sent  to  Ananias,  and  said  tbey  would  send 
the  scribe  to  him,  if  he  would  persuade 
Albinus  to  release  ten  of  those  prisoners 
which  he  had  caught  of  their  party ;  sc 
Ananias  was  plainly  forced  to  persuade 
Albinus,  and  gained  his  request  of  him. 
This  was  the  beginning  of  greater  calami- 
ties ;  for  the  robbers  perpetually  contrived 


*  It  appears  that  Sadducees  might  be  high 
priests  in  the  days  of  Josephus,  and  that  these 
Sadducees  were  usually  very  severe  and  inexo- 
rable judges,  while  the  Pharisees  were  much  mild- 
er and  more  mercifuL 


•  The  sanhedrim  condemned  Christ,  but  could 
not  put  him  to  death  without  the  approbation  of 
the  Roman  procurator;  nor  could,  therefore,  An- 
anias and  his  sanhedrim  do  more  here,  since  they 
never  had  Albinus's  approbation  for  putting  thi» 
James  to  death. 


13G 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX. 


to  catch  some  of  Ananias' s  servants;  and 
when  they  had  taken  them  alive,  they 
would  not  let  them  go  till  they  thereby 
recovered  some  of  their  own  "  sicarii :" 
and  as  they  were. again  become  no  small 
number,  they  grew  bold,  and  were  a  great 
affliction  to  the  whole  country. 

About  this  time  it  was  that  Agrippa 
built  Cesarea  Philippi  larger  than  it  was 
before,  and,  in  honour  of  Nero,  named  it 
Nerouias ;  and,  when  he  had  built  a 
theatre  at  Berytus,  with  vast  expenses, 
he  bestowed  on  them  shows,  to  be  exhibit- 
ed every  year,  and  spent  therein  many 
ten  thousand  [drachmae];  he  also  gave 
the  people  a  largess  of  corn,  and  dis- 
tributed oil  among  them,  and  adorned  the 
entire  city  with  statues  of  his  own  dona- 
tion, and  with  original  images  made  by 
ancient  hands;  nay,  he  almost  transferred 
all  that  was  most  ornamental  in  his  own 
kingdom  thither.  This  made  him  more 
than  ordinarily  hated  by  his  subjects ; 
because  he  took  those  things  away  that 
belonged  to  them,  to  adorn  a  foreign  city; 
and  now  Jesus,  the  son  of  Gamaliel,  be- 
came the  successor  of  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Danmeus,  in  the  high-priesthood,  which 
the  king  had  taken  from  the  other;  on 
which  account  a  sedition  arose  between 
the  high  priests,  with  regard  to  one  an- 
other; for  they  got  together  bodies  of 
the  boldest  sort  of  the  people,  and  fre- 
quently came,  from  reproaches,  to  throw- 
ing of  stones  at  each  other;  but  Ananias 
was  too  hard  for  the  rest,  by  his  riches, 
which  enabled  him  to  gain  those  that 
were  most  ready  to  receive.  Costobarus, 
also,  and  Saulus,  did  themselves  get  to- 
gether a  multitude  of  wicked  wretches, 
and  this  because  they  were  of  the  royal 
family ;  and  so  they  obtained  favour 
among  them  because  of  their  kindred  to 
Agrippa :  but  still  they  used  violence 
with  the  people,  and  were  very  ready  to 
plunder  those  that  were  weaker  than 
themselves.  And  from  that  time  it 
principally  came  to  pass,  that  our  city 
was  greatly  disordered,  and  that  all 
things  grew  worse  and  worse  among  us. 

But  when  Albinus  heard  that  Gessius 
Florus  was  coming  to  succeed  him,  he 
was  desirous  to  appear  to  do  somewhat 
that  might  be  grateful  to  the  people  of 
Jerusalem;  so  he  brought  out  all  those 
prisoners  who  seemed  to  him  to  be  the 
most  plainly  worthy  of  death,  and  order- 
ed them  to  be  put  to  death  accordingly. 
But  as  to  those  who  had  been  put  into 


prison  on  some  trifling  occasion,  he  took 
money  of  them,  and  dismissed  them;  by 
which  means  the  prisons  were  indeed 
emptied,  but  the  country  was  filled  with 
robbers. 

Now,  as  many  of  the  Levites,*  which 
is  a  tribe  of  ours,  as  were  singers  of 
hymns,  persuaded  the  king  to  assemble 
a  sanhedrim,  and  to  give  them  leave  to 
wear  linen  garments,  as  well  as  the 
priests;  for  they  said  that  this  would  be 
a  work  worthy  the  times  of  his  govern- 
ment, that  he  might  have  a  memorial  of 
such  a  novelty,  as  being  his  doing.  Nor 
did  they  fail  of  obtaining  their  desire; 
for  the  king,  with  the  suffrages  of  those 
that  came  into  the  sanhedrim,  granted 
the  singers  of  hymns  this  privilege,  that 
they  might  lay  aside  their  former  gar- 
ments, and  wear  such  a  linen  one  as  they 
desired;  and  as  a  part  of  this  tribe  mi- 
nistered in  the  temple,  he  also  permitted 
them  to  learn  those  hymns  as  they  had 
besought  him  for.  Now  all  this  was  con- 
trary to  the  laws  of  our  country,  which, 
whenever  they  have  been  transgressed, 
we  have  never  been  able  to  avoid  the 
punishment  of  such  transgressions. 

And  now  it  was  that  the  temple  was 
finished.  So  when  the  people  saw  that 
the  workmen  were  unemployed,  who 
were  above  18,000,  and  that  they,  receiv- 
ing no  wages,  were  in  want,  because  they 
had  earned  their  bread  by  their  labours 
about  the  temple;  and  while  they  were 
unwilling  to  keep  them  by  the  treasures 
that  were  there  deposited,  out  of  fear 
of  [their  being  carried  away  by]  the  Ro- 
mans; and  while  they  had  a  regard  to 
the  making  provision  for  the  workmen, 
they  had  a  mind  to  expend  those  treasures 
upon  them ;  for  if  any  one  of  them  did 
but  labour  for  a  single  hour,  he  received 
his  pay  immediately ;  so  they  persuaded 
him  to  rebuild  the  eastern  cloisters. 
These  cloisters  belonged  to  the  outer 
court,  and  were  situated  in  a  deep  valley, 
and  had  walls  that  reached  400  cubits 
[in  length],  and  were  built  of  square  and 
very  white  stones,  the  length  of  each  of 
which  stones  was  twenty  cubits,  and  their 
height  six  cubits.  This  was  the  work  of 
King  Solomon,  who  first  of  all  built  the 


;s  This  insolent  petition  of  some  of  the  Levites 
to  wear  the  sacerdotal  garments  when  they  sung 
hymns  to  God  in  the  temple,  was  very  probably 
owing  to  the  great  depression  and  contempt  the 
haughty  high  priests  had  now  brought  their  bre- 
thren the  priests  into. 


Chap.  X.] 


ANTIQUITIES    OF   THE   JEWS. 


137 


entire  temple.  But  King  Agrippa,  who 
had  the  care  of  the  temple  committed  to 
him  by  Claudius  Caesar,  considering  that 
it  is  easy  to  demolish  any  building,  but 
hard  to  build  it  up  again,  and  that  it  was 
particularly  hard  to  do  it  in  those  clois- 
ters, which  would  require  a  considerable 
time,  and  great  sums  of  money,  he  de- 
nied the  petitioners  their  request  about 
that  matter;  but  he  did  not  obstruct  them 
when  they  desired  the  city  might  be 
paved  with  white  stone.  He  also  de- 
prived Jesus,  the  son  of  Gamaliel,  of  the 
high-priesthood,  and  gave  it  to  Matthias, 
the  son  of  Theophilus,  under  whom  the 
Jews'  war  with  the  Romans  took  its  be- 
ginning. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Enumeration  of  the  High  Priests. 

And  now  I  think  it  proper,  and  agree- 
able to  this  history,  to  give  an  account 
of  our  high  priests;  how  they  began,  who 
those  are  that  are  capable  of  that  dignity, 
and  how  many  of  them  there  had  been 
at  the  end  of  the  war.     In  the  first  place, 
therefore,  history  informs  us  that  Aaron, 
the  brother  of   Moses,  officiated  to  God 
as  a  high  priest;  and  that,  after  his  death, 
his  sons  succeeded  him  immediately;  and 
that    this   dignity   hath   been   continued 
down  from   them   all   to   their  posterity. 
"Whence   it  is   a  custom  of  our  country, 
that  no  one  should  take  the  high-priest- 
hood of  God,  but  he  who  is  of  the  blood 
of  Aaron,  while  every  one  that  is  of  an- 
other stock,  though  he  were  a  king,  can 
never  obtain   that  high-priesthood.     Ac- 
cordingly,  the   number  of    all  the  high 
priests  from   Aaron,  of   whom  we   have 
spoken   already   as   of  the  first  of  them, 
until  Phanas,  who  was  made  high  priest 
during   the   war   by    the  seditious,    was 
eighty-three;  of  whom  thirteen  officiated 
as  high   priests  in   the   wilderness,  from 
the  days  of  Moses,  while  the  tabernacle 
was  standing,  until  the  people  came  into 
Judea,  when  King  Solomon   erected  the 
temple  to  God;  for  at  first  they  held  the 
high-priesthood  till  the  end  of  their  life, 
although    afterward    they  had  successors 
while  they  were  alive.     Now,  these  thir- 
teen, who   were  the  descendants  of  two 
of  the  sons  of  Aaron,  received  this  digni- 
ty by  succession,  one  after  another;  for 
their  form  of  government  was  an  aristo- 
cracy, and  after  that  a  monarchy,  and,  in 
the  third  place,  the  government  was  regal. 


Now,   the   number  of   years  during  the 
rule  of  these  thirteen,  from  the  day  when 
our  fathers  departed  out  of  Egypt,  under 
Moses  their  leader,  until  the  building  of 
the  temple  which  King  Solomon  erected 
at    Jerusalem,    were    six    hundred    and 
twelve.     After  those  thirteen  high  priests, 
eighteen  took  the  high-priesthood  at  Je- 
rusalem,  one   in    succession    to    another, 
from    the  days   of    king    Solomon    until 
Nebuchadnezzar,  king  of  Babylon,  made 
an  expedition  against  that  city,  and  burnt 
the  temple,  and  removed  our  nation  into 
Babylon,    and    then    took    Josadek,    the 
high  priest,  captive;  the  times  of  these 
high  priests  were  four  hundred  and  sixty- 
six  years  six  months  and  ten  days,  while 
the   Jews  were  still  under  the  regal  go- 
vernment.    But  after  the  term  of  seventy 
years'  captivity  under    the  Babylonians, 
Cyrus,   king  of    Persia,    sent   the    Jews 
from  Babylon  to  their  own  land  again, 
and   gave    them    leave    to   rebuild    their 
temple ;  at  which  time  Jesus,  the  son  of 
Josadek,  took   the   high-priesthood   over 
the    captives    when    they    had    returned 
home.     Now  he  and  his  posterity,  who 
were  in  all  fifteen,  until  King  Antiochus 
Eupator,  were  under  a  democratical  go- 
vernment for  four  hundred  and  fourteen 
years;  and  then  the  forementioned  An- 
tiochus, and  Lysias  the    general   of  his 
army,  deprived  Onias,  who  was  also  call- 
ed Menelaus,  of  the  high-priesthood,  and 
slew  him  at  Berea;    and,  driving  away 
the  son  [of  Onias  the  third],  put  Jacimus 
into  the  high  priest's  place,  one  that  was, 
indeed,  of  the  stock  of  Aaron,  but  not 
of  the  family  of  Onias.     Ou  which   ac- 
count   Onias,    who  was   the    nephew  of 
Onias  that  was  dead,  and  bore  the  same 
name  with  his  father,  came  into  Egypt, 
and  got  into  the  friendship  of  Ptolemy 
Philometor,  and  Cleopatra   his  wife,  and 
persuaded   them   to  make  him   the  high 
priest  of  that  temple  which  he  built  to 
God  in  the  prefecture  of  Heliopolis,  and 
this    in  imitation  of  that  at  Jerusalem; 
but  as  for  that  temple  which  was  built  in 
Egypt,  we  have  spoken  of  it  frequently 
already.     Now,  when    Jacimus    had   re- 
tained   fhe    priesthood    three    years,    he 
died,  and  there  was  no  one  that  succeeded 
him,  but  the  city  continued  seven  years 
without   a    high    priest.     But   then    the 
posterity  of  the  sons  of  Asamoneus,  who 
had  the  government  of  the  nation  con- 
ferred upon  them,  when  they  had  beaten 
the  Macedonians  in  war,  appointed  Jona- 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX. 


than  to  be  their  high  priest,  who  ruled 
over  them  seven  years.  And  when  he 
had  been  shun  by  the  treacherous  con- 
trivance of  Trypho,  as  we  have  related 
somewhere,  Simon  his  brother  took  the 
high-priesthood ;  and  when  he  was  de- 
stroyed at  a  feast  by  the  treachery  of  his 
son-in-law,  his  own  son,  whose  name  was 
Hyrcanus,  succeeded  him,  after  he  had 
held  the  high-priosthood  one  year  longer 
than  his  brother.  This  Hyrcanus  en- 
joyed that  dignity  thirty  years,  and  died 
an  old  man,  leaving  the  succession  to 
Judas,  who  was  also  called  Aristobulus, 
whose  brother,  Alexander,  was  his  heir; 
which  Judas  died  of  a  sore  distemper, 
after  he  had  kept  the  priesthood,  together 
with  the  royal  authority,  (for  this  Judas 
was  the  first  that  put  on  his  head  a 
diadem),  for  one  year.  And  when  Alex- 
ander had  been  both  king  and  high- 
priest  twenty-seven  years,  he  departed 
this  life,  and  permitted  his  wife  Alexan- 
dra to  appoint  him  that  should  be  high 
priest;  so  she  gave  the  high-priesthood 
to  Hyrcanus,  but  retained  the  kingdom 
herself  nine  years,  and  then  departed 
this  life.  The  like  duration  [and  no 
longer]  did  her  son  Hyrcanus  enjoy  the 
high-priesthood;  for  after  her  death  his 
brother  Aristobulus  fought  against  him, 
and  beat  him,  and  deprived  him  of  his 
principality ;  and  he  did  himself  both 
reign  and  perform  the  office  of  high  priest 
to  God.  But  when  he  had  reigned  three 
years,  and  as  many  months,  Pompey  came 
upon  him,  and  not  only  took  the  city  of 
Jerusalem  by  force,  but  put  him  and  his 
children  in  bonds,  and  sent  them  to 
Rome.  He  also  restored  the  high-priest- 
hood to  Hyrcanus,  and  made  him  govern- 
or of  the  nation,  but  forbade  him  to  wear 
a  diadem.  This  Hyrcanus  ruled,  besides 
his  first  nine  years,  twenty-four  years 
more,  when  Barzapharnes  and  Pacorus, 
the  generals  of  the  Parthians,  passed 
over  Euphrates,  and  fought  with  Hyrca- 
nus, and  took  him  alive,  and  made  Anti- 
gonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  king;  and 
when  he  had  reigned  three  years  and 
three  months,  Sosius  and  Herod  besieged 
him,  and  took  him,  when  Antony  had 
him  brought  to  Antioch,  and  slain  there. 
Herod  was  then  made  king  by  the  Ro- 
mans, but  did  no  longer  appoint  high 
priests  out  of  the  family  of  Asamoneus ; 
but  made  certain  men  to  be  so  that  were 
of  no  eminent  families,  but  barely  of 
those  that  were  priests,  excepting  that 


he  gave  that  dignity  to  Aristobulus;  for 
when  he  had  made  this  Aristobulus,  the 
grandson  of  that  Hyrcanus  who  was  then 
taken  by  the  Parthians,  and  had  taken  his 
sister  Mariamne  to  wife,  he  thereby  aimed 
to  win  the  good-will  of  the  people,  who 
had  a  kind  remembrance  of  Hyrcanus 
[his  grandfather].  Yet  did  he  afterward, 
out  of  his  fear  lest  they  should  all  bend 
their  inclinations  to  Aristobulus,  put  him 
to  death,  and  that  by  contriving  how  to 
have  him  suffocated,  as  he  was  swimming 
at  Jericho,  as  we  have  already  related 
that  matter;  but,  after  this  man,  he 
never  intrusted  the  high-priesthood  to  the 
posterity  of  the  sons  of  Asamoneus. 
Archelaus,  also,  Herod's  son,  did  like 
his  father  in  the  appointment  of  the  high 
priests,  as  did  the  Romans  also,  who  took 
the  government  over  the  Jews  into  their 
hands  afterward.  Accordingly,  the  num- 
ber of  the  high  priests,  from  the  days  of 
Herod  until  the  day  when  Titus  took  the 
temple  and  the  city,  and  burnt  them, 
were  in  all  twenty-eight;  the  time,  also, 
that  belonged  to  them  was  107  years. 
Some  of  these  were  the  political  govern- 
ors of  the  people  under  the  reign  of  He- 
rod, and  under  the  reign  of  Archelaus 
his  son,  although,  after  their  death,  the 
government  became  an  aristocracy,  and 
the  high  priests  were  intrusted  with  a  do- 
minion over  the  nation.  And  thus  much 
may  suffice  to  be  said  concerning  our 
high  priests. 

CHAPTER  XL 

Floras  the  procurator  compels  the  Jews  to  take  up 
arms  against,  the  Romans — Conclusion. 

Now,  Gessius  Florus,  who  was  sent  as 
successor  to  Albinus  by  Nero,  filled  Ju- 
dea  with  abundance  of  miseries.  He  was 
by  birth  of  the  city  of  Clazomenae,  and 
brought  along  with  him  his  wife  Cleopa- 
tra, (by  whose  friendship  with  Poppea, 
Nero's  wife,  he  obtained  this  govern- 
ment,) who  was  by  no  way  different  from 
him  in  wickedness.  This  Florus  was  so 
wicked,  and  so  violent  in  the  use  of  his 
authority,  that  the  Jews  took  Albinus  to 
have  been  [comparatively]  their  benefac- 
tor; so  excessive  were  the  mischiefs  that 
he  brought  upon  them.  For  Albinus  con- 
cealed his  wickedness,  and  was  careful 
that  it  might  not  be  discovered  to  all  men ; 
but  Gessius  Florus,  as  though  he  had 
been  sent  on  purpose  to  show  his  crimes 
to  everybody,  made  a  pompous  ostenta- 


Chap.  XL] 


ANTIQUITIES   OF  THE   JEWS. 


139 


tion  of  them  to  our  nation,  as  never  omit- 
ting any  sort  of  violence,  nor  any  sort  of 
unjust  punishment;  for  he  was  not  to  be 
moved  by  pity,  and  never  was  satisfied 
with  any  degree  of  gain  that  came  in  his 
way;  nor  had  he  any  more  regard  to  great 
than  to  small  acquisitions,  but  became  a 
partner  with  the  robbers  themselves;  for 
a  great  many  fell  then  into  that  practice 
without  fear,  as  having  him  for  their  se- 
curity, and  depending  on  him  that  he 
would  save  them  harmless  in  their  particu- 
lar robberies;  so  that  there  were  no  bounds 
set  to  the  nation's  miseries;  but  the  un- 
happy Jews,  when  they  were  not  able  to 
bear  the  devastations  which  the  robbers 
made  among  them,  were  all  under  a  ne- 
cessity of  leaving  their  own  habitations, 
and  of  flying  away,  as  hoping  to  dwell 
more  easily  anywhere  else  in  the  world 
among  foreigners  (than  in  their  own  coun- 
try.) And  what  need  I  say  more  upon 
this  head?  since  it  was  this  Florus  who 
compelled  us  to  take  up  arms  against  the 
Romans,  while  we  thought  it  better  to  be 
destroyed  at  once,  than  by  little  and  little. 
Now  this  war  began  in  the  second  year  of 
the  government  of  Florus,  and  the  twelfth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Nero.  But  then 
what  actions  we  were  forced  to  do,  or 
what  miseries  we  were  enabled  to  suffer, 
may  be  accurately  known  by  such  as  will 
peruse  those  books  which  I  have  written 
about  the  Jewish  war. 

I  shall  now,  therefore,  make  an  end 
here  of  my  Antiquities;  after  the  conclu- 
sion of  which  events,  I  began  to  write 
thataccouut  of  the  War ;  and  these  Antiqui- 
ties contain  what  hath  been  delivered 
down  to  us  from  the  original  creation  of 
man,  until  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign 
of  Nero,  as  to  what  hath  befallen  the 
Jews,  as  well  in  Egypt  as  in  Syria  and 
in  Palestine,  and  what  we  have  suffered 
from  the  Assyrians  and  Babylonians,  and 
what  afflictions  the  Persians  and  Macedo- 
nians, and  after  them  the  Romans,  have 
brought  upon  us;  for  I  think  I  may  say 
that  I  have  composed  this  history  with 
sufficient  accuracy  in  all  things.  I  have 
attempted  to  enumerate  those  high  priests 
that  we  have  bad  during  the  interval  of 
2000  years ;  I  have  also  carried  down  the 
succession  of  our  kings,  and  related  their 
actions  and  political  administration,  with- 
out [considerable]  errors;  as  also  the 
power  of  our  monarchs;  and  all  according 
to  what  is  written  in  our  sacred  books;  for 
this  it  was  that  I  promised  to  do  iu  the 


beginning  of  this  history.  And  I  am  so 
bold  as  to  say,  now  I  have  so  completely 
perfected  the  work  I  proposed  to  myself 
to  do,  that  no  other  person,  whether  he 
were  a  Jew  or  a  foreigner,  had  he  ever 
so  great  an  inclination  to  it,  could  so  ac- 
curately deliver  these  accounts  to  the 
Greeks  as  is  done  in  these  books.  For 
those  of  my  own  nation  freely  acknow- 
ledge that  I  far  exceed  them  iu  the  learn- 
ing belonging  to  the  Jews :  I  have  also 
taken  a  great  deal  of  pains  to  obtain  the 
learning  of  the  Greeks,  and  understand 
the  elements  of  the  Greek  language,  al- 
though I  have  so  long  accustomed  myself 
to  speak  our  own  tongue,  that  I  cannot 
pronounce  Greek  with  sufficient  exact- 
ness; for  our  nation  does  not  encourage 
those  that  learn  the  languages  of  many 
nations,  and  so  adorn  their  discourses 
with  the  smoothness  of  their  periods;  be- 
cause they  look  upon  this  sort  of  accom- 
plishment as  common,  not  only  to  all 
sorts  of  freemen,  but  to  as  many  of  the 
servants  as  please  to  learn  them.  But 
they  give  him  the  testimony  of  being  a 
wise  man  who  is  fully  acquainted  with 
our  laws,  and  is  able  to  interpret  their 
meaning;  on  which  account,  as  there  have 
been  many  who  have  done  their  endea- 
vours with  great  patience  to  obtain  this 
learning,  there  have  yet  hardly  been  so 
many  as  two  or  three  that  have  succeeded 
therein,  who  were  immediately  well  re- 
warded for  their  pains. 

And  now  it  will  be,  perhaps,  an  in- 
vidious thing,  if  I  treat  briefly  of  my  own 
family,  and  of  the  actions  of  my  own 
life,*  while  there  are  still  living  such  as 
can  either  prove  what  I  say  to  be  false, 
or  can  attest  that  it  is  true;  with  which 
accounts  I  shall  put  an  end  to  these  An- 
tiquities, which  are  contained  in  20  books, 
and  60,000  verses.     And,  if  Godf  permit 

*  The  Life  of  Josephus  will  be  found  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  volume. 

f  What  Josephus  here  declares  his  intention  to 
do,  "  if  God  permitted,"'  to  give  the  public  "  again  an 
abridgment  of  the  Jewish  War,"  "  and  to  add  what 
befell  them  further  to  that  very  day,"  the  13th  of 
Domitian,  or  A.  D.  93,  is  not  taken  distinct  notice 
of  by  any  one;  nor  do  wo  hear  of  it  elsewhere, 
whether  he  performed  what  he  now  intended  or  not. 
Some  of  the  reasons  of  this  design  of  his  might 
possibly  be,  his  observation  of  the  many  errors  he 
had  been  guilty  of,  in  the  two  first  books  of  those 
seven  books  of  the  War  which  was  written  when 
he  was  comparatively  young,  and  less  acquainted 
with  the  Jewish  antiquities  than  he  now  was,  and 
in  which  abridgment  we  might  have  hoped  to  find 
those  many  passages  which  himself,  as  well  as 
those  several  passagos  which  others  refer  to,  as 
written  by  him,  but  which  are  not    extant  in  hi* 


=n 


140 

me,  I  will  briefly  run  over  this  war  again, 
with  what  befell  us  therein  to  this  very 
day,  which  is  the  13th  year  of  the  reign 
of  Caesar  Domitian,  and  the  56th  of  my 
owd  life.     I    have  also    an  intention    to 


ANTIQUITIES   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  XX. 


present  works.  However,  since  many  of  his  own 
references  to  what  he  had  written  elsewhere,  as 
well  as  most  of  his  own  errors,  belong  to  such 
early  times  as  could  not  well  come  into  this  abridg- 
ment of  the  Jewish  War;  and  since  none  of  those 
that  quote  things  not  now  extant  in  his  work,  in- 
cluding himself  as  well  as  others,  ever  cite  any 
such  abridgment,  I  am  forced  rather  to  suppose  that 
he  never  did  publish  any  such  work  at  all;  I  mean, 
as  distinct  from  his  own  Life,  written  by  himself, 
for  an  appendix  to  these  Antiquities,  and  this  at 
least  seven  years  after  these  Antiquities  were 
finished.  Nor,  indeed,  does  it  appear  that  Josephus 
ever  published  that  other  work  here  mentioned,  as 
intended  by  him  for  the  public  also.     I  mean  the 


write  three  books  concerning  our  Jewish 
opinions  about  God  and  his  essence,  and 
about  our  laws ;  why,  according  to  them, 
some  things  are  permitted  us  to  do,  and 
others  are  prohibited. 


three  or  four  books  "concerning  God  and  his  Es- 
sence," and  concerning  the  "Jewish  Laws;"  "why, 
according  to  them,  some  things  were  permitted  the 
Jews,  and  others  prohibited;"  which  last  seems  to 
be  the  same  work  which  Josephus  had  also  pro- 
mised, "  if  God  permitted,"  at  the  conclusion  of  his 
Preface  to  these  Antiquities  ;  nor  do  I  suppose  that 
he  ever  published  any  of  them.  The  death  of  all 
his  friends  at  court,  Vespasian,  Titus,  and  Domitian, 
and  the  coming  of  those  he  had  no  acquaintance 
with  to  the  crown,  I  mean  Nerva  and  Trajan,  to- 
gether with  his  removal  from  Rome  to  Judea,  with 
what  followed  it,  might  easily  interrupt  such  his  in- 
tentions, and  prevent  his  publication  of  those 
works. — Whiston. 


END  OF  THE  ANTIQUITIES. 


WARS  OF  THE  JEWS; 


OR, 


HISTORY  OF  THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  JERUSALEM. 


PREFACE. 


*Whereas   the  war  which  the  Jews 
made  with    the  Romans  hath  been   the 
greatest  of  all  those,  not  only  that  have 
been  in  our  times,  but,  in  a  manner,  of 
those  that  ever  were  heard  of;  both  of 
those  wherein  cities  have  fought  against 
cities,  or  nations  against  nations;  while 
some  men,  who  were  not  concerned  in  the 
affairs  themselves,  have  gotten   together 
vain  and  contradictory  stories  by  hearsay, 
and  have  written  them  down  after  a  so- 
phistical manner;  and  while   those  that 
were  there  present  have  given  false  ac- 
counts of  things,  and  this  either  out  of  a 
humour  of  flattery  to  the  Romans,  or  of 
hatred  toward  the  Jews;  and  while  their 
writings   contain  sometimes    accusations, 
and  sometimes  encomiums,  but  nowhere 
the  accurate  truth   of  the  facts,  I  have 
proposed  to  myself,  for  the  sake  of  such 
as  live  under  the  government  of  the  Ro- 
mans, to   translate  those  books  into  the 
Greek  tongue,  which  I  formerly  composed 
in  the  language  of  our  country,  and  sent 


*  The  History  of  the  Jewish  War  was  Jose- 
phus's  first  work,  and  published  about  A.  D.  75, 
•when  he  was  but  thirty-eight  years  of  age  ;  at  that 
time  he  was  not  thoroughly  acquainted  with  seve- 
ral circumstances  of  history,  from  the  days  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  with  which  it  begins,  till 
near  his  own  times,  contained  in  the  first  and 
former  part  of  the  second  book,  and  thus  commit- 
ted many  involuntary  errors  therein.  lie  pub- 
lished his  Antiquities  eighteen  years  afterward,  in 
the*  thirteenth  of  Domitian,  A.  D.  93,  when  he  was 
more  completely  acquainted  with  those  ancient 
times,  and  after  he  had  perused  the  first  book  of 
Maccabees,  and  the  Chronicles  of  the  Priesthood 
of  John  Hyrcanus,  &c.  He  then  reviewed  those 
parts  of  this  work,  and  gave  the  public  a  more 
faithful,  complete,  and  accurate  account  of  the 
fads  therein  related,  and  honestly  corrected  the 
errors  he  had  before  run  into. 


to  the  Upper  Barbarians;*  I,  Joseph,  the 
son  of  Matthias,  by  birth  a  Hebrew,  a 
priest  also,  and  one  who  at  first  fought 
against  the  Romans  myself,  and  was  forced 
to  be  present  at  what  was  done  afterward, 
[am  the  author  of  this  work.] 

Now,  at  the  time  when  this  great  con- 
cussion of  affairs  happened,  the  affairs  of 
the  Romans  themselves  were  in  great  dis- 
order.    Those  Jews,  also,  who  were  for 
innovations,   then  arose  when  the  times 
were  disturbed ;  they  were  also  in  a  flou- 
rishing condition  for  strength  and  riches, 
insomuch  that  the  affairs  of  the  East  were 
then  exceeding  tumultuous,  while  some 
hoped  for  gain,  and  others  were  afraid  of 
loss  in  such  troubles ;  for  the  Jews  hoped 
that  all  of  their  nation  which  were  beyond 
Euphrates  would  have  raised  an  insurrec- 
tion together  with  them.     The  Gauls  also, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Romans,  were 
in  motion,  and  the  Celtae  were  not  quiet ; 
but  all  was  in  disorder  after  the  death  of 
Nero.     And  the  opportunity  now  offered 
induced  many  to  aim  at  the  royal  power ; 
and  the  soldiery  affected  change,  out  of 
the  hopes  of  getting  money.     I  thought 
it,  therefore,  an  absurd  thing  to  see  the 
truth  falsified  in  affairs  of  such  great  con- 
sequence, aud   to  take  no  notice  of  it; 
but  to  suffer  those  Greeks  and  Romans 
that  were  not  in  the  wars  to  be  ignorant 
of  these  things,  and  to  read  either  flatte- 
ries or  fictions,  while  the  Parthians,  and 
the  Babylonians,  and  the  remotest  Ara- 
bians, aud   those  of  our  nation  beyond 

•  These  Upper  Barbariaus,  remote  from  the  sea, 
were  the  Parthians  and  Babylonians,  and  remote 
Arabians  [or  the  Jews  among  them];  besides  the 
I  Jews  beyond  Euphrates,  and  the  Assyrians 

141 


142 


PREFACE. 


Euphrates,  with  the  Adiabeni,  by  my 
means,  knew  accurately  both  whence  the 
war  began,  what  miseries  it  brought  upon 
us,  and  after  what  manner  it  ended. 

It  is  true,  these  writers  have  the  con- 
fidence to  call  their  accounts  histories ; 
wherein  yet  they  seem  to  me  to  fail  of 
their  own  purpose,  as  well  as  to  relate 
nothing  that  is  sound ;  for  they  have  a 
mind  to  demonstrate  the  greatness  of  the 
Romans,  while  they  still  diminish  and 
lessen  the  actions  of  the  Jews,  as  not  dis- 
cerning how  it  cannot  be  that  those  must 
appear  to  be  great  who  have  only  con- 
quered those  that  were  little ;  nor  are 
they  ashamed  to  overlook  the  length  of 
the  war,  the  multitude  of  the  Roman 
forces  who  so  greatly  suffered  in  it,  or  the 
might  of  the  commanders,  whose  great 
labours  about  Jerusalem  will  be  deemed 
inglorious,  if  what  they  achieved  be  reck- 
oned but  a  small  matter. 

However,  I  will  not  go  to  the  other  ex- 
treme, out  of  opposition  to  those  men 
who  extol  the  Romans,  nor  will  I  deter- 
mine to  raise  the  actions  of  my  country- 
men too  high ;  but  I  will  prosecute  the 
actions  of  both  parties  with  accuracy. 
Yet  shall  I  suit  my  language  to  the  pas- 
sions I  am  under,  as  to  the  affairs  I  de- 
scribe, and  must  be  allowed  to  indulge 
some  lamentations  upon  the  miseries  un- 
dergone by  my  own  country ;  for  that 
it  was  a  seditious  temper  of  our  own  that 
destroyed  it;  and  that  they  were  the  ty- 
rants among  the  Jews  who  brought  the 
Roman  power  upon  us,  who  unwillingly 
attacked  us,  and  occasioned  the  burning 
of  our  holy  temple ;  Titus  Cnesar,  who  de- 
stroyed it,  is  himself  a  witness,  who,  dur- 
ing the  entire  war,  pitied  the  people  who 
were  kept  under  by  the  seditious,  and  did 
often  voluntarily  delay  the  taking  of  the 
city,  and  allowed  time  to  the  siege,  in 
order  to  let  the  authors  have  opportunity 
for  repentance.  But  if  any  one  makes 
an  unjust  accusation  against  us,  when  we 
speak  so  passionately  about  the  tyrants, 
or  the  robbers,  or  sorely  bewail  the  mis- 
fortunes of  our  country,  let  him  indulge 
my  affections  herein,  though  it  be  contrary 
to  the  rules  for  writing  history ;  because 
it  had  so  come  to  pass,  that  our  city  Jeru- 
salem had  arrived  at  a  higher  degree  of 
felicity  than  any  other  city  under  the 
Roman  government,  and  yet  at  last  fell 
into  the  sorest  of  calamities  again.  Ac- 
cordingly, it  appears  to  me  that  the  mis- 
fortunes of  all  men  from  the  beginning 


of  the  world,  if  they  be  compared  to  these 
of  the  Jews,*  are  not  so  considerable  sa 
they  were ;  while  the  authors  of  there 
were  not  foreigners  either.  This  make? 
it  impossible  for  me  to  contain  my  la- 
mentations. But,  if  any  one  be  inflexi- 
ble in  his  censures  of  me,  let  him  attri- 
bute the  facts  themselves  to  the  historical 
part,  and  the  lamentations  to  the  writer 
himself  only. 

However,  I  may  justly  blame  the 
learned  men  among  the  Greeks,  who, 
when  such  great  actions  have  been  done 
in  their  own  times,  which,  upon  the  com- 
parison, quite  eclipse  the  old  wars,  do  yet 
sit  as  judges  of  those  affairs,  and  pass  bit- 
ter censures  upon  the  labours  of  the  best 
writers  of  antiquity;  which  moderns,  al- 
though they  may  be  superior  to  the  old 
writers  in  eloquence,  yet  are  they  inferior 
to  them  in  the  execution  of  what  they 
intended  to  do.  While  these  also  write 
new  histories  about  the  Assyrians  and 
Medes,  as  if  the  ancient  writers  had  not 
described  their  affairs  as  they  ought  to 
have  done;  although  these  be  as  far  in- 
ferior to  them  in  abilities  as  they  are  dif- 
ferent in  their  notions  from  them  ;  for  of 
old  every  one  took  upon  them  to  write 
what  happened  in  his  own  time,  where 
their  immediate  concern  in  the  actions 
made  their  promises  of  value,  and  where 
it  must  be  reproachful  to  write  lies,  when 
they  must  be  known  by  the  readers  to  be 
such.  But  then,  an  undertaking  to  pre- 
serve the  memory  of  what  hath  not  been 
before  recorded,  and  to  represent  the  af- 
fairs of  one's  own  time  to  those  that  come 
afterward,  is  really  worthy  of  praise  and 
commendation.  Now,  he  is  to  be  esteemed 
to  have  taken  good  pains  in  earnest,  not 
who  does  no  more  than  change  the  dispo- 
sition and  order  of  other  men's  works, 
but  he  who  not  only  relates  what  had  not 
been  related  before,  but  composes  an  en- 
tire body  of  history  of  his  own  :  accord- 
ingly, I  have  been  at  great  charges,  and 
have  taken  very  great  pains  [about  this 
history],  though  I  be  a  foreigner ;  and 
so  dedicate  this  work,  as  a  memorial  of 
great  actions,  both  to  the  Greeks  and  to 
the  Barbarians.  But,  for  some  of  our 
own  principal  men,  their  mouths  are  wide 
open,  and  their  tongues  loosed  presently 
for  gain  and  lawsuits,  but  quite  muzzled 
up  when  they  are  to  write  history,  where 
they  must   speak   truth  and  gather  facts 

*  See  Matt.  xxiv.  21 ;  Mark  xiii.  19 ;  Luke  xxi, 
23,  24. 


PREFACE. 


143 


together  with  i  great  deal  of  pains  ;  and 
so  they  leave  the  writing  such  histories  to 
weaker  people,  and  to  such  as  are  not  ac- 
quainted with  the  actions  of  princes.  Yet 
shall  the  real  truth  of  historical  facts  be 
preferred  by  us,  how  much  soever  it  be 
neglected  among  the  Greek  historians. 

To  write  concerning  the  Antiquities 
of  the  Jews,  who  they  were  [originally], 
and  how  they  revolted  from  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  what  countries  they  travelled 
over,  and  what  countries  they  seized  upon 
afterward,  and  how  they  were  removed 
out  of  them,  I  think  this  not  to  be  a  fit 
opportunity,  and,  on  other  accounts,  also 
superfluous  ;  and  this,  because  many  Jews 
before  me  have  composed  the  histories  of 
our  ancestors  very  exactly ;  as  have  some 
of  the  Greeks  done  it  also,  and  have  trans- 
lated our  histories  into  their  own  tongue, 
and  have  not  much  mistaken  the  truth 
in  their  histories.  But  then,  where  the 
writers  of  these  affairs  and  our  prophets 
leave  off,  thence  shall  I  take  my  rise  and 
begin  my  history.  Now,  as  to  what  con- 
cerns that  war  which  happened  in  my 
own  time,  I  will  go  over  it  very  largely, 
and  with  all  the  diligence  I  am  able;  but, 
what  preceded  mine  own  age,  that  I  shall 
run  over  briefly. 

[For  example,  I  shall  relate]  how  An- 
tiochus,  who  was  named  Epiphanes,  took 
Jerusalem  by  force,  and  held  it  three 
years  and  three  months,  and  was  then 
ejected  out  of  the  country  by  the  sons  of 
Asamoneus;  after  that,  how  their  pos- 
terity quarrelled  about  the  government, 
and  brought  upon  their  settlement  the 
Romans  and  Pompey;  how  Herod  also, 
the  son  of  Antipater,  dissolved  their  go- 
vernment, and  brought  Socius  upon  them; 
as  also  how  our  people  made  a  sedition 
upon  Herod's  death,  while  Augustus  was 
the  Roman  emperor,  and  Quintilius  Va- 
rus was  in  that  country ;  and  how  the  war 
broke  out  in  the  twelfth  year  of  Nero, 
with  what  happened  to  Cestius  ;  and 
what  places  the  Jews  assaulted  in  a  hos- 
tile manner  in  the  first  sallies  of  the  war. 

As  also,  [I  shall  relate]  how  they  built 
walls  about  the  neighbouring  cities;  and 
how  Nero,  upon  Cestius's  defeat,  was  in 
fear  of  the  entire  event  of  the  war,  and 
thereupon  made  Vespasian  general  in  this 
war ;  and  how  this  Vespasian,  with  the 
elder  of  his  sons  [Titus],  made  an  ex- 
pedition into  the  country  of  Judea;  what 
was  the  number  of  the  Roman  army  that 
he  made  use  of;  and  how  many  of  his 
2S 


auxiliaries  were  cut  off  in  all  Galilee  ; 
and  how  he  took  some  of  its  cities  en- 
tirely, and  by  force,  and  others  of  them 
by  treaty,  and  on  terms.  Now,  when  I 
am  come  so  far,  I  shall  describe  the  good 
order  of  the  Romans  in  war,  and  the 
discipline  of  their  legions:  the  amplitude 
of  both  the  Galilees,  with  its  nature,  and 
the  limits  of  Judea.  And,  besides  this, 
I  shall  particularly  go  over  what  is  pecu- 
liar to  the  country,  the  lakes  and  foun- 
tains that  are  in  them,  and  what  miseries 
happened  to  every  city  as  they  were 
taken  ;  and  all  this  with  accuracy,  as  I 
saw  the  things  done,  or  suffered  in  them; 
for  I  shall  not  conceal  any  of  the  calami- 
ties I  myself  endured,  since  I  relate  them 
to  such  as  know  the  truth  of  them. 

After  this  [I  shall  relate]  how,  when 
the  Jews'  affairs  had  become  very  bad, 
Nero  died;  and  Vespasian,  when  he  was 
going  to  attack  Jerusalem,  was  called 
back  to  take  the  government  upon  him; 
what  signs  happened  to  him  relating  to 
his  gaining  that  government,  and  what 
mutations  of  government  then  happened 
at  Rome,  and  how  he  was  unwillingly 
made  emperor  by  his  soldiers;  and  how, 
upon  his  departure  to  Egypt,  to  take  upon 
him  the  government  of  the  empire,  the 
affairs  of  the  Jews  became  very  tumul- 
tuous; as  also  how  the  tyrants  rose  up 
against  them,  and  fell  into  dissensions 
among  themselves. 

Moreover,  [I  shall  relate]  how  Titus 
marched  out  of  Egypt  into  Judea  the 
second  time ;  as  also  how  and  where,  and 
how  many  forces  he  got  together ;  and  in 
what  state  the  city  was,  by  means  of  the 
seditious,  at  his  coming ;  what  attacks  he 
made,  and  how  many  ramparts  he  cast 
up;  of  the  three  walls  that  encompassed 
the  city,  and  of  their  measures ;  of  the 
strength  of  the  city,  and  the  structures 
of  the  temple  and  holy  house;  and. besides, 
the  measures  of  those  edifices,  and  of  the 
altar,  and  all  accurately  determined.  A 
description,  also,  of  certain  of  their  fes- 
tivals, and  seven  purifications  or  days  of 
purity,  and  the  sacred  ministrations  of  the 
priests,  with  the  garments  of  the  priests, 
and  of  the  high-priests;  and  of  the  nature 
of  the  most  holy  place  of  the  temple; 
without  concealing  any  thing,  or  adding 
any  thing  to  the  known  truth  of  things. 

After  this,  I  shall  relate  the  barbarity 
of  the  tyrants  toward  the  people  of  their 
own  nation,  as  well  as  the  indulgence  of 
the  Romans,  in  sparing  foreigners ;  and 


144 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


bow  often  Titus,  out  of  his  desire  to  pre- 
serve the  city  and  the  temple,  invited  the 
seditious  to  come  to  terms  of  accommo- 
dation. I  shall  also  distinguish  the  suffer- 
ings of  the  people,  and  their  calamities; 
how  far  they  were  afflicted  by  the  sedition, 
and  how  far  by  the  famine,  and  at  length 
were  taken.  Nor  shall  I  omit  to  mention 
the  misfortunes  of  the  deserters,  nor  the 
punishment  inflicted  on  the  captives;  as 
also,  how  the  temple  was  burnt,  against 
the  consent  of  Caesar;  and  how  many 
sacred  things  that  had  been  laid  up  in  the 
temple  were  snatched  out  of  the  fire;  the 
destruction  also  of  the  entire  city,  with 
the  signs  and  wonders  that  went  before 
it;  and  the  taking  the  tyrants  captive,  and 
the  multitude  of  those   that   were   made 


slaves,  and  into  what  different  misfortunes 
they  were  every  one  distributed.  More- 
over, what  the  Romans  did  to  the  remains 
of  the  wall;  and  how  they  demolished  the 
strongholds  that  were  in  the  country;  and 
how  Titus  went  over  the  whole  country, 
and  settled  its  affairs ;  together  with  his 
return  to  Italy,  and  his  triumph. 

I  have  comprehended  all  these  things 
in  seven  books,  and  have  left  no  occasion 
for  complaints  or  accusation  to  such  as 
have  been  acquainted  with  this  war;  and 
I  have  written  it  down  for  the  sake  of 
those  that  love  truth,  but  not  for  those 
that  please  themselves  [with  fictitious 
relations].  And  I  will  begin  my  account 
of  these  things,  vicfi  tnat  I  call  my  first 
chapter. 


BOOK  I. 


CONTAINING  AN  INTERVAL  OF  167  YEARS,  FitOM  THE  TAKING  OF 
JERUSALEM  BY  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES  TO  '£HE  DEATH  OF  HEROD 
THE  GREAT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Jerusalem  taken,  and  the  temple  pillaged  [byAnti- 
ochus  Epiphanes] — Actions  "of  the  Maccabees, 
Matthias  and  Judas — Death  of  Judas. 

At  the  same  time  that  Antiochus,  who 
was  called  Epiphanes,  had  a  quarrel  with 
the  sixth  Ptolemy  about  his  right  to  the 
whole  country  of  Syria,  a  great  sedition 
fell  among  the  men  of  power  in  Judea, 
and  they  had  a  contention  about  obtain- 
ing the  government;  while  each  of  those 
that  were  of  dignity  could  not  endure  to 
be  subject  to  their  equals.  However, 
Onias,  one  of  the  high  priests,  got  the 
better,  and  cast  the  sons  of  Tobias  out  of 
the  city;  who  fled  to  Antiochus,  and 
besought  him  to  make  use  of  them  for 
his  leaders,  and  to  make  an  expedition 
into  Judea.  The  king  being  thereto  dis- 
posed beforehand,  complied  with  them, 
and  came  upon  the  Jews  with  a  great 
army,  and  took  their  city  by  force,  and 
slew  a  great  multitude  of  those  that  fa- 
voured Ptolemy,  and  sent  out  his  soldiers 
to  plunder  them,  without  mercy.  He 
also  spoiled  the  temple,  and  put  a  stop  to 
the  constant  practice  of  offering  a  daily 
sacrifice  of  expiation,  for  three  years 
and  six  months.     But  Onias,    the    high 


priest,  fled  to  Ptolemy,  and  received  a 
place  from  him  in  the  Nomus  of  Helio- 
polis,  where  he  built  a  city  resembling 
Jerusalem,  and  a  temple  that  was  like  its 
temple ;  concerning  which  we  shall  speak 
more  in  its  proper  place  hereafter. 

Now,  Antiochus  was  not  satisfied  either 
with  his  unexpected  taking  the  city,  or 
with  its  pillage,  with  the  great  slaughter 
he  had  made  there;  but  being  overcome 
with  his  violent  passions,  and  remember- 
ing what  he  had  suffered  during  the  siege, 
he  compelled  the  Jews  to  dissolve  the 
laws  of  their  country,  and  to  keep  their 
infants  uncircumcised,  and  to  sacrifice 
swine's  flesh  upon  the  altar;  agunst 
which  they  all  opposed  themselves,  and 
the  most  approved  among  them  were  put 
to  death.  Bacchides  also,  who  was  sent 
to  keep  the  fortresses,  having  these  wicked 
commands,  joined  to  his  own  natural 
barbarity,  indulged  all  sorts  of  the  extrem- 
est  wickedness,  and  tormented  the  wor- 
thiest of  the  inhabitants,  man  by  man,  and 
threatened  their  city  every  day  with  open 
destruction;  till  at  length  he  provoked 
the  poor  sufferers,  by  the  extremity  of  his 
wicked  doings,  to  avenge  themselves. 

Accordingly,  Matthias,  the  son  of  Asa- 


0 


Chap.  II.] 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


145 


nioneus,  one  of  the  priests,  who  lived  in 
a  village  called  Modiu,  armed  himself, 
together  with  his  whole  family,  which  had 
five  sons  of  his  in  it,  and  slew  Bacchides 
with  daggers;  and  thereupon,  out  of  the 
fear  of  the  many  garrisons  [of  the  enemy], 
he  fled  to  the  mountains;  and  so  many 
of  the  people  followed  him,  that  he  was 
encouraged  to  come  down  from  the  moun- 
tains, aud  to  give  battle  to  Antiochus's 
generals,  when  he  beat  them,  and  drove 
them  out  of  Judea.  So  he  came  to  the 
government  by  this  his  success,  aud  be- 
came the  prince  of  his  own  people  by 
their  own  free  consent,  and  then  died, 
leaving  the  government  to  Judas,  his 
eldest  son. 

Now  Judas,  supposing  that  Antiochus 
would  not  lie  still,  gathered  an  army  out 
of  his  own  countrymen,  and  was  the  first 
that  made  a  league  of  friendship  with  the 
Romans,  and  drove  Epiphanes  out  of  the 
country  when  he  had  made  a  second 
expedition  into  it,  and  this  by  giving 
him  a  great  defeat  there ;  and  when  he 
was  warmed  by  this  great  success,  he 
made  an  assault  upon  the  garrison  that 
was  in  the  city,  for  it  had  not  been  cut 
off  hitherto ;  so  he  ejected  them  out  of 
the  upper  city,  and  drove  the  soldiers  into 
the  lower,  which  part  of  the  city  was 
called  the  citadel.  He  then  got  the 
temple  under  his  power,  and  cleansed  the 
whole  place,  and  walled  it  round  about, 
and  made  new  vessels  for  sacred  ministra- 
tions, and  brought  them  into  the  temple, 
because  the  former  vessels  had  been  pro- 
faned. He  also  built  another  altar,  and 
began  to  offer  the  sacrifices;  and  when 
the  city  had  already  received  its  sacred 
constitution  again,  Antiochus  died;  whose 
son  Antiochus  succeeded  him  in  the  king- 
dom, and  in  his  hatred  to  the  Jews  also. 

So  that  Antiochus  got  together  50,000 
footmen,  and  5000  horsemen,  and  80 
elephants,  and  marched  through  Judea 
into  the  mountainous  parts.  He  then 
took  Bethsura,  which  was  a  small  city; 
but  at  a  place  called  Bethzacharias,  where 
the  passage  was  narrow,  Judas  met  him 
with  his  army.  However,  before  the  forces 
joined  battle,  Judas's  brother,  Eleazar, 
seeing  the  very  highest  of  the  elephants 
adorned  with  a  large  tower,  and  with  mili- 
tary trappings  of  gold  to  guard  him,  and 
supposing  that  Autiochus  himself  was 
upon  him,  he  ran  a  great  way  before  his 
own  army,  and,  cutting  his  way  through 
the   enemies'   troops,  he  got  up  to   the 


elephant;  yet  could  not  reach  him  who 
seemed  to  be  the  king,  by  reason  of  his 
being  so  high  ;  but  still  he  ran  his  weapon 
into  the  belly  of  the  beast,  and  brought 
him  down  upon  himself,  and  was  crashed 
to  death,  having  done  no  more  than  at- 
tempted great  things,  and  showed  that  he 
preferred  glory  before  life.  Now,  he  that 
governed  the  elephant  was  but  a  private 
man  ;  but  had  he  proved  to  be  Antiochus, 
Eleazar  had  done  nothing  more  by  this 
bold  stroke  than  it  might  appear  he 
chose  to  die,  when  he  had  the  bare  hope 
of  thereby  doing  a  glorious  action  ;  nay, 
this  disappointment  proved  an  omen  to 
his  brother  [Judas]  how  the  entire  battle 
would  end.  It  is  true  that  the  Jews 
fought  it  out  bravely  for  a  long  time ;  but 
the  king's  forces,  being  superior  in  num- 
ber, and  having  fortune  on  their  side, 
obtained  the  victory ;  and  when  a  great 
many  of  his  men  were  slain,  Judas  took 
the  rest  with  him,  and  fled  to  the  toparchy 
of  Gophna.  So  Antiochus  went  to  Je- 
rusalem, and  stayed  there  but  a  few  days, 
for  he  wanted  provisions,  and  so  he  went 
his  way.  He  left,  indeed,  a  garrison  be- 
hind him,  such  as  he  thought  sufficient 
to  keep  the  place ;  but  drew  the  rest  of 
his  army  off,  to  take  their  winter-quarters 
in  Syria. 

Now,  after  the  king  had  departed, 
Judas  was  not  idle ;  for  as  many  of  his 
own  nation  came  to  him,  so  did  he  gather 
those  that  had  escaped  out  of  the  battle 
together,  and  gave  battle  again  to  Anti- 
ochus's generals  at  a  village  called  Adasa  ; 
and,  being  too  hard  for  his  enemies  in 
the  battle,  and  killing  a  great  number  of 
them,  he  was  at  last  himself  slain  also. 
Nor  was  it  many  days  afterward  that  his 
brother  John  had  a  plot  laid  against  him 
by  Antiochus's  party,  and  was  slain  by 
them. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Jonathan,  Simeon,  and   John   Hyrcanus  succeed 
Judas  Maccabeus. 

AViien  Jonathan,  who  was  Judas's  bro- 
ther, succeeded  him,  he  behaved  himself 
with  great  circumspection  in  other  re- 
spects, with  relation  to  his  own  people ; 
and  he  corroborated  his  authority  by  pre- 
serving his  friendship  with  the  Romans. 
He  also  made  a  league  with  Antiochus 
the  son.  Yet  all  this  was  not  sufficient 
for  his  security;  for  the  tyrant  Trypho, 
who    was  guardian   to    Antiochus's    sou, 


146 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


laid  a  plot  against  him  ;  and,  besides  that, 
endeavoured  to  take  off  his  friends,  and 
caught  Jonathan  by  a  wile,  as  he  was 
going  to  Ptolemais  to  Antiochus,  with  a 
few  persons  in  his  company,  and  put 
them  in  bonds,  and  then  made  an  expe- 
dition against  the  Jews ;  but  when  he 
was  afterward  driven  away  by  Simeon, 
who  was  Jonathan's  brother,  and  was 
enraged  at  his  defeat,  he  put  Jonathan  to 
death. 

However,  Simeon  managed  the  public 
affairs  after  a  courageous  manner,  and 
took  Gazara  and  Joppa,  and  Jamnia,  which 
were  cities  in  the  neighbourhood.  He 
also  got  the  garrison  Under,  and  demo- 
lished the  citadel.  He  was  afterwars  an 
auxiliary  to  Antiochus,  against  Trypho, 
whom  he  besieged  at  Dora,  before  he 
went  on  his  expedition  against  the  Medes; 
yet  could  not  he  make  the  king  ashamed 
of  his  ambition,  though  he  had  assisted 
him  in  killing  Trypho;  for  it  was  not 
long  ere  Antiochus  sent  Cendebeus,  his 
general,  with  an  army,  to  lay  waste  Judea, 
and  to  subdue  Simeon ;  yet  he,  though 
he  was  now  in  years,  conducted  the  war 
as  if  he  were  a  much  younger  man.  He 
also  sent  his  sons  with  a  band  of  strong 
men  against  Antiochus,  while  he  took 
part  of  the  army  with  him,  and  fell  upon 
him  from  another  quarter;-  he  also  laid  a 
great  many  men  in  ambush  in  many 
places  of  the  mountains,  and  was  superior 
in  all  his  attacks  upon  them.  And  when 
he  had  been  conqueror  after  so  glorious  a 
manner,  he  was  made  high  priest,  and 
also  freed  the  Jews  from  the  dominion  of 
the  Macedonians;  after  170  years  of  the 
empire  [of  Seleucus]. 

This  Simeon  had  also  a  plot  laid  against 
him,  and  was  slain  at  a  feast  by  his  son- 
in-law,  Ptolemy,  who  put  his  wife  and 
two  sons  into  prison,  and  sent  some  per- 
sons to  kill  John,  who  was  also  called 
Hyrcanus.  But  when  the  young  man 
was  informed  of  their  coming  beforehand, 
he  made  much  haste  to  get  to  the  city,  as 
having  a  very  great  confidence  in  the 
people  there,  both  on  account  of  the 
memory  of  the  glorious  actions  of  his 
father,  and  of  the  hatred  they  could  not 
but  bear  to  the  injustice  of  Ptolemy. 
Ptolemy  also  made  an  attempt  to  get  into 
the  city  by  another  gate,  but  was  repelled 
by  the  people,  who  had  just  then  admitted 
Hyrcanus ;  so  he  retired  presently  to  one 
of  the  fortresses  that  was  above  Jericho, 
which   was   called  Dagon.     Now,   when 


Hyrcanus  had  received  the  high-priest- 
hood, which  his  father  had  held  before, 
and  offered  sacrifice  to  God,  he  made 
great  haste  to  attack  Ptolemy,  that  he 
might  afford  relief  to  his  mother  and 
brethren. 

So  he  laid  siege  to  the  fortress,  and 
was  superior  to  Ptolemy  in  other  respects, 
but  was  overcome  by  him  as  to  the  just 
affection  [he  had  for  his  relations] ;  for 
when  Ptolemy  was  distressed,  he  brought 
forth  his  mother  and  his  brethren,  and 
set  them  upon  the  wall,  and  beat  them 
with  rods  in  everybody's  sight,  and 
threatened,  that,  unless  he  would  go 
away  immediately,  he  would  throw  them 
down  headlong;  at  which  sight,  Hyrca- 
nus's  commiseration  and  concern  were  too 
hard  for  his  anger.  But  his  mother  was 
not  dismayed,  neither  at  the  stripes  she 
received,  nor  at  the  death  with  which  she 
was  threatened,  but  stretched  out  her 
hands,  and  prayed  her  son  not  to  be 
moved  with  the  injuries  that  she  suffered, 
to  spare  the  wretch ;  since  it  was  to  her 
better  to  die  by  the  means  of  Ptolemy 
than  to  live  ever  so  long,  provided  he 
might  be  punished  for  the  injuries  he 
had  done  to  their  family.  Now,  John's 
case  was  this :  when  he  considered  the 
courage  of  his  mother,  and  heard  her 
entreaty,  he  set  about  his  attacks;  but 
when  he  saw  her  beaten,  and  torn  to 
pieces  with  the  stripes,  he  grew  feeble, 
and  was  entirely  overcome  by  his  affec- 
tions. And  as  the  siege  was  delayed  by 
this  means,  the  year  of  rest  came  on, 
upon  which  the  Jews  rest  every  seventh 
year  as  they  do  on  every  seventh  day. 
On  this  year,  therefore,  Ptolemy  was 
freed  from  being  besieged,  and  slew  the 
brethren  of  John,  with  their  mother,  and 
fled  to  Zeno,  who  was  also  called  Cotylas, 
who  was  the  tyrant  of  Philadelphia. 

And  now  Antiochus  was  so  angry  at 
what  he  had  suffered  from  Simeon,  that 
he  made  an  expedition  into  Judea,  and 
sat  down  before  Jerusalem,  and  besieged 
Hyrcanus;  but  Hyrcanus  opened  the  se- 
pulchre of  David,  who  was  the  richest  of 
all  kings,  and  took  thence  about  3000 
talents  in  money,  and  induced  Antiochus 
by  the  promise  of  three  thousand  talents, 
to  raise  the  siege.  Moreover,  he  was  the 
first  of  the  Jews  that  had  money  enough, 
and  began  to  hire  foreign  auxiliaries  also. 
However,  at  another  time,  when  Antio- 
chus had  gone  upon  an  expedition  against 
the    Medes,    and   so   gave   Hyrcanus  an 


Chai\  III.] 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


147 


opportunity  of  being  avenged  upon  him, 
he  immediately  made  an  attack  upon  the 
cities  of  Syria,  as  thinking,  what  proved 
to  be  the  case  with  them,  that  he  should 
find  them  empty  of  good  troops.  So  he 
took  Medaba  and  Samea,  with  the  towns 
in  their  neighbourhood,  as  also  Shechem 
and  Gerizzim ;  and  besides  these,  [he 
subdued]  the  nation  of  the  Cutheans,  who 
dwelt  round  about  that  temple  which  was 
built  in  imitation  of  the  temple  at  Jeru- 
salem :  he  also  took  a  great  many  other 
cities  of  Idumea,  with  Adoreon  and 
Marissa. 

He  also  proceeded  as  far  as  Samaria, 
where  is  now  the  city  Sebaste,  which  was 
built  by  Herod  the  king,  and  encompassed 
it  all  round  with  a  wall,  and  set  his  sons, 
Aristobulus  and  Antigonus,  over  the 
siege ;  who  pushed  it  on  so  hard,  that  a 
famine  so  far  prevailed  within  the  city, 
that  they  were  forced  to  eat  what  never 
was  esteemed  food.  They  also  invited 
Antiochus,  who  was  called  Cyzicenus,  to 
come  to  their  assistance;  whereupon  he 
got  ready,  and  complied  with  their  invita- 
tion, but  was  beaten  by  Aristobulus  and 
Antigonus ;  and,  indeed,  he  was  pursued 
as  far  as  Scythopolis  by  these  brethren, 
and  fled  away  from  them.  So  they  re- 
turned back  to  Samaria,  and  shut  the 
multitude  again  within  the  wall ;  and 
when  they  had  taken  the  city  they  de- 
molished it,  and  made  slaves  of  its  in- 
habitants. And,  as  they  had  still  great 
success  in  their  undertakings,  they  did 
not  suffer  their  zeal  to  cool,  but  marched 
with  an  army  as  far  as  Scythopolis,  and 
made  an  incursion  upon  it,  and  laid  waste 
all  the  country  that  lay  within  Mount 
Carmel. 

But  then,  these  successes  of  John  and 
of  his  sons  made  them  be  envied,  and  oc- 
casioned a  sedition  in  the  country;  and 
many  there  were  who  got  together,  and 
would  not  be  at  rest  till  they  broke  out 
into  open  war,  in  which  war  they  were 
beaten.  So  John  lived  the  rest  of  his 
life  very  happily,  and  administered  the 
government  after  a  most  extraordinary 
manner,  and  this  for  thirty-three  entire 
years  together.  He  died,  leaving  five 
sons  behind  him.  He  was  certainly  a 
very  happy  man,  and  afforded  no  occasion 
to  have  any  complaint  made  of  fortune 
on  his  account.  He  it  was,  who  alone 
had  three  of  the  most  desirable  things  in 
the  world, — the  government  of  his  nation, 
and  the  high-priesthood,  and  the  gift  of 


prophecy;  for  the  Deity  conversed  with 
hiin,  and  he  was  not  ignorant  of  any 
thing  that  was  to-  come  afterward;  inso- 
much that  he  foresaw  and  foretold  that 
his  two  eldest  sons  would  not  continue 
masters  of  the  government :  and  it  will 
highly  deserve  our  narration  to  describe 
their  catastrophe,  and  how  far  inferior 
these  men  were  to  their  father  in  felicity. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Aristobulus  changes  the  government  into  a  king- 
dom— destroys  his  mother  and  brother — reigns 
one  year. 

For,  after  the  death  of  their  father, 
the  elder  of  them,  Aristobulus,  changed 
the  government  into  a  kingdom,  and  was 
the  first  that  put  a  diadem  upon  his  head, 
four  hundred  and  seventy-one  years  and 
three  months  after  our  people  came  down 
into  this  country,  when  they  were  set  free 
from  the  Babylonian  slavery.  Now,  of 
his  brethren,  he  appeared  to  have  an  af- 
fection for  Antigonus,  who  was  next  to 
him,  and  made  him  his  equal;  but,  for 
the  rest,  he  bound  them  and  put  them  in 
prison.  He  also  put  his  mother  in  bonds 
for  her  contesting  the  government  with 
him ;  for  John  had  left  her  to  be  the  go- 
verness of  public  affairs.  He  also  pro- 
ceeded to  that  degree  of  barbarity  as  to 
cause  her  to  pine  to  death  in  prison. 

But  vengeance  circumvented  him  in 
the  affair  of  his  brother  Antigonus,  whom 
he  loved,  and  whom  he  made  his  partner 
in  the  kingdom ;  for  he  slew  him  by  the 
means  of  the  calumnies  which  ill  men 
about  the  palace  contrived  agaiust  him. 
At  first,  indeed,  Aristobulus  would  not 
believe  their  reports,  partly  out  of  the 
affection  he  had  for  his  brother,  and 
partly  because  he  thought  that  a  great 
part  of  these  tales  were  owing  to  the  envy 
of  their  relaters  :  however,  as  Antigonus 
came  once  in  a  splendid  manner  from  tho 
army  to  that  festival  wherein  our  ancient 
custom  is  to  make  tabernacles  for  God,  it 
happened  in  those  days  that  Aristobulus 
was  sick,  and  that,  at  the  conclusion  of 
the  feast,  Antigonus  came  up  to  it,  with 
his  armed  men  about  him,  and  this  when 
he  was  adorned  in  the  finest  manner  pos- 
sible; and  that,  in  a  great  measure,  to 
pray  to  God  on  the  behalf  of  his  brother. 
Now,  at  this  very  time  it  was  that  these 
ill  men  came  to  the  king,  and  told  him  in 
what  a  pompous  manner  the  armed  men 


148 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


came,  and  with  what  insolence  Antigonus 
marched,  and  that  such  his  insolence  was 
too  great  for  a  private  person,  and  that, 
accordingly,  he  had  come  with  a  great 
band  of  men  to  kill  him;  for  that  he 
could  not  endure  this  bare  enjoyment  of 
royal  honour,  when  it  was  in  his  power  to 
take  the  kingdom  himself. 

Now  Aristobulus,  by  degrees,  and  un- 
willingly, gave  credit  to  these  accusa- 
tions; and,  accordingly,  he  took  care  not 
to  discover  his  suspicion  openly,  though 
he  provided  to  be  secure  against  any  inci- 
dents; so  he  placed  the  guards  of  his 
body  in  a  certain  dark  subterraneous  pas- 
sage ;  for  he  lay  sick  in  a  certain  place 
called  formerly  the  Citadel,  though,  after- 
ward, its  name  was  changed  to  Antonia; 
and  he  gave  orders  that,  if  Antigonus 
came  unarmed,  they  should  let  him  alone; 
but,  if  he  came  to  him  in  his  armour, 
they  should  kill  him.  He  also  sent  some 
to  let  him  know  beforehand  that  he  should 
come  unarmed.  But,  upon  this  occasion, 
the  queen  very  cunningly  contrived  the 
matter  with  those  that  plotted  his  ruin, 
for  she  persuaded  those  that  were  sent  to 
conceal  the  king's  message;  but  to  tell 
Antigonus  how  his  brother  had  heard  he 
had  got  a  very  fine  suit  of  armour,  made 
with  fine  martial  ornaments  in  Galilee ; 
and,  because  his  present  sickness  hindered 
him  from  coming  and  seeing  all  that 
finery,  he  very  much  desired  to  see  him 
now  in  his  armour,  because,  said  he,  in  a 
little  time  thou  art  going  away  from  me. 
As  soon  as  Antigonus  heard  this,  the 
good  temper  of  his  brother  not  allowing 
him  to  suspect  any  harm  from  him,  he 
came  along  with  his  armour  on  to  show  it 
to  his  brother;  but  when  he  was  going 
along  that  dark  passage,  which  was  called 
Strato's  Tower,  he  was  slain  by  the  body- 
guards, and  became  an  eminent  instance 
bow  calumny  destroys  all  good-will  and 
natural  affection,  and  how  none  of  our 
good  affections  are  strong  enough  to  resist 
envy  perpetually. 

And  truly,  any  one  would  be  surprised 
at  Judas  upon  this  occasion.  He  was  of 
the  sect  of  the  Essenes,  and  had  never 
failed  or  deceived  men  in  his  predictions 
before.  Now,  this  man  saw  Antigonus 
as  he  was  passing  along  by  the  temple, 
and  cried  out  to  his  acquaintance,  (they 
were  not  a  few  who  attended  upon  his 
scholars,)  "  Oh,  strange  !"  said  he  ;  "  it 
is  good  for  me  to  die  now,  since  truth  is 
dead   before   me,  and   somewhat  that  I 


have  foretold  hath  proved  false  ;  for  this 
Antigonus  is  this  day  alive,  who  ought  to 
have  died  this  day  ;  and  the  place  where 
he  ought  to  be  slain,  according  to  that 
fatal  decree,  was  Strato's  Tower,  which  is 
at  the  distance  of  six  hundred  furlongs 
from  this  place,  and  yet  four  hours  of  this 
day  are  over  already;  which  point  of  time 
renders  the  prediction  impossible  to  be 
fulfilled."  And,  when  the  old  man  had 
said  this,  he  was  dejected  in  his  mind, 
and  so  continued.  But,  in  a  little  time, 
news  came  that  Antigonus  was  slain  in 
a  subterraneous  place,  which  was  itself 
also  called  Strato's  Tower,  by  the  same 
name  with  that  Cesarea  which  lay  by  the 
seaside ;  and  this  ambiguity  it  was  which 
caused  the  prophet's  disorder.  • 

Hereupon  Aristobulus  repented  of  the 
great  crime  he  had  been  guilty  of,  and 
this  gave  occasion  to  the  increase  of  his 
distemper.     He  also  grew  worse  and  worse, 
and  his  soul  was  constantly  disturbed  at 
the-  thought  of  what  he  had  done,  till  his 
very  bowels  being  torn  to  pieces  by  the 
intolerable  grief  he  was  under,  he  threw 
up  a  great  quantity  of  blood.     And,   as 
one  of  those  servants  that  attended  him 
carried  out  that  blood,  he,  by  some  super- 
natural providence,  slipped  and  fell  down 
in  the  very  place  where  Antigonus  had 
been  slain ;  and  so  he  spilt  some  of  the 
murderer's   blood  upon  the  spots  of  the 
blood   of   him  that  had  been  murdered, 
which   still   appeared.     Hereupon    a   la- 
mentable cry  arose  among  the  spectators, 
as  if  the  servant  had  spilled  the  blood  on 
purpose  in  that  place  ;  and,  as  the  king 
heard  that  cry,  he  inquired  what  was  the 
cause  of  it;  and,  while  nobody  durst  tell 
him,  he  pressed  them  so  much  the  more 
to  let  him  know  what  was  the  matter; 
so,   at  length,   when   he  had  threatened 
them    and    forced    them    to    speak    out, 
they  told ;  whereupon  he  burst  into  tears 
and  said,  "  So  I  perceive  I  am  not  like  to 
escape  the  all-seeing  eye  of  God  as  to  the 
greatest    crimes  I  have  committed;  but 
the  vengeance  of  the  blood  of  my  kins- 
man pursues  me  hastily.     0  thou  most 
impudent  body  !  how  long  wilt  thou  re- 
tain a  soul  that  ought  to  die,  on  account 
of  that  punishment  it  ought  to  suffer  for 
atnother  and  a  brother  slain  ?     How  long 
shall  I  myself  spend  my  blood  drop  by 
drop  ? — let  them  take  it  all  at  once ;  and 
let  their  ghosts  no  longer  be  disappointed 
by  a  few  parcels  of  my  bowels  offered  tc 
them."     As  soon  as  he   had  said  these 


Chap.  IV.] 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


119 


words,  he   presently  died,  when  he  had 
reigned  m  longer  than  a  year- 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Alexander   Jnnncus   succeeds  to  the  crown,   and 
reigns  twenty-seven  years. 

And  now  the  king's  wife   loosed  the 
king's    brethren,    and    made    Alexander 
king,  who  appeared  both  elder  in  age  and 
more   moderate  in   his   temper  than  the 
rest ;  who,  when  he  came  to  the  govern- 
ment, slew  one  of  his  brethren,  as  affect- 
ing to  govern  himself;  but  had  the  other 
of  them  in  great  esteem,  as  loving  a  quiet 
life,  without  meddling  with  public  affairs. 
Now  it  happened  that  there  was  a  bat- 
tle between  him   and  Ptolemy,  who  was 
called  Lathyrus,  who  had  taken  the  city 
Asochis.     He,  indeed,  slew  a  great  many 
of  his  enemies;    but   the  victory  rather 
inclined   to    Ptolemy.      But    when    this 
Ptolemy  was  pursued  by  his  mother  Cleo- 
patra, and  retired  into  Egypt,  Alexander 
besieged  Gadara,  and  took  it ;  as  also  he 
did  Amathus,  which  was  the  strongest  of 
all  the  fortresses  that  were  about  Jordan, 
and  therein  were  the  most  precious  of  all 
the  possessions  of  Theodorus,  the  son  of 
Zeno.     Whereupon   Theodorus    marched 
against  him,  and  took  what  belonged  to 
himself,  as   well  as  the  king's  baggage, 
and  slew  10,000  of  the  Jews.     However, 
Alexander  recovered  this  blow,  and  turned 
his  force  toward  the  maritime  parts,  and 
took   Eaphia  and  Gaza,  with   Anthedon 
also,  which  was  afterward  called  Agrip- 
pias  by  King  Herod. 

But  when  he  had  made  slaves  of  the 
citizens  of  all  these  cities,  the  nation  of 
Jews  made  an  insurrection  against  him  at  a 
festival ;  for  at  those  feasts  seditions  were 
generally  begun:  and  it  looked  as  if  he 
should  not  be  able  to  escape  the  plot  they 
had  laid  for  him,  had  not  his  foreign 
auxiliaries,  the  Pisidians  and  Cilicians  as- 
sisted him ;  for,  as  to  the  Syrians,  he  never 
admitted  them  among  his  mercenary 
troops,  on  account  of  their  innate  enmity 
against  the  Jewish  nation.  And  when  he 
had  slain  more  than  6000  of  the  rebels,  he 
made  an  incursion  into  Arabia,  and  when 
he  had  taken  that  country,  together  with 
the  Gileadites  and  Moabites,  he  enjoined 
them  to  pay  him  tribute,  and  returned  to 
Amathus;  and  as  Theodorus  was  surprised 
at  his  great  success,  he  took  the  fortress, 
and  demolished  it. 

However,  when  he  fought  with  Obodas, 


king  of  the  Arabians,  who  had  laid   an 
ambush  for  him  near  Golan,  and  a  plot 
against  him,  he  lost  his  entire  army,  which 
was  crowded  together  in  a  deep  valley,  and 
broken    to   pieces   by    the    multitude    of 
camels;  and  when  he  had  made  his  escape 
to  Jerusalem,  he  provoked  the  multitude, 
who  hated  him  before,  to  make  an  insur- 
rection against  him,  and  this  on  account  of 
the  greatness  of  the  calamity  that  he  was 
under.     However,  he  was  then  too   hard 
for  them ;  and  in  the  several  battles  that 
were  fought  on   both    sides,  he   slew  no 
fewer  than  50,000  of  the  Jews  in  the  in- 
terval of  six  years.     Yet  had  he  no  reason 
to  rejoice    in  these  victories,  since  he  did 
but  consume    his  own   kingdom;  till    at 
length  he  left  off  fighting,  and  endeavoured 
to  come  to  a  composition  with  them,  by 
talking  with  his  subjects;  but  this  muta- 
bility and  irregularity  of  his  conduct  made 
them  hate  him  still  more;  and  when  he 
asked  them  why  they  so  hated  him,  and 
what  he  should  do,  in   order  to  appease 
them,  they  said,  by  killing  himself;  for 
that  it  would  be  then  all  they  could  do,  to 
be  reconciled  to  him  who  had  done  such 
tragical  things  to  them,  even  when  he  was 
dead.     At  the    same    time  they   invited 
Demetrius,   who   was  called    Eucerus,  to 
assist  them  ;  and,  as  he  readily  complied 
with    their    request,    in    hopes    of    great 
advantages,  and  <came  with  his  army,  the 
Jews  joined  with  those  their  auxiliaries 
about  Shechem. 

Yet   did    Alexander   meet  both   these 
forces  with  1000  horsemen  and  8000  mer- 
cenaries that  were  on  foot.     He  had  also 
with  him  that  part  of   the  Jews   which 
favoured  him,  to  the  number  of  10,000; 
while  the  adverse  party  had  3000   horse- 
men and  14,000  footmen.     Now,  before 
they  joined  battle,  the  kings  made  procla- 
mation, and  endeavoured  to  draw  off  each 
other's  soldiers   and   make  them  revolt; 
while   Demetrius  hoped  to  induce  Alex- 
ander's   mercenaries    to  leave  him, — and 
Alexander  hoped  to  induce  the  Jews  that 
were  with  Demetrius  to  leave  him;  but, 
since  neither  the   Jews  would   leave   off 
their  rage,  nor  the  Greeks  prove  unfaith- 
ful, they  came  to  an  engagement,  and  to  a 
close  fight  with  their  weapons.     In  which 
battle  Demetrius   was  the  conqueror,  al- 
though   Alexander's  mercenaries  showed 
the  greatest  exploits,  both    in   soul    and 
body.      Yet  did  the  upshot  of  this  battle 
prove  different  from  what  was  expected, 
as  to  both  of  them;  for  neither  did  those 


150 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I 


that  invited  Demetrius  to  come  to  them 
continue  firm  to  him,  though  he  was  con- 
queror; and  6000  Jews,  out  of  pity  to  the 
change  of  Alexander's  condition,  when  be 
had  fled  to  the  mountains,  came  over  to 
him.  Yet  could  not  Demetrius  bear  this 
turn  of  affairs;  but  supposing  tbat  Alex- 
ander was  already  become  a  match  for 
him  again,  and  that  all  the  nation  would 
[at  length]  run  to  him,  he  left  the  coun- 
try, and  went  his  way. 

However,  tbe  rest  of  tbe  [Jewish]  mul- 
titude did  not  lay  aside  their  quarrels  with 
him,  when  the  [foreign]  auxiliaries  were 
gone;  but  they  had  a  perpetual  war  with 
Alexander,  until  he  had  slain  the  greatest 
part  of  them,  and  driven  the  rest  into  the 
city  Bemeselis;  and  when  he  had  demo- 
lished that  city,  he  carried  the  captives  to 
Jerusalem.     Nay,  his  rage  was  grown  so 
extravagant,  that  his  barbarity  proceeded 
to  a  degree  of  impiety ;  for  when  he  had 
ordered  800  to  be  hung  upon  crosses  in 
the  midst  of  the  city,  he  had  the  throats 
of  their  wives   and   children    cut  before 
their  eyes;  and  these  executions   he  saw 
as  be  was  drinking  and  lying  down  with 
his  concubines.     Upon  which    so    deep  a 
surprise  seized  on  the  people,  tbat  8000  of 
his  opposers.  fled  away  tbe  very  next  night 
out  of  all  Judea,  whose  flight  was  only  ter- 
minated by  Alexander's  death;  so  at  last, 
though  not  till  late,  and  with  great  difficul- 
ty, he,  by  such  actions,  procured  quiet  to 
his  kingdom,  and  left  off  fighting  any  more. 
Yet  did  that  Antiochus,  who  was  also 
called  Dionysius,  become  an  origin  of  trou- 
bles again.     This  man  was  the  brother  of 
Demetrius,  and  the  last  of  the  race  of  the 
Seleucidoe.*      Alexander    was  afraid    of 
him,  when  he  was  marching  against  the 
Arabians;  so  he  cut  a   deep  trench   be- 
tween   Antipatris,    which    was    near    the 
mountains,  and  the  shores  of  Joppa;  he 
also  erected  a  high  wall  before  the  trench, 
and  built  wooden  towers,  in  order  to  hin- 
der any  sudden  approaches;  but  still  he 
was  not  able  to  exclude  Antiochus,  for  he 
burnt  the  towers,  and  filled  up  the  trenches, 
and  marched  on  with  his  army;  and  as 
he  looked   upon    taking    his  revenge    on 
Alexander  for  endeavouring  to  stop  him, 
as  a  thing  of  less  consequence,  he  marched 
directly  against  the  Arabians,  whose  king 

*  Josephus  here  calls  this  Antiochus  the  last  of 
the  Seleucidaj,  although  there  remained  still  a  sha- 
dow of  another  king  of  that  family,  Antiochus 
Asiaticus,  or  Commagenus,  who  reigned,  or  rather 
.ay  hid,  till  Pompey  turned  him  out. 


retired  into  such  parts  of  the  country  as 
were  fittest  for  engaging  the  enemy,  and 
then  on  the  sudden  made  his  horse  turn 
back,  who  were  in  number  10,000,  and 
fell  upon  Antiochus's  army  while  they 
were  in  disorder,  and  a  terrible  battlG 
ensued.  Antiochus's  troops,  so  long  as 
he  was  alive,  fought  it  out,  although  a 
mighty  slaughter  was  made  among  them 
by  the  Arabians ;  but  when  he  fell,  for  ho 
was  in  the  forefront,  in  the  utmost  danger, 
in  rallying  his  troops,  they  all  gave 
ground,  and  the  greatest  part  of  his  army 
was  destroyed,  either  in  the  action  or  the 
flight ;  and  for  the  rest,  who  fled  to  the 
village  of  Cana,  it  happened  that  they 
were  all  consumed  by  want  of  necessaries, 
a  few  only  excepted. 

About  this  time  it  was  that  the  people 
of  Damascus,  out  of  their  hatred  to  Ptole- 
my, the  son  of  Menneus,  invited  Aretas 
[to  take  the  government],  and  made  him 
king  of  Celesyria.     This  man  also  made 
an    expedition    against   Judea,   and    beat 
Alexander  in  battle;    but    afterward    re- 
tired by  mutual  agreement.     But  Alex- 
ander, when  he  had  taken  Pella,  marched 
to  Grerasa  again,  out  of  the  covetous  desire 
he  had  of  Theodorus's    possessions;    and 
when  he  had  built  a  triple  wall  about  the 
garrison,  he  took  the  place  by  force.     He 
also  demolished  Golan,  and  Seleucia,  and 
what  was  called  the  Valley  of  Antiochus ; 
besides  which,  he  took  the  strong  fortresses 
of  G-amala,  and  stripped  Demetrius,  who 
was  governor  therein,  of  what  he  had,  on 
account  of  the  many  crimes   laid  to   his 
charge,   and    then  returned   into    Judea, 
after  he  had    been  three  whole  years  in 
this  expedition ;  and  now  he  was  kindly 
received  of  the  nation,  because  of  the  good 
success  he  had.     So,  when  he  was  at  rest 
from  war,  he  fell  into  a  distemper;  for  he 
was    afflicted   with   a  quartan    ague,   and 
supposed  that,  by  exercising  himself  again 
in  martial  affairs,  he  should  get  rid  of  this 
distemper;  but  by  making  such  expedi- 
tion   at  unseasonable    times,  and  forcing 
his    body    to    undergo    greater   hardships 
than  it  was  able  to  bear,  he  brought  him- 
self to   his  end.     He  died,  therefore,  in 
the   midst  of  his  troubles,  after  he    had 
reigned  27  years. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Alexandra  reigns  nine  years. 

Now   Alexander  left  the  kingdom  to 
Alexandra  his  wife,  and  depended  upon  it 


Chap.  III.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


151 


that  the  Jews  would  now  very  readily 
submit  to  her ;  because  she  had  been  very 
averse  to  such  cruelty  as  he  had  treated 
them  with,  and  had  opposed  his  violation 
of  their  laws,  and  had  thereby  gained  the 
good-will  of  the  people.  Nor  was  he  mis- 
taken as  to  his  expectations;  for  this 
woman  kept  the  dominion,  by  the  opinion 
that  the  people  had  of  her  piety ;  for  she 
chiefly  studied  the  ancient  customs  of  her 
country,  and  cast  those  men  out  of  the 
government  that  offended  against  their 
holy  laws.  And  as  she  had  two  sons  by 
Alexander,  she  made  Hyrcanus,  the  elder, 
high  priest,  on  account  of  his  age ;  as 
also,  besides  that,  on  account  of  his  inac- 
tive temper  noway  disposing  him  to  dis- 
turb the  public.  But  she  retained  the 
younger,  Aristobulus,  with  her  as  a  private 
person,  by  reason  of  the  warmth  of  his 
temper. 

And  now  the  Pharisees  joined  them- 
selves to  her,  to  assist  her  in  the  govern- 
ment. There  are  a  certain  sect  of  the 
Jews  that  appear  more  religious  than 
others,  and  seem  to  interpret  the  laws 
more  accurately.  Now  Alexandra  heark- 
ened to  them  to  an  extraordinary  degree, 
as  being  herself  a  woman  of  great  piety 
toward  God.  But  these  Pharisees  art- 
fully insinuated  themselves  into  her  favour 
by  little  and  little,  and  became  them- 
selves the  real  administrators  of  the  public 
affairs  :  they  banished  and  reduced  whom 
they  pleased;  they  bound  and  loosened 
[men]  at  their  pleasure;*  and,  to  say  all 
at  once,  they  had  the  enjoyment  of  the 
royal  authority,  while  the  expenses  and 
the  difficulties  of  it  belonged  to  Alex- 
andra. She  was  a  sagacious  woman  in  the 
management  of  great  affairs,  and  intent 
always  upon  gathering  soldiers  together; 
so  that  she  increased  the  army  the  one- 
half,  and  procured  a  great  body  of  foreign 
troops,  till  her  own  nation  not  only  be- 
came very  powerful  at  home,  but  terrible 
also  to  foreign  potentates,  while  she  go- 
verned other  people,  and  the  Pharisees 
governed  her. 

Accordingly  they  themselves  slew  Dio- 
genes, a  person  of  figure,  and  one  that 
had  been  a  friend  to  Alexander;  and 
accused  him  as  having  assisted  the  king 
with  his  advice,  for  crucifying  the  800 
men  [before  mentioned].  They  also  pre- 
vailed with  Alexandra  to  put  to  death  the 
rest   of   those    who    had    irritated    him 


*  Matt.  xvi.  19;  xviii.  18. 


against  them.  Now,  she  was  so  supersti- 
tious as  to  comply  with  their  des  res,  and 
accordingly  they  slew  whom  they  pleased 
themselves.  But  the  principal  of  those 
that  were  in  danger  fled  to  Aristobulus, . 
who  persuaded  his  mother  to  spare  the 
men  on  account  of  their  dignity,  but  to 
expel  them  out  of  the  city,  unless  she  took 
them  to  be  innocent;  so  they  were  suffered 
to  go  unpunished,  and  were  dispersed  all 
over  the  country.  But,  when  Alexandra 
sent  out  her  army  to  Damascus,  under 
pretence  that  Ptolemy  was  always  oppress- 
ing that  city,  she  got  possession  of  it; 
nor  did  it  make  any  considerable  resistance. 
She  also  prevailed  with  Tigranes,  king  of 
Armenia,  who  lay  with  his  troops  about 
Ptolemais,  and  besieged  Cleopatra,*  by 
agreements  and  presents,  to  go  away. 
Accordingly,  Tigranes  soon  arose  from  the 
siege,  by  reason  of  those  domestic  tumults 
which  happened  upon  Lucullus's  expedi- 
tion into  Armenia. 

In  the  mean  time,  Alexandra  fell  sick, 
and  Aristobulus,  her  younger  son,  took 
hold  of  this  opportunity,  with  his  domes- 
tics, of  which  he  had  a  great  many,  who 
were  all  of  them  his  friends,  on  account  of 
the  warmth  of  their  youth,  and  got  pos- 
session of  all  the  fortresses.  He  also  used 
the  sums  of  money  he  found  in  them,  to 
get  together  a  number  of  mercenary  sol- 
diers, and  made  himself  king;  and  be- 
sides this,  upon  Hyrcanus's  complaint  to 
his  mother,  she  compassioned  his  case, 
and  put  Aristobulus's  wife  and  sous  under 
restraint  in  Antonia,  which  was  a  fortress 
which  joined  to  the  north  part  of  the  tem- 
ple. It  was,  as  I  have  already  said,  of  old 
called  the  Citadel,  but  afterward  got  the 
name  of  Antonia,  when  xVntony  was  lord 
[of  the  East],  just  as  the  other  cities,  Se- 
baste  and  Agrippias,  had  their  names 
changed,  and  these  given  them  from  Sebas- 
tus  and  Agrippa.  But  Alexandra  died 
before  she  could  punish  Aristobulus  for 
his  disinheriting  his  brother,  after  she  had 
reigned  nine  years. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Hyrcanus  resigns  the  kingdom  in  favour  of  his 
brother  Aristobulus — is  induced  to  reclaim  it. — 
Pompey  arbitrates  between  "the  two  brothers. 

Now  Hyrcanus  was  heir  to  the  king- 
dom, and  to  him  did  his  mother  commit 

*  Cleopatra  was  besieged  by  Tigranes,  not  in 
Ptolemais,  but  after  she  had  loft  ryria.  in  Selcucia, 
a  citadel  in  Mesopotamia, 


152 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  L 


it  before  she  d'ed :  but  Aristobulus  was 
superior  to  him  in  power  and  magnani- 
mity; and  when  there  was  a  battle  be- 
tween them,  to  decide  the  dispute  about 
the  kingdom,  near  Jericho,  the  greatest 
part  deserted  Hyrcanus,  and  went  over  to 
Aristobulus :  but  Hyrcanus,  with  those 
of  his  party  who  stayed  with  him,  fled  to 
Antonia,  and  got  into  his  power  the  host- 
ages that  might  be  for  his  preservation, 
(which  were  Aristobulus's  wife,  with  her 
children;)  but  they  came  to  an  agreement 
before  things  should  come  to  extremities, 
that  Aristobulus  should  be  king,  and 
Hyrcanus  should  resign  that  up,  but  re- 
tain all  the  rest  of  his  dignities,  as  being 
the  king's  brother.  Hereupon  they  were 
reconciled  to  each  other  in  the  temple, 
and  embraced  one  another  in  a  very  kind 
manner,  while  the  people  stood  round 
about  them :  they  also  changed  their 
houses;  while  Aristobulus  went  to  the 
royal  palace,  and  Hyrcanus  retired  to  the 
house  of  Aristobulus. 

Now,  those  other  people  who  were  at 
variance  with  Aristobulus  were  afraid, 
upon  his  unexpectedly  obtaining  the  go- 
vernment; and  especially  this  concerned 
Antipater,  whom  Aristobulus  hated  of  old. 
He  was  by  birth  an  Idumean,  and  one  of 
the  principal  of  that  nation,  on  account 
of  his  ancestors  and  riches,  and  other 
authority  to  him  belonging:  he  also  per- 
suaded Hyrcanus  to  fly  to  Aretas,  the 
king  of  Arabia,  and  to  lay  claim  to  the 
kingdom  ;  as  also  he  persuaded  Aretas  to 
receive  Hyrcanus,  and  to  bring  him  back 
to  his  kingdom  ;  he  also  cast  reproaches 
upon  Aristobulus,  as  to  his  morals,  and 
gave  great  commendations  to  Hyrcanus, 
and  exhorted  Aretas  to  receive  him,  and 
told  him  how  becoming  a  thing  it  would 
be  for  him,  who  ruled  so  great  a  kingdom, 
to  afford  his  assistance  to  such  as  are 
injured  ;  alleging  that  Hyrcanus  was  treat- 
ed unjustly,  by  being  deprived  of  that 
dominion  which  belonged  to  him  by  the 
prerogative  of  his  birth.  And  when  he 
had  predisposed  them  both  to  do  what  he 
would  have  them,  he  took  Hyrcanus  by 
night,  and  ran  away  from  the  city ;  and, 
continuing  his  flight  with  great  swiftness, 
he  escaped  to  the  place  called  Petra, 
which  is  the  royal  seat  of  the  king  of 
Arabia,  where  he  put  Hyrcanus  into  Are-' 
tas's  hands;  and  by  discoursing  much 
with  him,  and  gaining  upon  him  with 
many  presents,  he  prevailed  with  him  to 
give  him  an  army  that  might  restore  him 


to  his  kingdom.  This  army  consisted  of 
50,000  footmen  and  horsemen,  against 
which  Aristobulus  was  not  able  to  make 
resistance,  but  was  deserted  in  his  first 
onset,  and  was  driven  to  Jerusalem  :  he 
also  had  been  taken  at  first  by  force,  if 
Scaurus,  the  Roman  general,  had  not 
come  and  seasonably  interposed  himself, 
and  raised  the  siege.  This  Scaurus  was 
sent  into  Syria  from  Armenia  by  Pompey 
the  Great,  when  he  fought  against  Tigra- 
nes  :  so  Scaurus  came  to  Damascus,  which 
had  been  lately  taken  by  Metellus  and 
Lollius,  and  caused  them  to  leave  the 
place;  and,  upon  his  hearing  how  the 
affairs  of  Judea  stood,  he  made  haste  thi- 
ther as  to  a  certain  booty. 

As  soon,  therefore,  as  he  was  come  into 
the  country,  there  came  ambassadors  from 
both  the  brothers,  each  of  them  desiring 
his  assistance;  but  Aristobulus's  300 
talents  had  more  weight  with  him  than 
the  justice  of  the  cause;  which  sum, 
when  Scaurus  had  received,  he  sent  a 
herald  to  Hyrcanus  and  the  Arabians,  and 
threatened  them  with  the  resentment  of 
the  Romans  and  of  Pompey,  unless  they 
would  raise  the  siege.  So  Aretas  was 
terrified,  and "  retired  out  of  Judea  to 
Phikdeljmia,  as  did  Scaurus  return  to 
Damascus  again :  nor  was  Aristobulus 
satisfied  with  escaping  [out  of  his  brother's 
hands],  but  gathered  all  his  forces  to- 
gether and  pursued  his  enemies,  and 
fought  them  at  a  place  called  Papyron, 
and  slew  above  6000  of  them,  and,  to- 
gether with  them,  Antipater's  brother 
Phalion. 

When  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater  were 
thus  deprived  of  their  hopes  from  the 
Arabians,  they  transferred  the  same  to 
their  adversaries;  and  because  Pompey 
had  passed  through  Syria,  and  was  come 
to  Damascus,  they  fled  to  him  for  assist- 
ance ;  and,  without  any  bribes,  they  made 
the  same  equitable  pleas  that  they  had 
used  to  Aretas,  and  besought  him  to  hate 
the  violent  behaviour  of  Aristobulus,  and 
to  bestow  the  kingdom  upon  him  to  whom 
it  justly  belonged,  both  on  accouut  of 
his  good  character,  and  on  account  of  his 
superiority  in  age.  However,  neither  was 
Aristobulus  wanting  to  himself  in  this 
case,  as  relying  on  the  bribes  that  Scaurus 
had  received;  he  was  also  there  himself, 
and  adorned  himself  after  a  manner  the 
most  agreeable  to  royalty  that  he  was 
able.  But  he  soon  thought  it  beneath 
him  to  come  in  such   a  servile  manner, 


Chap.  VII.  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


151 


and  could  not  endure  to  serve  his  own 
ends  in  a  way  so  much  more  abject  than 
he  was  used  to;  so  he  departed  from 
Diospolis. 

At  this  his  behaviour  Pompey  had 
great  indignation  :  Hyrcanus  also  and  his 
friends  made  great  intercession  to  Pom- 
pey; so  he  took  not  only  his  Roman 
forces,  but  many  of  his  Syrian  auxiliaries, 
and  marched  against  Aristobulus.  But 
when  he  had  passed  by  Pella  and  Scy- 
thopolis,  and  was  come  to  Corea,  where 
you  enter  into  the  country  of  Judea,  when 
you  go  up  to  it  through  the  Mediterranean 
parts,  he  heard  that  Aristobulus  was  fled 
to  Alexandrium,  which  is  a  stronghold, 
fortified  with  the  utmost  magnificence, 
and  situated  upon  a  high  mountain,  and 
he  sent  to  him,  and  commanded  him  to 
come  down.  Now  his  inclination  was  to 
try  his  fortune  in  a  battle,  since  he  was 
called  in  such  an  imperious  manner,  rather 
than  to  comply  with  that  call.  However, 
he  saw  the  multitude  were  in  great  fear, 
and  his  friends  exhorted  him  to  consider 
what  the  power  of  the  Romans  was,  and 
how  it  was  irresistible;  so  he  complied 
with  their  advice,  and  came'  down  to 
Pompey ;  and  when  he  had  made  a  long 
apology  for  himself,  and  for  the  justness 
of  his  cause  in  taking  the  government,  he 
returned  to  the  fortress.  And  when  his 
brother  invited  him  again  [to  plead  his 
cause],  he  came  down  and  spake  about 
the  justice  of  it,  and  then  went  away 
without  any  hinderance  from  Pompey  :  so 
he  was  between  hope  and  fear.  And 
when  he  came  down,  it  was  to  prevail 
with  Pompey  to  allow  him  the  government 
entirely;  and  when  he  went  up  to  the 
citadel,  it  was  that  he  might  not  appear 
to  debase  himself  too  low.  However, 
Pompey  commanded  him  to  give  up  his 
fortified  places,  and  forced  him  to  write 
to  every  one  of  their  governors  to  yield 
them  up ;  they  having  had  this  charge 
given  them,  to  obey  no  letters  but  what 
were  of  his  own  handwriting.  According- 
ly, he  did  what  he  was  ordered  to  do; 
but  had  still  an  indignation  at  what  was 
done,  and  retired  to  Jerusalem,  and  pre- 
pared to  fight  with  Pompey. 

Rut  Pompey  did  not  give  time  to  make 
any  preparations  [for  a  siege],  but  fol- 
lowed him  at  his  heels;  he  was  also 
obliged  to  make  haste  in  his  attempt,  by 
the  death  of  Mithridates,  of  which  he 
was  informed  about  Jericho.  Now  here 
is  the   most  fruitful   country  of  Judea, 


which  bears  a  vast  number  of  palm-trees, 
besides  the  balsam-tree,  whose  sprouts 
they  cut  with  sharp  stones,  and  at  the 
incisions  they  gather  the  juice,  which 
drops  down  like  tears.  So  Pompey  pitch- 
ed his  camp  in  that  place  one  night,  and 
then  hasted  away  the  next  morning  to 
Jerusalem ;  but  Aristobulus  was  so  af- 
frighted at  his  approach,  that  he  came 
and  met  him  by  way  of  supplication.  He 
also  promised  him  money,  and  %that  he 
would  deliver  up  both  himself  and  the 
city  unto  his  disposal ;  and  thereby  he 
mitigated  the  anger  of  Pompey.  Yet  did 
not  he  perform  any  of  the  conditions  he 
had  agreed  to;  for  Aristobulus's  party 
would  not  so  much  as  admit  Gabinius 
into  the  city,  who  was  sent  to  receive  the 
money  that  he  was  promised. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Jerusalem  surrendered  to  Pompey,  who  seizes  on 
the  Temple  by  force. 

At  this  treatment  Pompey  was  very 
angry,  and  took  Aristobulus  into  custody; 
and  when  he  had  come  to  the  city  he 
looked  about  where  he  might  make  his 
attack ;  for  he  saw  the  walls  were  so  firm 
that  it  would  be  hard  to  overcome  them, 
and  that  the  valley  before  the  walls  was 
terrible;  and  that  the  temple,  which  was 
within  that  valley,  was  itself  encompassed 
with  a  very  strong  wall,  insomuch  that 
if  the  city  were  taken,  the  temple  would 
be  a  second  place  of  refuge  for  the  enemy 
to  retire  to. 

Now,  as  he  was  long  in  deliberating 
about  this  matter,  a  sedition  arose  among 
the  people  within  the  city ;  Aristobulus's 
party  being  willing  to  fight,  and  to  set 
their  king  at  liberty,  while  the  party  of 
Hyrcanus  were  for  opening  the  gates  to 
Pompey;  and  the  dread  people  were  in, 
occasioned  these  last  to  be  a  very  nu- 
merous party,  when  they  looked  upon  the 
excellent  order  the  Roman  soldiers  were 
in.  So  Aristobulus's  party  was  worsted, 
and  retired  into  the  temple,  and  cut  off 
the  communication  between  the  temple 
and  the  city,  by  breaking  down  the  bridge 
that  joined  them  together,  and  prepared 
to  make  an  opposition  to  the  utmost ;  but 
as  the  others  had  received  the  Romans 
into  the  city,  and  had  delivered  up  the 
palace  to  him,  Pompey  sent  Piso,  one  of 
his  great  officers,  into  that  palace  with  an 
army,  who  distributed  a  garrison  about 
the  city,  because  he  could  not  persuade 


154 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I, 


any  one  of  those  that  had  fled  to  the 
temple  to  come  to  terms  of  accommoda- 
tion; he  then  disposed  all  things  that 
were  round  about  them  so  as  might  favour 
their  attacks,  as  having  Hyrcanus's  party 
very  ready  to  afford  them  both  counsel 
and  assistance. 

But  Pompey  himself  filled  up  the  ditch 
that  was  on  the  north  side  of  the  temple, 
and  the  entire  valley  also,  the  army  itself 
being  obliged  to  carry  the  materials  for 
that  purpose.  And  indeed  it  was  a  hard 
thing  to  fill  up  that  valley,  by  reason  of 
its  immense  depth,  especially  as  the  Jews 
used  all  the  means  possible  to  repel  them 
from  their  superior  station  ;  nor  had  the 
Romans  succeeded  in  their  endeavours, 
had  not  Pompey  taken  notice  of  the 
seventh  days,  on  which  the  Jews  abstain 
from  all  sorts  of  work  on  a  religious 
account,  and  raised  his  bank,  but  restrain- 
ed his  soldiers  from  fighting  on  those 
days ;  for  the  Jews  only  acted  defensively 
on  sabbath  days.  But  as  soon  as  Pom- 
pey had  filled  up  the  valley,  he  erected 
high  towers  upon  the  bank,  and  brought 
those  engines  which  they  had  fetched 
from  Tyre  near  to  the  wall,  and  tried  to 
batter  it  down ;  and  the  slingers  of  stones 
beat  off  those  that  stood  above  them,  and 
drove  them  away ;  but  the  towers  on  this 
side  of  the  city  made  very  great  resist- 
ance, and  were  indeed  extraordinary  both 
for  largeness  and  magnificence. 

Now,  here  it  was  that  upon  the  many 
hardships  which  the  Romans  underwent, 
Pompey  could  not  but  admire  not  only 
at  the  other  instances  of  the  Jews'  forti- 
tude, but  especially  that  they  did  not  at 
all  intermit  their  religious  services,  even 
when  they  were  encompassed  with  darts 
on  all  sides ;  for,  as  if  the  city  were  in 
full  peace,  their  daily  sacrifices  and  puri- 
fications, and  every  branch  of  their  re- 
ligious worship,  were  still  performed  to 
God  with  the  utmost  exactness.  Nor  in- 
deed, when  the  temple  was  actually  taken, 
and  they  were  every  day  slain  about  the 
altar,  did  they  leave  off  the  instances  of 
their  divine  worship  that  were  appointed 
by  their  law;  for  it  was  in  the  third 
month  of  the  siege  before  the  Romans 
could  even  with  great  difficulty  overthrow 
one  of  the  towers,  and  get  into  the 
temple. 

Now  he  that  first  of  all  ventured  to  get 
over  the  wall,  was  Faustus  Cornelius,  the 
son  of  Sylla;  and  next  after  him  were 
two  centurions,  Furius  and  Fabius;  and 


every  one  of  these  was  followed  by  a 
cohort  of  his  own,  who  encompased  the 
Jews  on  all  sides,  and  slew  them;  some 
of  them  as  they  were  running  for  shelter 
to  the  temple,  and  others  as  they,  for  a 
while,  fought  in  their  own  defence. 

And  now  did  many  of  the  priests,  even 
when  they  saw  their  enemies  assailing 
them  with  swords  in  their  hands,  without 
any  disturbance,  go  on  with  their  divine 
worship,  and  were  slain  while  they  were 
offering  their  drink-offerings  and  burning 
their  incense,  as  preferring  the  duties 
about  their  worship  to  God  before  their 
own  preservation.  The  greatest  part  of 
them  were  slain  by  their  own  countrymen 
of  the  adverse  faction,  and  an  innumera- 
ble multitude  threw  themselves  down 
precipices;  nay,  some  there  were  who 
were  so  distracted  among  the  insuperable 
ble  difficulties  they  were  under,  that  they 
set  fire  to  the  buildings  that  were  near 
to  the  wall,  and  were  burnt  together 
with  them.  Now  of  the  Jews  were  slain 
12,000 ;  but  of  the  Romans  very  few 
were  slain,  but  a  greater  number  were 
wounded. 

But  there  was  nothing  that  affected  the 
nation  so  much,  in  the  calamities  they 
were  then  under,  as  that  their  holy  place, 
which  had  been  hitherto  seen  by  none, 
should  be  laid  open  to  strangers ;  for 
Pompey,  and  those  that  were  about  him, 
went  into  the  temple  itself,  whither  it 
was  not  lawful  for  any.  to  enter  but  the 
high  priest,  and.  saw  what  was  reposited 
therein,  the  candlestick  .with  its  lamps, 
and  the  table,  and  the  pouring  vessels, 
and  the  censers,  all  made  entirely  of  gold, 
as  also  a  great  quantity  of  spices  heaped 
together,  with  2000  talents  of  sacred 
money.  Yet  did  not  he  touch  the  mouey, 
nor  any  thing  else  that  was  there  repo- 
sited;  but  he  commanded  the  ministers 
about  the  temple,  the  very  next  day  after 
he  had  taken  it,  to  cleanse  it,  and  to  per- 
form their  accustomed  sacrifices.  More- 
over, he  made  Hyrcanus  high  priest,  as 
one  that  not  only  in  other  respects  had 
shown  great  alacrity  on  his  side,  during 
the  siege,  but  as  he  had  been  the  means 
of  hindering  the  multitude  that  was  in 
the  country  from  fighting  for  Aristobulus, 
which  they  were  otherwise  very  ready  to 
have  done;  by  which  means  he  acted  the 
part  of  a  good  general,  and  reconciled  the 
people  to  him  more  by  benevolence  than 
by  terror.  Now  amcng  the  captives, 
Aristobulus's  father-in-law  was  taken,  who 


B= 


Chap.  VIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


L5S 


was  also  his  uncle,  so  those  that  were  the 
most  guilty  he  punished  with  decollation  ; 
but  rewarded  Faustus,  and  those  with 
him  that  had  fought  so  bravel}7,  with 
glorious  presents;  and  laid  a  tribute  upon 
the  country,  and  upon  Jerusalem  itself. 

He  also  took  away  from  the  nation  all 
those  cities  they  had  formerly  taken,  and 
that  belonged  to  Celesyria,  and  made  them 
subject  to  him  that  was  at  that  time  appoint- 
ed to  be  the  Roman  president  there,  and  re- 
duced Judea  within  its  proper  bounds. 
He  also  rebuilt  Gadara,  that  had  been  de- 
molished by  the  Jews,  in  order  to  gratify 
one  Demetrius,  who  was  of  Gadara,  and 
was  one  of  his  own  freedmen.  He  also 
made  other  cities  free  from  their  dominion, 
that  lay  in  the  midst  of  the  country, — 
such,  I  mean,  as  they  had  not  demolished 
before  that  time;  Hippos,  and  Scythopo- 
lis,  as  also  Pella,  and  Samaria,  and  ]Ma- 
rissa ;  and  besides  these,  Ashdod,  and 
Jamnia,  and  Arethusa;  and  in  like  man- 
ner dealt  he  with  the  maritime  cities, 
Gaza  and  Joppa,  and  Dora,  and  that  which 
was  anciently  called  Strato's  Tower,  but 
was  afterward  rebuilt  with  the  most  mag- 
nificent edifices,  and  had  its  name  changed 
to  Cesarea,  by  King  Herod.  All  which 
he  restored  to  their  own  citizens,  and  put 
them  under  the  province  of  Syria;  which 
province,  together  with  Judea,  and  the 
countries  as  far  as  Egypt  and  Euphrates,  he 
committed  to  Scaurus,  as  their  governor, 
and  gave  him  two  legions  to  support  him; 
while  he  made  all  the  haste  he  could  him- 
self to  go  through  Cilicia,  in  his  way  to 
Rome,  having  Aristobulus  and  his  chil- 
dren along  with  him,  as  his  captives. 
They  were  two  daughters  and  two  sons; 
the  one  of  which  sons,  Alexander,  ran 
away  as  he  was  going;  but  the  younger, 
Antigouus  with  his  sisters,  were  carried 
to  Rome.  

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Alexander,  son  of  Aristobulus,  makes  an  expedi- 
tion against  Hyrcanus — is  defeated  by  Gabinius 
— Aristobulus  escapes  from  Rome — is  beaten  by 
the  Romans,  and  sent  back  again. 

In  the  mean  time,  Scaurus  made  an  ex- 
pedition into  Arabia,  but  was  stopped  by 
the  difficulty  of  the  places  about  Petra. 
However,  he  laid  waste  the  country  about 
Pella,  though  even  there  he  was  under 
great  hardship,  for  his  army  was  afflicted 
with  famine.  In  order  to  supply  which 
want,  Hyrcanus  afforded  him  some  assist- 
ance, and  sent  him  provisions  by  the  means 
2T 


of  Antipater;  whom  also  Scauruts  sent  to 
Aretas,  as  one  well  acquainted  with  him, 
to  induce  him  to  pay  him  money  to  buy 
his  peace.  The  king  of  Arabia  complied 
with  the  proposal,  and  gave  him  300  ta- 
lents; upon  which  Scauius  drew  his  army 
out  of  Arabia.* 

Rut  as  for  Alexander,  that  son  of  Aris- 
tobulus who  ran  away  from  Pompey,  in 
some  time  he  got  a  considerable  band  of 
men  together,  and  lay  heavy  upon  Hyr- 
canus, and  overran  Judea,  and  was  likely 
to  overturn  him  quickly;  and  indeed  he 
had  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  ventured 
to  rebuild  its  wall  that  was  thrown  down 
by  Pompey,  had  not  Gabinius,  who  was 
sent  as  successor  to  Scaurus  into  Syria, 
shown  hid  bravery,  as  in  many  other 
points,  so  in  making  an  expedition  against 
Alexander,  who,  as  he  was  afraid  that  he 
would  attack  him,  so  he  got  together  a 
large  army,  composed  of  10,000  armed 
footmen,  and  1500  horsemen.  He  also 
built  walls  about  proper  places— Alexan- 
drium,  and  Hyrcanium,  and  Macherus, 
that  lay  upon  the  mountains  of  Arabia. 
However,  Gabinius  sent  before  him 
Marcus  Antonius,  and  followed  himself 
with  his  whole  army;  but  for  the  select 
body  of  soldiers  that  were  about  Antipa- 
ter, and  another  body  of  Jews  under 
the  command  of  Malichus  and  Pithola«s, 
these  joined  themselves  to  those  captains 
that  were  about  Marcus  Antonius,  and 
met  Alexander;  to  which  body'came  Ga- 
binius with  his  main  army  soon  afterward  ; 
and  as  Alexander  was  not  able  to  sustain 
the  charge  of  the  enemies'  forces,  now 
they  were  joined,  he  retired.  Rut  when 
he  was  come  near  to  Jerusalem,  he  was 
forced  to  fight,  and  lost  6000  men  in  the 
battle;  3000  of  whom  fell  down  dead,  and 
3000  were  taken  alive;  so  he  fled  with 
the  remainder  to  Alexandrium. 

Now,  when  Gabinius  had  come  to  Alex- 
andrium, because  he  found  a  great  many 
there  encamped,  he  tried,  by  promising 
them  pardon  for  their  former  offences,  to 
induce  them  to  come  over  to  him  before  it 
came  to  a  fight;  but  when  they    would 


*  Take  the  like  attestation  to  the  truth  of  this 
submission  of  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia,  to  Scaurus, 
the  Roman  general,  in  the  words  of  Dean  Aldrich. 
'•Hence  (says  he)  is  derived  that  old  and  famous 
denarius  belonging  to  the  Euiilian  family,  [repre- 
sented in  Havercamp's  edition,]  wherein  Aretas  ap- 
pears in  a  posture  of  supplication,  and  taking 
hold  of  a  camel's  bridle  with  his  left  hand,  and 
with  his  right  hand  presenting  a  branch  of  the 
frankincense-tree,  with  this  inscription  :  M.  SCAU- 
RUS EX  S.  C;  and  beneath,  REX  ARETAS." 


156 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


hearken  tc  no  terms  of  accommodation, 
he  slew  a  great  number  of  them,  and 
shut  up  a  great  number  of  them  in  the 
citadel.  Now  Marcus  Antonius,  their 
leader,  signalized  himself  in  this  battle, 
who,  as  he  always  showed  great  courage, 
so  did  he  never  show  it  so  much  as  now; 
but  Gabinius,  leaving  forces  to  take  the 
citadel,  went  away  himself,  and  settled 
the  cities  that  had  not  been  demolished, 
and  rebuilt  those  that  had  been  destroyed. 
Accordingly,  upon  his  injunction,  the  fol- 
lowing cities  were  restored  : — Scythopolis, 
Samaria,  Anthedon,  Apollonia,  Jamnia, 
Raphia,  Marissa,  Adoreus,  Gamala,  Ash- 
dod,  and  many  others;  while  a  great 
number  of  men  readily  ran  to  each  of 
them,  and  became  their  inhabitants. 

When  Gabinius  had  taken  care  of  these 
cities,  he  returned  to  Alexandrium,  and 
pressed  on  the  siege.  So  when  Alexan- 
der despaired  of  ever  obtaining  the  go- 
vernment, he  sent  ambassadors  to  him, 
and  prayed  him  to  forgive  what  he  had 
offended  him  in,  and  gave  up  to  him  the 
remaining  fortresses,  Hyrcanium  and  Ma- 
cherus,  as  he  put  Alexandrium  into  his 
hands  afterward  :  all  which  Gabinius  de- 
molished, at  the  persuasion  of  Alexander's 
mother,  that  they  might  not  be  recepta- 
cles of  men  in  a  second  war.  She  was 
now  there,  in  order  to  mollify  Gabinius, 
out  of  her  concern  for  her  relations  that 
were  captives  at  Rome,  which  Were  her 
husband  and  her  other  children.  After 
this,  Gabinius  brought  Hyrcanus  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  committed  the  care  of  the 
temple  to  him;  but  ordained  the  political 
government  to  be  by  an  aristocracy.  He 
also  parted  the  whole  nation  into  five  con- 
ventions, assigning  one  portion  to  Jerusa- 
lem, another  to  Gadara,  that  another 
should  belong  to  Amathus,  a  fourth  to 
Jericho,  and  to  the  fifth  division  was  al- 
lotted Sepphoris,  a  city  of  Galilee.  So 
the  people  were  glad  to  be  thus  freed  from 
monarchical  government,  and  were  govern- 
ed for  the  future  by  an  aristocracy. 

Yet  did  Aristobulus  afford  a  new  found- 
ation for  other  disturbances.  He  fled 
away  from  Rome,  and  got  together  many 
of  the  Jews  that  were  desirous  of  a 
chaugc,  such  as  had  borne  an  affection  to 
him  of  old  ;  and  when  he  had  taken  Alex- 
andrium in  the  first  place,  he  attempted 
to  build  a  wall  about  it ;  but  as  soon  as 
Gabinius  had  sent  an  army  against  him 
under  Sisenna,  Antonius,  and  Sirvilius, 
he    was    aware   of   it;   and  retreated    to 


Macherus.  And  as  for  the  unprofitable 
multitude,  he  dismissed  them,  and  only 
marched  on  with  those  that  were  armed, 
being  to  the  number  of  8000,  among 
whom  was  Pitholaus,  who  had  been  the 
lieutenant  at  Jerusalem,  but  deserted  to 
Aristobulus  with  1000  of  his  men ;  so 
the  Romans  followed  him,  and  when  it 
came  to  a  battle,  Aristobulus's  party  for 
a  long  time  fought  courageously  ;  but  at 
length  they  were  overborne  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  of  them  5000  fell  dead,  and 
about  2000  fled  to  a  certain  little  hill ; 
but  the  1000  that  remained  with  Aristo- 
bulus broke  through  the  Roman  army, 
and  marched  together  to  Macherus;  and, 
when  the  king  had  lodged  the  first  night 
on  its  ruins,  he  was  in  hopes  of  raising 
another  army,  if  the  war  would  but  cease 
awhile;  accordingly  he  fortified  that  strong- 
hold, though  it  was  done  after  a  poor 
manner.  But  the  Romans  falling  upon 
him,  he  resisted,  even  beyond  his  abili- 
ties, for  two  days,  and  then  was  taken, 
and  brought  a  prisoner  to  Gabinius,  with 
Antigonus  his  son,  who  had  fled  away 
together  with  him  from  Rome ;  and  from 
Gabinius  he  was  carried  to  Rome  again. 
Wherefore  the  senate  put  him  under  con- 
finement, but  returned  his  children  back 
to  Judea,  because  Gabinius  informed 
them  by  letters,  that  he  had  promised 
Aristobulus's  mother  to  do  so,  for  her  de- 
livering the  fortresses  up  to  him. 

But  now  as  Gabinius  was  marching  to 
the  war  against  the  Parthians,  he  was 
hindered  by  Ptolemy,  whom,  upon  his 
return  from  Euphrates,'  he  brought  back 
into  Egypt,  making  use  of  Hyrcanus  and 
Antipater  to  provide  every  thing  that  was 
necessary  for  this  expedition  ;  for  Antipa- 
ter furnished  him  with  money,  and  wea- 
pons, and  corn,  and  auxiliaries;  he  also 
prevailed  with  the  Jews  that  were  there 
and  guarded  the  avenues  at  Pelusium,  to 
let  them  pass.  But  now,  upon  Gabinius's 
absence,  the  other  part  of  Syria  was  in 
motion,  and  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aris- 
tobulus, brought  the  Jews  to  revolt  again. 
Accordingly,  he  got  together  a  very  great 
army,  and  set  about  killing  all  the  Ro- 
mans that  were  in  the  country  ;  hereupon 
Gabinius  was  afraid,  (for  he  had  come 
back  already  out  of  Egypt,  and  obliged 
to  come  back  quickly  by  these  tumults,) 
and  sent  Antipater,  who  prevailed  with 
some  of  the  revolters  to  be  cpiiet.  How- 
ever, 30,000  still  continued  with  Alexan- 
der, who  was  himself  eager  to  fight  also ; 


Chap.  IX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


157 


accordingly,  Gabinius  went  out  to  fight, 
when  the  Jews  met  him  ;  and,  as  the  bat- 
tle was  fought  near  Mount  Tabor,  10,000 
of  them  were  slain,  and  the  rest  of  the 
multitude  dispersed  themselves  and  fled 
away.  So  Gabinius  came  to  Jerusalem, 
and  settled  the  government  as  Antipater 
would  have  it ;  thence  he  marched,  and 
fought  and  beat  the  Nabateans :  as  for 
Mithridates  and  Orsanes,  who  fled  out  of 
Parthia,  he  sent  them  away  privately, 
but  gave  it  out  among  the  soldiers  that 
they  had  run  away. 

In  the  mean  tine,  Crassus  came  as  suc- 
cessor to  Gabinius  in  Syria.  He  took 
away  all  the  rest  of  the  gold  belonging 
to  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  in  order  to 
furnish  himself  for  his  expedition  against 
the  Parthians.  He  also  took  away  the 
2000  talents  which  Pompey  had  not 
touched ;  but  when  he  had  passed  over 
Euphrates,  he  perished  himself,  and  his 
army  with  him  ;  concerning  which  affairs 
this  is  not  a  proper  time  to  speak  [more 
largely]. 

But  now  Cassius,  after  Crassus,  put  a  stop 
to  the  Parthians,  who  were  marching,  in 
order  to  enter  Syria.  Cassius  had  fled 
into  that  province,  and  when  he  had  taken 
possession  of  the  same,  he  made  a  hasty 
march  into  Judea ;  and,  upon  his  taking 
Tarichae,  he  carried  30,000  Jews  into 
slavery.  He  also  slew  Pitholaus,  who 
had  supported  the  seditious  followers  of 
Aristobulus  ;  and  it  was  Antipater  who  ad- 
vised him  so  to  do.  Now  this  Antipater 
married  a  wife  of  an  eminent  family 
among  the  Arabians,  whose  name  was 
Cvpros,  and  had  four  sons  born  to  him 
by  her,  Phasaelus  and  Herod,  who  was 
afterward  king,  and  besides,  Joseph  and 
Pheroras;  and  he  had  a  daughter  whose 
name  was  Salome.  Now,  as  he  made 
himself  friends  among  the  men  of  power 
everywhere,  by  the  kind  offices  he  did 
them,  and  the  hospitable  manner  that  he 
treated  them  ;  so  did  he  contract  the 
greatest  friendship  with  the  king  of  Ara- 
bia, by  marrying  his  relation ;  insomuch 
that  when  he  made  war  with  Aristobulus, 
he  sent  and  intrusted  his  children  with 
him.  So,  when  Cassius  had  forced  Alex- 
ander to  come  to  terms  and  to  be  quiet, 
he  returned  to  Euphrates,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  Parthians  from  repassing  it ; 
concerning  which  matter  we  shall  speak 
elsewhere.* 


CHAPTER  IX. 


*  This  citation  is  now  wanting. 


Aristobulus  poisoned  by  Pompey's  party — Scipio 
beheads  Alexander  —  Antipater  cultivates  a 
friendship  with  Cicsar  after  Pompey's  death. 

Now,  upon  the  flight  of  Pompey  and 
of  the  senate  beyond  the  Ionian  Sea,  Cae- 
sar got  Rome  and  the  empire  under  his 
power,  and  released  Aristobulus  from  his 
bonds.  He  also  committed  two  legions 
to  him,  and  sent  him  in  haste  into  Syria, 
as  hoping  that  by  his  means  he  should 
easily  conquer  that  country,  and  the  parts 
adjoining  to  Judea.  But  envy  prevented 
any  effect  of  Aristobulus's  alacrity  and 
the  hopes  of  Ca3sar ;  for  he  was  taken 
off  by  poison  given  him  by  those  of  Pom- 
pey's party;  and,  for  a  long  while,  he 
had  not  so  much  as  a  burial  vouchsafed 
him  in  his  own  country;  but  his  dead 
body  lay  [above  ground],  preserved  in 
honey,  until  it  was  sent  to  the  Jews  by 
Antony,  in  order  to  be  buried  in  the  royal 
sepulchres. 

His  son  Alexander  also  was  beheaded 
by  Scipio  at  Antioch,  and  that  by  the 
command  of  Pompey,  and  upon  an  accu- 
sation laid  against  him  before  his  tribu- 
nal, for  the  mischiefs  he  had  done  to  the 
Romans.  But  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Men- 
neus,  who  was  then  ruler  of  Chalcis,  un- 
der Libanus,  took  his  brethren  to  him  by 
sending  his  son  Philippio  for  them  to  As- 
calon ;  who  took  Antigonus,  as  well  as 
his  sisters,  away  from  Aristobulus's  wife, 
and  brought  them  to  his  father;  and,  fall- 
ing in  love  with  the  younger  daughter,  he 
married  her,  and  was  afterward  slain  by 
his  father  on  her  account;  for  Ptolemy 
himself,  after  he  had  slain  his  son,  mar- 
ried her,  whose  name  was  Alexandria ; 
on  account  of  which  marriage  he  took  the 
greater  care  of  her  brother  and  sister. 

Now,  after  Pompey  was  dead,  Antipa- 
ter changed  sides,  and  cultivated  a  friend- 
ship with  Caesar.  And,  since  Mithridates 
of  Pergamus,  with  the  forces  he  led 
against  Egypt,  was  excluded  from  the 
avenues  about  Pelusium,  and  was  forced 
to  stay  at  Ascalon,  he  persuaded  the  Ara- 
bians among  whom  he  had  lived  to  assist 
him,  and  came  himself  to  him  at  the 
head  of  3000  men.  He  also  encouraged 
the  men  of  power  in  Syria  to  come  to  his 
assistance ;  as  also  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Libanus,  Ptolemy,  and  Jamblicus,  and 
another  Ptolemy ;  by  which  means  the 
cities  of  that  country  came  readily  into 
this  war;  insomuch  that  Mithridates  ven- 
tured now,  in  dependence  upon  the  addi- 


158 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


fcional  strength  that  he  had  gotten  by  An- 
tipater,  to  march  forward  to  Pelusium ; 
and,  when  they  refused  him  a  passage 
through  it,  he  besieged  the  city;  in  the 
attack  of  which  place  Antipater  princi- 
pally signalized  himself,  for  he  brought 
down  that  part  of  the  wall  which  was 
over  against  him,  and  leaped  first  of  all 
into  the  city  with  the  men  that  were 
about  him. 

Thus  was  Pelusium  taken.  But  still, 
as  they  were  marching  on,  those  Egyptian 
Jews  that  inhabited  the  country,  called 
the  country  of  Onias,  stopped  them. 
Then  did  Antipater  not  only  persuade 
them  not  to  stop  them,  but  to  afford  pro- 
visions for  their  army;  on  which  account 
even  the  people  about  Memphis  would 
not  fight  against  them,  but,  of  their  own 
accord,  joined  Mithridates.  Whereupon 
he  went  round  about  Delta,  and  fought 
the  rest  of  the  Egyptians  at  a  place  called 
.the  Jews'  Camp  :  nay,  when  he  was  in 
danger  in  the  battle  with  all  his  right 
wirig,  Antipater  wheeled  about  and  came 
along  the  bank  of  the  river  to  him  ;  for 
he  had  beaten  those  that  opposed  him  as 
he  led  the  left  wing.  After  which  suc- 
cess he  fell  upon  those  that  pursued  Mith- 
ridates, and  slew  a  great  many  of  them, 
and  pursued  the  remainder  so  far  that  he 
took  their  camp,  while  he  lost  no  more 
than  fourscore  of  his  own  men  ;  as  Mith- 
ridates lost,  during  the  pursuit  that  was 
made  after  him,  about  800.  He  was  also 
himself  saved  unexpectedly,  and  became 
an  irreproachable  witness  to  Caesar  of  the 
great  actions  of  Antipater. 

Whereupon  Caesar  encouraged  Antipater 
to  undertake  other  hazardous  enterprises 
for  him,  and  that  by  giving  him  great  com- 
mendations and  hopes  of  reward.  In  all 
which  enterprises  he  readily  exposed  him- 
self to  many  dangers,  and  became  a  most 
courageous  warrior;  and  had  many  wounds 
all  over  his  body,  as  demonstrations  of  his 
valour.  And  when  Caesar  had  settled  the 
affairs  of  Egypt,  and  was  returning  into 
Sjria  again,  he  gave  him  the  privilege  of 
a  Roman  citizen,  and  freedom  from  taxes, 
and  rendered  him  an  object  of  admiration 
by  the  honours  and  marks  of  friendship 
he  bestowed  upon  him.  On  this  account 
it  was  that  he  also  confirmed  Hyrcanus  in 
the  high-priesthood. 


CHAPTER  X. 


Antipater  procurator  of  Judea — appoints  Phasae- 
lus  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod  of  Gali- 
lee— Sextus  Cassar  murdered  by  Bassus. 

About  this  time  it  was  that  Antigonus, 
the  son  of  Aristobulus,  came  to  Caesar, 
and  became,  in  a  surprising  manner,  the 
occasion  of  Antipater's  further  advance- 
ment; for,  whereas  he  ought  to  have  la- 
mented that  his  father  appeared  to  have 
been  poisoned  on  account  of  his  quarrels 
with  Pompey,  and  to  have  complained  of 
Scipio's  barbarity  toward  his  brother,  and 
not  to  mix  any  invidious  passion  when 
suing  for  mercy ;  instead  of  those  things, 
he  came  before  Caesar,  and  accused  Hyr- 
canus and  Antipater,  how  they  had  driven 
him  and  his  brethren  entirely  out  of  their 
native  country,  and  had  acted  in  a  great 
many  instances  unjustly  and  extrava- 
gantly with  regard  to  their  nation ;  and 
that  as  to  the  assistance  they  had  sent 
him  into  Egypt,  it  was  not  done  out  of 
good-will  to  him,  but  out  of  the  fear  they 
were  in  from  former  quarrels,  and  in 
order  to  gain  pardon  for  their  friendship 
to  [his  enemy]  Pompey. 

Hereupon  Antipater  threw  away  his 
garments,  and  showed  the  multitude  of 
the  wounds  he  had,  and  said,  that,  as  to 
his  good-will  to  Caesar,  he  had  no  occa- 
sion to  say  a  word,  because  his  body  cried 
aloud,  though  he  said  nothing  himself; 
that  he  wondered  at  Antigonus's  boldness, 
while  he  was  himself  no  other  than  the 
son  of  an  enemy  to  the  Romans,  and  of  a 
fugitive,  and  had  it  by.  inheritance  from 
his  father  to  be  fond  of  innovations  and 
seditions,  that  he  should  undertake  to 
accuse  other  men  before  the  Roman  go- 
vernor, and  endeavour  to  gain  some  ad- 
vantages to  himself,  when  he  ought  to  be 
contented  that  he  was  suffered  to  live ; 
for  that  the  reason  of  his  desire  of  go- 
verning public  affairs,  was  not  so  much 
because  he  was  in  want  of  it,  but  because, 
if  he  could  once  obtain  the  same,  he 
might  stir  up  a  sedition  among  the  Jews, 
and  use  what  he  should  gain  from  the 
Romans  to  the  disservice  of  those  that 
gave  it  him. 

When  Caesar  heard  this,  he  declared 
Hyrcanus  to  be  the  most  worthy  of  the 
high-priesthood,  and  gave  leave  to  Anti- 
pater to  choose  what  authority  he  pleased; 
but  he  left  the  determination  of  such  dig- 
nity to  him  that  bestowed  the  dignity 
upon  him ;  so  he  was  constituted  pro- 
curator of  all  Judea,  and  obtained  leave, 


Chap.  X.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


159 


1 


moreover,  to  rebuild  those  walls  of  his 
country  that  had  been  thrown  down. 
These  honorary  grants  Caesar  sent  orders 
to  have  engraved  in  the  capitol,  that 
they  might  stand  there  as  indications  of 
his  own  justice,  and  of  the  virtue  of 
An  ti  pater. 

But,  as  soon  as  Antipater  had  con- 
ducted Caesar  out  of  Syria,  he  returned 
to  Judea,  and  the  first  thing  he  did  was 
to  rebuild  that  wall  of  his  own  country 
[Jerusalem],  which  Pompey  had  over- 
thrown, and  then  to  go  over  the  country, 
and  to  quiet  the  tumults  that  were  there- 
in ;  where  he  partly  threatened  and  partly 
advised  every  one,  and  told  them  that,  in 
case  they  would  submit  to  Hyrcanus,  they 
would  live  happily  and  peaceably,  and 
enjoy  what  they  possessed,  and  that  with 
universal  peace  and  quietness ;  but  that, 
in  case  they  hearkened  to  such  as  had 
some  frigid  hopes,  by  raising  new  trou- 
bles, to  get  themselves  some  gain,  they 
should  then  find  him  to  be  their  lord,  in- 
stead of  their  procurator,  and  find  Hyr- 
canus to  be  a  tyrant,  instead  of  a  king, — 
and  both  the  Romans  and  Caesar  to  be 
their  enemies,  instead  of  rulers ;  for  that 
they  would  not  suffer  him  to  be  removed 
from  the  government,  whom  they  had 
made  their  governor;  and,  at  the  same 
time  that  he  said  this,  he  settled  the  af- 
fairs of  the  country  by  himself,  because 
he  saw  that  Hyrcanus  was  inactive,  and 
not  fit  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  king- 
dom. So  he  constituted  his  eldest  son, 
Phasaelus,  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and 
of  the  parts  about  it;  he  also  sent  his 
next  son,  Herod,  who  was  very  young, 
with  equal  authority  into  Galilee. 

Now  Herod  was  an  active  man,  and 
soon  found  proper  materials  for  his  active 
spirit  to  work  upon.  As  therefore  he 
found  that  Hezekias,  the  head  of  the  rob- 
bers, ran  over  the  neighbouring  parts  of 
Syria  with  a  great  band  of  men,  he  caught 
him  and  slew  him,  and  many  more  of  the 
robbers  with  him;  which  exploit  was 
chiefly  grateful  to  the  Syrians,  insomuch 
that  hymns  were  sung  in  Herod's  com- 
mendation, both  in  the  villages  and  in  the 
cities,  as  having  procured  their  quietness, 
and  having  preserved  what  they  possessed 
to  them ;  on  which  occasion  he  became 
acquainted  with  Sextus  Caesar,  a  kinsman 
of  the  great  Caesar,  and  president  of 
Syria.  A  just  emulation  of  his  glorious 
actions  excited  Phasaelus  also  to  imitate 
him.     Accordingly,  he  procured  the  good- 


will of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem,  by 
his  own  management  of  the  city  affairs, 
and  did  not  abuse  his  power  in  any  disa- 
greeable macner;  whence  it  came  to  pass 
that  the  nation  paid  Antipater  the  re- 
spects that  were  due  only  to  a  king,  and 
the  honours  they  all  yielded  him  were 
equal  to  the  honours  due  to  an  absolute 
lord ;  yet  did  he  not  abate  any  part  of 
that  good-will  or  fidelity  which  he  owed 
to  Hyrcanus. 

However,  he  found  it  impossible  to 
escape  envy  in  such  his  prosperity ;  for 
the  glory  of  these  young  men  affected 
even  Hyrcanus  himself  already  privately, 
though  he  said  nothing  of  it  to  anybody; 
but  what  he  principally  was  grieved  at 
was  the  great  actions  of  Herod,  and  that 
so  many  messengers  came  one  before 
another,  and  informed  him  of  the  great 
reputation  he  got  in  all  his  undertakings. 
There  were  also  many  people  in  the  royal 
palace  itself  who  inflamed  his  envy  at 
him ;  those,  I  mean,  who  were  obstructed 
in  their  designs  by  the  prudence  either 
of  the  young  men  or  of  Antipater.  These 
men  said,  that,  by  committing  the  public 
affairs  to  the  management  of  Antipater 
and  of  his  sons,  he  sat  down  with  nothing 
but  the  bare  name  of  a  king,  without  any 
of  its  authority ;  and  they  asked  him 
how  long  he  would  so  far  mistake  him- 
self as  to  breed  up  kings  against  his  own 
interest ;  for  that  they  did  not  now  con- 
ceal their  government  of  affairs  any 
longer,  but  were  plainly  lords  of  the  na- 
tion, and  had  thrust  him  out  of  his  autho- 
rity; that  this  was  the  case  when  Herod 
slew  so  many  men  without  his  giving  him 
any  command  to  do  it,  either  by  word  of 
mouth  or  by  his  letter,  and  this  in  contra- 
diction to  the  law  of  the  Jews ;  who, 
therefore,  in  case  he  be  not  a  king,  but  a 
private  man,  still  ought  to  come  to  his 
trial,  and  answer  it  to  him,  and  to  the 
laws  of  his  country,  which  do  not  permit 
any  one  to  be  killed  till  he  had  been 
condemned  in  judgment. 

Now,  Hyrcanus  was  by  degrees  in- 
flamed with  these  discourses,  and  at  length 
could  bear  no  longer,  but  summoned 
Herod  to  take  his  trial.  Accordingly,  by 
his  father's  advice,  and  as  soon  as  the 
affairs  of  Galilee  would  give  him  leave, 
he  came  up  [to  Jerusalem],  when  he  had 
first  placed  garrisons  in  Galilee  ;  however, 
he  came  with  a  sufficient  body  of  soldiers, 
— so  many,  indeed,  that  he  might  not  ap- 
pear to  have  with  him  an  army  able  to 


160 


AVARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I 


overthrow  Hyrcanus's  government,  nor 
yet  so  few  as  to  expose  him  to  the  insults 
of  those  that  envied  him.  However,  Sex- 
tus  Csesar  was  in  fear  for  the  young  man, 
lest  he  should  be  taken  by  his  enemies, 
and  brought  to  punishment ;  so  he  sent 
some  to  denounce  expressly  to  Hyrcanus, 
that  he  should  acquit  Herod  of  the  capi- 
tal charge  against  him  ;  who  acquitted  him 
accordingly,  as  being  otherwise  inclined 
also  so  to  do,  for  he  loved  Herod. 

But  Herod,  supposing  that  he  had  es- 
caped punishment  without  the  consent  of 
the  king,  retired  to  Sextus,  to  Damascus, 
and  got  every  thing  ready  in  order  not 
to  obey  him  if  he  should  summon  him 
again;  whereupon  those  that  were  evil 
disposed  irritated  Hyrcanus,  and  told  him 
that  Herod  had  gone  away  in  anger,  and 
was  prepared  to  make  war  upon  him ; 
and  as  the  king  believed  what  they  said, 
he  knew  not  what  to  do,  since  he  saw  his 
antagonist  was  stronger  than  he  was  him- 
self; and  now,  since  Herod  was  made 
general  of  Celesyria  and  Samaria  by  Sex- 
tus Caesar,  he  was  formidable,  not  only 
from  the  good-will  which  the  nation  bore 
him,  but  by  the  power  he  himself  had ; 
insomuch  that  Hyrcanus  fell  into  the  ut- 
most degree  of  terror,  and  expected  he 
would  presently  march  against  him  with 
his  army. 

Nor  was  he  mistaken  in  the  conjecture 
he  made  ;  for  Herod  got  his  army  together, 
out  of  the  anger  he  bore  him  for  his 
threatening  him  with  the  accusation  in  a 
public  court,  and  led  it  to  Jerusalem,  in 
order  to  throw  Hyrcanus  down  from  his 
kingdom ;  and  this  he  had  soon  done,  un- 
less his  father  and  brother  had  gone  out 
together  and  broken  the  force  of  his  fury, 
and  this  by  exhorting  him  to  carry  his  re- 
venge no  further  than  to  threatening  and 
affrighting,  but  to  spare  the  king,  under 
whow  he  had  been  advanced  to  such  a  de- 
gree of  power  ;  and  that  he  ought  not  to 
be  so  much  provoked  at  his  being  triedj  as 
to  forget  to  be  thankful  that  he  was  ac- 
quitted; nor  so  long  to  think  upon  what 
was  of  a  melancholy  nature,  as  to  be  un- 
grateful for  his  deliverance;  and  if  we 
ought  to  reckon  that  God  is  the  arbitra- 
tor of  success  in  war,  an  unjust  cause  is 
of  more  disadvantage  than  any  army  cau 
be  of  advantage;  and  that  therefore  he 
ought  not  to  be  entirely  confident  of  suc- 
cess in  a  case  where  he  is  to  fight  against 
his  king,  his  supporter,  and  one  that  had 
often  been  his  benefactor,  and  that  had 


never  been  severe  to  him  any  otherwise 
than  as  he  had  hearkened  to  evil  counsel- 
lors, and  this  no  further  than  by  bringing  a 
shadow  of  injustice  upon  him.  So  Herod 
was  prevailed  upon  by  these  arguments, 
and  supposed  that  what  he  had  already 
done  was  sufficient  for  his  future  hopes, 
and  that  he  had  enough  shown  his  power 
to  the  nation. 

In  the  mean  time,  there  was  a  disturb- 
ance among  the  Romans  about  Apamia, 
and  a  civil  war  occasioned  by  the  treacher- 
ous slaughter  of  Sextus  Caesar,*  by  Ce- 
cilius  Bassus,  which  he  perpetrated  out 
of  his  good-will  to  Pompey;  he  also  took 
the  authority  over  his  forces;  but,  as  the 
rest  of  Caesar's  commanders  attacked  Bas- 
sus with  their  whole  army,  in  order  to 
punish  him  for  the  murder  of  Caesar,  An- 
tipater  also  sent  them  assistance  by  his 
sons,  both  on  account  of  him  that  was 
murdered,  and  on  account  of  that  Caesar 
who  was  still  alive,  both  of  whom  were 
their  friends ;  aud  as  this  war  grew  to  be 
of  a  considerable  length,  Marcus  came  out 
of  Italy  as  successor  to  Sextus. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Herod  made  procurator  of  all  Syria. 

There  was  at  this  time  a  mighty  war 
raised  among  the  Romans,  upon  the  sud- 
den and  treacherous  slaughter  of  Caesar 
by  Cassius  and  Brutus,  after  he  had  held 
the  government  for  three  years  and  seven 
months.  Upon  this  murder  there  were 
very  great  agitations,  and  the  great  men 
were  mightily  at  difference  one  with 
another,  and  every  one  betook  himself  to 
that  party  where  they  had  the  greatest 
hopes  of  advancing  themselves.  Accord- 
ingly, Cassius  came  into  Syria,  in  order 
to  receive  the  forces  that  were  at  Apamia, 
where  he  procured  a  reconciliation  be- 
tween Bassus  aud  Marcus,  and  the  legions 
which  were  at  difference  with  him  :  so  he 
raised  the  siege  of  Apamia,  and  took  upon 
him  the  command  of  the  army,  and  went 
about  exacting  tribute  of  the  cities,  and 
demanding  their  money  to  such  a  degree 
as  they  were  not  able  to  bear. 

So  he  gave  command  that  the  Jews 
should  bring  in  700  talents :  whereupon 
Antipater,  out  of  his  dread  of  Cassius's 
threats,  parted  the  raising  of  this  sum 
among  his  sons,  and  among  others  of  his 

*  Many  writers  of  the  Roman  history  give  an 
account  of  this  murder  of  Sextus  Ctesar,  and  of 
the  war  of  Apauiia  upon  that  occasion. 


Chap.  XL] 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


acquaintance,  and  to  be  done  immediately; 

and  among  them  he  required  one  Mali- 
clius,  who  was  at  enmity  with  him,  to  do 
his  part  also,  which  necessity  forced  him 
to  do.  Now  Herod,  in  the  first  place, 
mitigated  the  passion  of  Cassius,  by 
bringing  his  share  out  of  Galilee,  which 
was  100  talents,  on  which  account  he  was 
in  the  highest  favour  with  him  ;  and  when 
he  reproached  the  rest  for  being  tardy,  he 
was  angry  at  the  cities  themselves ;  so  he 
made  slaves  of  Gophna  and  Emmaus, 
and  two  others  of  less  note  :  nay,  he  pro- 
ceeded as  if  he  would  kill  Malichus,  be- 
cause he  had  not  made  greater  haste  in 
exacting  his  tribute;  but  Antipater  pre- 
vented the  ruin  of  this  man,  and  of  the 
other  cities,  and  got  into  Cassius's  favour 
by  bringing  in  100  talents  immediately.* 

However,  when  Cassius  was  gone,  Mali- 
chus forgot  the  kindness  that  Antipater 
had  done  him,  and  laid  frequent  plots 
against  him  that  had  saved  him,  as  mak- 
ing haste  to  get  him  out  of  the  way,  who 
was  an  obstacle  to  his  wicked  practices  ; 
but  Antipater  was  so  much  afraid  of  the 
power  aud  cunning  of  the  man,  that  he 
went  beyond  Jordan,  in  order  to  get  an 
army  to  guard  himself  against  his  treach- 
erous designs;  but  when  Malichus  was 
caught  in  his  plot,  he  put  upon  Antipater's 
sons  by  his  impudence,  for  he  thoroughly 
deluded  Phasaelus,  who  was  the  guardian 
of  Jerusalem,  and  Herod  who  wa3  in- 
trusted with  the  weapons  of  war,  and 
this  by  a  great,  many  excuses  and  oaths, 
and  persuaded  them  to  procure  his  recon- 
ciliation to  his  father.  Thus  was  he  pre- 
served again  by  Antipater,  who  dissuaded 
Marcus,  the  then  president  of  Syria,  from 
his  resolution  of  killing  Malichus,  on  ac- 
count of  his  attempts  for  innovation. 

Upon  the  war  between  Cassius  and  Bru- 
tus on  one  side,  against  the  younger 
Caesar  [Augustus]  and  Antony  on  the 
other,  Cassius  and  Marcus  got  together  an 
army  out  of  Syria;  and  because  Herod 
was  likely  to  have  a  great  share  in  pro- 
viding necessaries,  they  then  made  him 
procurator  of  all  Syria,  and  gave  him  an 


•  It  appears  evidently  by  Josephus's  accounts, 
both  here  and  in  bis  Antiquities,  (b.  xiv.  chap,  xi.,) 
that  this  Cassius,  one  of  CsBsar's  murderers,  was  a 
bitter  oppressor  and  exacter  of  tribute  in  Judea. 
These  70U  talents  amount  to  about  300,000  pounds 
sterling,  and  were  abont  half  the  yearly  revenues 
of  King  Herod  afterward.  It  also  appears  that 
Galilee  then  paid  no  more  than  100  talents,  or  the 
seventh  part  of  the  sum  to  be  levied  in  all  the 
country. 

Vol.  II  —11 


army  of  foot  and  horse.  Cassius  pro- 
mised him  also,  that  after  the  war  was  over, 
he  would  make  him  king  of  Judea;  but 
it  so  happened,  that  the  power  and  hopes 
of  his  son  became  the  cause  of  his  per- 
dition ;  for,  as  Malichus  was  afraid  of  this, 
he  corrupted  one  of  the  king's  cup-bear- 
era  with  money,  to  give  a  poisoned  potion 
to  Antipater;  so  he  became  a  sacrifice  to 
Malichus's  wickedness,  and  died  at  a  feast. 
He  was  a  man,  in  other  respects,  active  in 
the  management  of  affairs,  and  one  that 
recovered  the  government  to  Hyrcanus, 
and  preserved  it  in  his  hands. 

However,  Malichus,  when  he  was  sus- 
pected of  poisoning  Antipater,  and  when 
the  multitude  was  angry  with  him  for  it, 
denied  it,  and  made  the  people  believe  he 
was  not  guilty.  He  also  prepared  to 
make  a  greater  figure,  and  raised  soldiers; 
for  he  did  not  suppose  that  Herod  would 
be  quiet,  who  indeed  came  upon  him  with 
an  army  presently,  in  order  to  revenue 
his  father's  death;  but,  upon  hearing  the 
advice  of  his  brother  Phasaelus,  not  to 
punish  him  in  an  open  manner,  lest  the 
multitude  should  fall  into  a  sedition,  he 
admitted  of  Malichus's  apology,  and  pro- 
fessed that  he  cleared  him  of  the  suspi- 
cion ;  he  also  made  a  pompous  funeral  for 
his  father. 

So  Herod  went  to  Samaria,  which  was 
then  in  a  tumult,  and  settled  the  city  in 
peace ;  after  which,  at  the  [Pentecost] 
festival,  he  returned  to  Jerusalem,  having 
his  armed  men  with  him  ;  hereupon  Hyr- 
canus, at  the  request  of  Malichus,  who 
feared  his  approach,  forbade  them  to  in- 
troduce foreigners  to  mix  themselves  with 
the  people  of  the  country,  while  they 
were  purifying  themselves;  but  Herod 
despised  the  pretence,  and  him  that  gave 
that  command,  and  came  in  by  night. 
Upon  which  Malichus  came  to  him,  and 
bewailed  Antipater;  Herod  also  made 
him  believe  [he  admitted  his  lamentation 
as  real],  although  he  had  much  ado  to 
restrain  his  passion  at  him  ;  however,  he 
did  himself  bewail  the  murder  of  his 
father  in  his  letters  to  Cassius,  who,  on 
other  accounts,  also  hated  Malichus.  Cas- 
sius sent  him  word  back  that  he  should 
avenge  his  father's  death  upon  him,  and 
privately  gave  order  to  the  tribunes  that 
were  under  him,  that  they  should  assist 
Herod  in  a  righteous  action  he  was  about 

And  because,  upon  the  taking  of  Lao- 
dicea  by  Cassius,  the  men  of  power  were 
gotten    together    from    all  quarters    with 


162 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I 


presents  and  crowns  in  their  hands,  Herod 
allotted  this  time  for  the  punishment  of 
Malichua.  When  Malichus  suspected  that, 
and  was  at  Tyre,  he  resolved  to  withdraw 
his  son  privately  from  among  the  Tyrians, 
who  was  an  hostage  there,  while  he  got 
ready  to  fly  away  into  Judea  ;  the  despair 
he  was  in  of  escaping,  excited  him  to 
think  of  greater  things;  for  he  hoped 
that  he  should  raise  the  nation  to  a  revolt 
from  the  Romans,  while  Cassius  was 
busy  about  the  war  against  Antony,  and 
that  he  should  easily  depose  Hyrcanus, 
and  get  the  crown  for  himself. 

But  fate  laughed  at  the  hopes  he  had, 
for  Herod  foresaw  what  he  was  so  zealous 
about,  and  invited  both  Hyrcanus  and 
him  to  supper;  but  calling  one  of  the 
principal  servants  that  stood  by  him  to 
him,  he  sent  him  out,  as  though  it  were 
to  get  things  ready  for  supper,  but  in 
reality  to  give  notice  beforehand  about  the 
plot  that  was  laid  against  him  ;  according- 
ly, they  called  to  mind  what  orders  Cas- 
sius had  given  them,  and  went  out  of  the 
city  with  their  swords  in  their  hands  upon 
the  seashore,  where  they  encompassed 
Malichus  round  about,  and  killed  him 
with  many  wounds.  Upon  which  Hyr- 
canus was  immediately  affrighted,  till  he 
swooned  away,  and  fell  down  at  the  sur- 
prise he  was  in  ;  and  it  was  with  difficulty 
that  he  was  recovered,  when  he  asked 
who  it  was  that  had  killed  Malichus.  And 
when  one  of  the  tribunes  replied  that  it 
was  done  by  the  command  of  Cassius, 
"Then,"  said  he,  "Cassius  hath  saved 
both  me  and  my  country,  by  cutting  off 
one  that  was  laying  plots  against  them 
both."  Whether  he  spake  according  to 
his  own  sentiments,  or  whether  his  fear 
was  such  that  he  was  obliged  to  com- 
mend the  action  by  saying  so,  is  uncer- 
tain ;  however,  by  this  method  Herod 
inflicted  punishment  upon  Malichus. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Phasaelus  too  hard  for  Felix — Herod  overcomes 
Antigonus — the  Jews  accuse  Herod  and  Phasae- 
lus— Antonius  acquits  thein,  and  makes  them 
tetrarchs. 

When  Cassius  had  gone  out  of  Syria, 
another  sedition  arose  at  Jerusalem, 
wherein  Felix  assaulted  Phasaelus  with  an 
army,  that  he  might  revenge  the  death 
of  Malichus  upon  Herod,  by  falling  upon 
his  brother.  Now  Herod  happened  then 
to  be  with  Fabius,  the  governor  of  Da- 
mascus, and  as  he  was  going  to  his  bro- 


ther's assistnnce,  he  was  detained  by  sick- 
ness; in  the  mean  time,  Phasaelus  was  by 
himself  too  hard  for  Felix,  and  reproached 
Hyrcanus  on  account  of  his  ingratitude, 
both  for  what  assistance  he  had  afforded 
Malichus,  and  for  overlooking  Malichus's 
brother,  when  he  possessed  himself  of 
the  fortresses ;  for  he  had  gotten  a  great 
many  of  them  already,  and  among  them 
the  strongest  of  them  all,  Masada. 

However,  nothing  could  be  sufficient 
for  him  against  the  force  of  Herod,  who, 
as  soon  as  he  had  recovered,  took  the 
other  fortresses  again,  and  drove  him  out 
of  Masada  in  the  posture  of  a  supplicant ; 
he  also  drove  away  Marion,  the  tyrant  of 
the  Tyrians,  out  of  Galilee,  when  he  had 
already  possessed  himself  of  three  forti- 
fied places;  but  as  to  those  Tyrians  whom 
he  had  caught,  he  preserved  them  all 
alive ;  nay,  some  of  them  he  gave  presents 
to,  and  so  sent  them  away,  and  thereby 
procured  good-will  to  himself  from  the 
city,  and  hatred  to  the  tyrant.  Marion 
had  indeed  obtained  that  tyrannical  power 
of  Cassius,  who  set  tyrants  over  all 
Syria  ;*  and  out  of  hatred  to  Herod  it 
was  that  he  assisted  Antigonus,  the  son  of 
Aristobulus,  and  principally  on  Fabius's 
account,  whom  Antigonus  had  made  his 
assistant  by  money,  and  had  him  accord- 
ingly on  his  side  when  he  made  his  de- 
scent ;  but  it  was  Ptolemy,  the  kinsman 
of  Antigonus,  that  supplied  all  that  he 
wanted. 

When  Herod  had  fought  against  these 
in  the  avenues  of  Judea,  he  was  conqueror 
in  the  battle,  and  drove  away  Antigonus, 
and  returned  to  Jerusalem,  beloved  by 
everybody  for  the  glorious  action  he  had 
done;  for  those  who  did  not  before  favour 
him,  did  join  themselves  to  him  now,  be- 
cause of  his  marriage  into  the  family  of 
Hyrcanus ;  for  as  he  had  formerly  mar- 
ried a  wife  out  of  his  own  country  of  no 
ignoble  blood,  who  was  called  Doris,  of 
whom  he  begat  Antipater,  so  did  he  now 
marry  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Alex- 
ander, the  son  of  Aristobulus,  and  the 
grand-daughter  of  Hyrcanus,  and  was 
become  thereby  a  relation  of  the  king. 

But  when  Caesar  and  Antony  had  slain 
Cassius  near  Philippi,  and  Caesar  was 
gone    to    Italy,   and     Antony    to     Asia; 

*  Here  we  see  that  Cassius  set  tyrants  over  all 
Syria;  so  that  his  assisting  to  destroy  Caesar  doea 
not  seem  to  have  proceeded  from  his  true  zeal  For 
public  liberty,  but  from  a  desire  to  be  a  tyrant 
himself. 


ClIAP.   VIII.} 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


i  ;3 


among  the  rest  of  the  cities  which  sent 
ambassadors  to  Antony  unto  Bithynia, 
the  great  men  of  the  Jews  came  also,  and 
accused  Phasaelus  and  Herod,  that  they 
kept  the  government  by  force,  and  that 
Hyrcanus  had  no  more  than  an  honourable 
name.  Herod  appeared  ready  to  answer 
this  accusation  ;  and,  having  made  Anto- 
ny his  friend  by  the  large  sums  of  mo- 
ney he  gave  him,  he  brought  him  to  such 
a  temper  as  not  to  hear  the  others  speak 
against  him  ;  and  thus  did  they  part  at 
this  time.  However,  after  this  there  came 
100  of  the  principal  men  among  the 
Jews  to  Daphne  by  Antioch,  to  Antony, 
who  was  already  in  love  with  Cleopatra  to 
the  degree  of  slavery  ;  these  Jews  put 
those  men  that  were  the  most  potent, 
both  in  dignity  and  eloquence,  foremost, 
and  accused  the  brethren.*  But  Mes- 
sala  opposed  them,  and  defended  the  bre- 
thren, and  that  while  Hyrcanus  stood  by 
him,  on  account  of  his  relation  to  them. 
When  Antony  had  heard  both  sides,  he 
asked  Hyrcanus  which  party  was  the  tit- 
test  to  govern;  he  replied  that  Herod  and 
his  party  were  the  fittest.  Antony  was 
glad  of  that  answer,  for  he  had  been  for- 
merly treated  in  a  hospitable  and  obliging 
mauner  by  his  father  Antipater,  when  he 
marched  into  Judea  with  Gabinius;  so  he 
constituted  the  brethren  tetrarchs,  and  com- 
mitted to  them  the  government  of  Judea. 

But  when  the  ambassadors  had  indigna- 
tion at  this  procedure,  Antony  took  fifteen 
of  them  and  put  them  into  custody,  whom 
he  was  also  going  to  kill  presently,  and 
the  rest  he  drove  away  with  disgrace;  on 
which  occasion  a  still  greater  tumult  arose 
at  Jerusalem;  so  they  sent  again  1000 
ambassadors  to  Tyre,  where  Antony  now 
abode,  as  he  was  marching  to  Jerusalem : 
upon  these  men  who  made  a  clamour,  he 
sent  out  the  governor  of  Tyre,  and  ordered 
him  to  punish  all  that  he  could  catch  of 
them,  and  to  settle  those  in  the  adminis- 
tration whom  he  had  made  tetrarchs. 

But  before  this,  Herod  and  Hyrcanus 
went  out  upon  the  seashore,  and  earnestly 
desired  of  these  ambassadors  that  they 
would  neither  bring  ruin  upon  themselves, 
nor  war  upon  their  native  country,  by 
their  rash  contentions;  and  when  they 
grew  still  more  outrageous,  Antony  sent 
gut  armed  men,  and  slew  a  great  many, 
and  wounded  more  of  them :  of  whom 
those    that   were    slain    were   buried    bv 


Hyrcanus,  as  were  the  wounded  put  under 
the  care  of  physicians  by  him;  yet  would 
not  those  that  had  escaped  be  quiet  still, 
but  put  the  affairs  of  the  city  into  such 
disorder,  and  so  provoked  Antony,  that 
he  slew  those  whom  he  had  put  in  bonds 
also. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Parthiana  bring  Antigonus  back — Hyrcanus 
and  Phasaelus  imprisoned — flight  of  Herod — 
the  Parthiana  obtain  possession  of  Jerusalem — ■ 
Death  of  Phasaelus. 

Now  two  years  afterward,  when  Bar- 
zapharnes,  a  governor  among  the  Par- 
thians,  and  Pacorus,  the  king's  son,  had 
possessed  themselves  of  Syria,  and  when 
Lysanias  had  already  succeeded,  upon  the 
death  of  his  father  Ptolemy,  the  son  of 
Menneus,  in  the  government  [of  Chalcis], 
he  prevailed  with  the  governor,  by  a  pro- 
mise of  1000  talents  and  500  women,  to 
bring  back  Antigonus  to  his  kingdom, 
and  to  turn  Hyrcanus  out  of  it.  Paco- 
rus was  by  these  means  induced  so  to  do, 
and  marched  along  the  seacoast,  while 
he  ordered  Barzapharnes  to  fall  upon  the 
Jews  as  he  went  along  the  Mediterranean 
part  of  the  country  ;  but  of  the  maritime 
people,  the  Tyrians  would  not  receive 
Pacorus,  although  those  of  Ptolemais  and 
Sidon  had  received  him  ;  so  he  committed 
a  troop  of  his  horse  to  a  certain  cup- 
bearer belonging  to  the  royal  family,  of 
his  own  name  [Pacorus],  and  gave  him 
orders  to  march  into  Judea,  in  order  to 
learn  the  state  of  affairs  among  their 
enemies,  and  to  help  Antigonus  when  he 
should  want  his  assistance. 

Now,  as  these  men  were  ravaging  Car- 
mel,  many  of  the  Jews  ran  together  to 
Antigonus,  and  showed  themselves  ready 
to  make  an  incursion  into  the  country;  so 
he  sent  them  before  into  that  place  called 
Drymus  [the  woodland],*  to  seize  upon 
the  place  ;  whereupon  a  battle  was  fought 
between  them ;  and  they  drove  the  enemy 
away,  and  pursued  them,  and  ran  after 
them  as  far  as  Jerusalem,  and  as  their 
numbers  increased,  they  proceeded  as  far 
as  the  king's  palace ;  but  as  Hyrcanus 
and  Phasaelus  received  them  with  a  strong 
body  of  men,  there  happened  a  battle  in 
the  market-place,  in  which  Herod's  party 
beat  the  enemy,  and  shut  them  up  in  the 


*  This  large  and  noted  wood,  or  woodland,  lie- 
longing  to  Carmel,  called  Drumos  by  the  Septu- 
agint,  is  mentioned  in  the  Old  Testament, 2  Kings 
xix.  23,  and  Isa.  xxxvii.  24. 


164 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  I> 


temple,  and  set  sixty  men  in  the  houses 
adjoining  as  a  guard  on  them.  But  the 
people  that  were  tumultuous  against  the 
brethren  came  in  and  burnt  those  men ; 
while  Herod,  in  his  rage  for  killing  them, 
attacked  and  slew  many  of  the  people, 
till  one  party  made  incursions  on  the 
other  by  turns,  day  by  day,  in  the  way 
of  ambushes;  and  slaughters  were  made 
continually  among  them. 

Now,  when  that  festival  which  we  call 
Pentecost  was  at  hand,  all  the  places 
about  the  temple,  and  the  whole  city,  was 
full  of  a  multitude  of  people  that  were 
come  out  of  the  country,  and  who  were 
the  greatest  part  of  them  armed  also,  at 
which  time  Phasaelus  guarded  the  wall, 
and  Herod,  with  a  few,  guarded  the  royal 
palace ;  and  when  he  made  an  assault 
upon  his  enemies,  as  they  were  out  of 
their  ranks,  on  the  north  quarter  of  the 
city,  he  slew  a  very  great  number  of  them, 
and  put  them  all  to  flight;  and  some  of 
them  he  shut  up  within  the  city,  and 
others  within  the  outward  rampart.  In 
the  mean  time,  Antigonus  desired  that 
Pacorus  might  be  admitted  to  be  a  re- 
conciler between  them;  and  Phasaelus 
was  prevailed  upon  to  admit  the  Parthian 
into  the  city  with  500  horse,  and  to  treat 
him  in  a  hospitable  manner,  who  pre- 
tended that  he  came  to  quell  the  tumult, 
but  in  reality  he  came  to  assist  Antigo- 
nus ;  however,  he  laid  a  plot  for  Phasae- 
lus, and  persuaded  him  to  go  as  an 
ambassador  to  Barzapharnes,  in  order  to 
put  an  end  to  the  war,  although  Herod 
was  very  earnest  with  him  to  the  contrary, 
and  exhorted  him  to  kill  the  plotter,  but 
not  expose  himself  to  the  snares  he  had 
laid  for  him,  because  the  barbarians  are 
naturally  perfidious.  However,  Pacorus 
went  out  and  took  Hyrcanus  with  him, 
that  he  might  be  less  suspected ;  he  also 
left  some  of  the  horsemen,  called  the 
Freemen,  with  Herod,  and  conducted 
Phasaelus  with  the  rest. 

But  now,  when  they  were  come  to 
Galilee,  they  fouud  that  the  people  of  that 
country  had  revolted,  and  were  in  arms, 
who  came  very  cunningly  to  their  leader, 
and  besought  him  to  conceal  his  treach- 
erous intentions  by  an  obliging  beha- 
viour to  them ;  accordingly,  he  at  first 
made  them  presents,  and  afterward,  as 
they  went  away,  laid  ambushes  for  them; 
and,  when  they  were  come  to  one  of  the 
maritime  cities  called  Ecdippon,  they  per- 
ceived that  a  plot  was  laid  for  them ;  for 


they  were  there  informed  of  the  promise 
of  1000  talents,  and  how  Antigonus  had 
devoted  the  greatest  number  of  the  wo- 
men that  were  there  with  them,  among 
the  500,  to  the  Parthians;  they  also 
perceived  that  an  ambush  was  always  laid 
for  them  by  the  barbarians  in  the  night 
time ;  they  had  also  been  seized  on  before 
this,  unless  they  had  waited  for  the 
seizure  of  Herod  first  at  Jerusalem,  be- 
cause, if  he  were  once  informed  of  this 
treachery  of  theirs,  he  would  take  care  of 
himself;  nor  was  this  a  mere  report,  for 
they  saw  the  guards  already  not  far  off 
them. 

Nor  would  Phasaelus  think  of  forsaking 
Hyrcanus  and  flying  away,  although 
Ophellius  earnestly  persuaded  him  to  do 
it;  for  this  man  had  learned  the  whole 
scheme  of  the  plot  from  Saramalla,  the 
richest  of  all  the  Syrians.  But  Phasaelus 
went  up  to  the  Parthian  governor,  and 
reproached  him  to  his  face  for  laying  his 
treacherous  plot  against  them,  and  chiefly 
because  he  had  done  it  for  rfroney ;  and 
he  promised  him,  that  he  would  give  him 
more  money  for  their  preservation,  than 
Antigonus  had  promised  to  give  for  the 
kingdom.  But  the  sly  Parthian  endea- 
voured to  remove  all  his  suspicion  by 
apologies  and  by  oaths,  and  then  went  to 
[the  other]  Pacorus ;  immediately  after 
which  those  Parthians  who  were  left,  and 
had  it  in  charge,  seized  upon  Phasaelus 
and  Hyrcanus,  who  could  do  no  more 
than  curse  their  perfidiousness  and  their 
perjury. 

In  the  mean  time  the  cupbearer  was 
sent  [back],  and  laid  a  plot  how  to  sewe 
upon  Herod,  by  deluding  him,  and  getting 
him  out  of  the  city,  as  he  was  commanded 
to  do.  But  Herod  suspected  the  bar- 
barians from  the  beginning;  and  having 
then  received  intelligence  that  a  messen- 
ger, who  was  to  bring  him  the  letters  that 
informed  him  of  the  treaohery  intended, 
had  fallen  among  the  enemy,  he  would 
not  go  out  of  the  city ;  though  Pacorus 
said  very  positively,  that  he  ought  to  go 
out,  and  meet  the  messengers  that  brought 
the  letters,  for  that  the  enemy  had  not 
taken  them,  and  that  the  contents  of  them 
were  not  accounts  of  any  plots  upon  them, 
but  of  what  Phasaelus  had  done;  yet 
had  he  heard  from  others  that  his  brother 
was  seized  ;  and  Alexandra,*  the  shrewd- 
est   woman    in    the    world,    Hyrcanus's 


*  Mariarune  here,  in  the  copies. 


Chaf.  XIII.;] 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


165 


daughter,  begged  of  him  that  he  would 
not  go  out,  nor  trust  himself  to  those  bar- 
barians, who  now  were  come  to  make  an 
attempt  upon  him  openly. 

Now,  as  Pacorus  and  his  friends  were 
considering  how  they  might  bring  their 
plot  to  bear  privately,  because  it  was  not 
possible  to  circumvent  a  man  of  so  great 
prudence  by  openly  attacking  him,  Herod 
prevented  them,  and  went  off  with  the 
persons  that  were  the  most  nearby  related 
to  him  by  night,  and  this  without  their 
enemies  being  apprized  of  it.  But,  as 
soon  as  the  Parthians  perceived  it,  they 
pursued  after  them :  and  as  he  gave  orders 
for  his  mother,  and  sister,  and  the  young 
woman  who  was  betrothed  to  him,  with 
her  mother,  and  his  youngest  brother,  to 
make  the  best  of  their  way,  he  himself, 
with  his  servants,  took  all  the  care  they 
could  to  keep  off  the  barbarians ;  and 
when,  at  every  assault,  he  had  slain  a 
great  many  of  them,  he  came  to  the  strong- 
hold of  Masada. 

Nay,  he  found  by  experience  that  the 
Jews  fell  more  heavily  upon  him  than 
did  the  Parthians,  and  created  him  trou- 
bles perpetually,  and  this  ever  since  he 
was  gotten  sixty  furlongs  from  the  city; 
these  sometimes  brought  it  to  a  sort  of  a 
regular  battle.  Now,  in  the  place  where 
Herod  beat  them,  and  killed  a  great 
number  of  them,  there  he  afterward  built 
a  citadel,  in  memory  of  the^great  actions 
he  did  there,  and  adorned  it  with  the 
most  costly  palaces,  and  erected  very 
strong  fortifications,  and  called  it,  from 
his  own  name,  Herodium.  Now,  as  they 
were  in  their  flight,  many  joined  them- 
selves to  him  every  day  :  and  at  a  place 
called  Thressa  of  Idumea,  his  brother 
Joseph  met  him,  and  advised  him  to 
ease  himself  of  a  great  number  of-  his 
followers;  because  Masada  would  not  con- 
tain so  great  a  multitude,  which  were 
above  9000.  Herod  complied  with  his  ad- 
vice, and  sent  away  the  most  cumbersome 
part  of  his  retinue,  that  they  might  go 
into  Idumea,  and  gave  them  provisions 
for  their  journey;  but  he  got  safe  to  the 
fortress  with  his  nearest  relations,  and 
retained  with  him  only  the  stoutest  of  his 
followers;  and  there  it  was  that  he  left 
800  of  his  men  as  a  guard  for  the  wo- 
men, and  provisions  sufficient  for  a  siege; 
but  he  made  haste  himself  to  Petra  of 
Arabia. 

As  for  the  Parthians  in  Jerusalem,  they 


betook  themselves  to  plundering,  and  fell 
upon  the  houses  of  those  that  were  fled, 
and  upon  the  king's  palace,  ami  spired 
nothing  but  ITyrcanus's  money,  which 
was  not  above  300  talents.  They  lighted 
on  other  men's  money  also,  but  not  so 
much  as  they  hoped  for;  for  Herod, 
having  a  long  while  had  a  suspicion  of 
the  perfidiousness  of  the  barbarians,  had 
taken  care  to  have  what  was  most  Bplendid 
among  his  treasures  conveyed  into  Idu- 
mea, as  everyone  belonging  to  him  had  in 
like  manner  done  also.  But  the  Parthians 
proceeded  to  that  degree  of  injustice,  as 
to  fill  all  the  country  with  war  without 
denouncing  it,  and  to  demolish  the  city 
Marissa;  and  not  only  to  set  up  Antigonus 
for  king,  but  to  deliver  Phasaelua  ami 
Hyrcanus  bound  into  his  hands,  in  order 
to  their  being  tormented  by  him.  Antigo- 
nus himself  also  bit  off  Hyrcanus's  ears 
with  his  own  teeth,  as  he  fell  down  upon 
his  knees  to  him,  that  so  he  might  never 
be  able,  upon  any  mutation  of  affairs,  to 
take  the  high-priesthood  again  ;  fur  the 
high  priests  that  officiated  were  to  be 
complete,  and  without  blemish. 

However,  he  failed  in  his  purpose  of 
abusing  Phasaelus,  by  reason  of  his  cou- 
rage, for  though  he  neither  had  the  com- 
mand of  his  sword  nor  of  his  hands,  he 
prevented  all  abuses  by  dashing  his  head 
against  a  stone;  so  he  demonstrated  him- 
self to  be  Herod's  own  brother,'  and 
Hyrcanus  a  most  degenerate  relation,  and 
died  with  great  bravery,  and  made  the 
end  of  his  life  agreeable  to  the  action  of 
it.  There  is  also  another  report  about 
his  end,  that  he  recovered  of  that  stroke, 
and  that  a  surgeon,  who  was  sent  by 
Antigonus  to  heal  him,  filled  the  Wound 
with  poisonous  ingredients,  and  so  killed 
him.  Whichsoever  of  these  deaths  he 
came  to,  the  beginning  of  it  was  glorious. 
It  is  also  reported,  that  before  he  expired, 
he  was  informed  by  a  certain  poor  woman 
how  Herod  had  escaped  out  of  their  hands, 
and  that  he  said  thereupon,  "  I  now  die 
with  comfort,  since  I  leave  behind  me 
one  alive  that  will  avenge  me  of  mine 
enemies." 

This  was  the  death  of  Phasaelus ;  but 
the  Parthians,  although  they  had  failed 
of  the  women  they  chiefly  desired,  yet 
did  they  put  the  government  of  Jerusalem 
into  the  hands  of  Autigonus,  and  took 
away  Hyrcanus,  and  bound  him,  and 
carried  him  to  Parthia. 


16G 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Herod  rejected  in  Arabia — makes  haste  to  Rome — 
Antony  and  Csbsbx  unite  their  interest  to  make 
him  king  of  tho  Jews. 

Now  Herod  did  the  more  zealously 
pursue  his  journey  into  Arabia,  as  making 
haste  to  get  mouey  of  the  king,  while 
his  brother  was  yet  alive ;  by  which 
money  alone  it  was  that  he  hoped  to  pre- 
vail upon  the  covetous  temper  of  the 
barbarians  to  spare  Phasaelus ;  for  he 
reasoued  thus  with  himself:  that  if  the 
Arabian  king  was  too  forgetful  of  his 
father's  friendship  with  him,  and  was  too 
covetous  to  make  him  a  free  gift,  he 
would  however  borrow  of  him  as  much 
as  might  redeem  his  brother,  and  put 
into  his  hands,  as  a  pledge,  the  son  of 
him  that  was  to  be  redeemed.  .  Accord- 
ingly, he  led  his  brother's  son  along  with 
him,  who  was  of  the  age  of  seven  years. 
Now  he  was  ready  to  give  300  talents 
for  his  brother,  and  intended  to  desire 
the  intercession  of  the  Tyrians,  to  get 
them  accepted;  however,  fate  had  been 
too  quick  for  his  diligence;  and  since 
Phasaelus  was  dead,  Herod's  brotherly 
love  was  now  in  vain.  Moreover,  he  was 
not  able  to  find  any  lasting  friendship 
among  the  Arabians;  for  their  king, 
Malichus,  sent  to  him  immediately  and 
commanded  him  to  return  back  out  of  his 
country,  and  used  the  name  of  the  Par- 
tisans as  a  pretence  for  so  doing,  as  though 
these  had  denounced  to  him  by  their  am- 
bassadors to  cast  Herod  out  of  Arabia; 
while  in  reality  they  had  a  mind  to  keep 
back  what  they  owed  to  Antipater,  and 
not  be  obliged  to  make  requital  to  his 
sons  for  the  free  gifts  the  father  had  made 
them.  He  also  took  the  imprudent  ad- 
vice of  those  who,  equally  with  himself, 
were  willing  to  deprive  Herod  of  what 
Antipater  had  deposited  among  them; 
and  these  men  were  the  most  potent  of 
all  whom  he  had  in  his  kingdom. 

So  when  Herod  had  found  that  the 
Arabians  were  his  enemies,  and  this  for 
those  very  reasons-  wheuce  he  hoped  they 
would  have  been  the  most  friendly,  and 
had  given  them  such  an  answer  as  his 
passion  suggested,  he  returned  back  and 
went  for  Egypt.  Now  he  lodged  the  first 
evening  at  one  of  the  temples  of  that 
country,  in  order  to  meet  with  those 
whom  he  left  behind;  but  on  the  next 
day  word  was  brought  him,  as  he  was 
going  to  Rhinocurura,  that  his  brother 
was  dead,  and  how  he  came  by  his  death; 


and  when  he  had  lamented  him  as  much 
as  his  present  circumstances  could  bear, 
he  soon  laid  aside  such  cares,  and  pro- 
ceeded on  his  journey.  But  now,  after 
some  time,  the  king  of  Arabia  repented 
of  what  he  had  done,  and  sent  presently 
away  messengers  to  call  him  back.  Herod 
had  prevented  them,  and  had  come  to 
Pelusium,  where  he  could  not  obtain  a 
passage  from  those  that  lay  with  the  fleet, 
so  he  besought  their  captains  to  let  him 
go  by  them;  accordingly,  out  of  the 
reverence  they  bore  to  the  fame  and 
dignity  of  the  man,  they  conducted  him 
to  Alexandria;  and  when  he  came  into 
the  city,  he  was  received  by  Cleopatra 
with  great  splendour,  who  hoped  he  might 
be  persuaded  to  be  commander  of  her 
forces  in  the  expedition  she  was  now 
about.  But  he  rejected  the  queen's  soli- 
citations, and  being  neither  affrighted  at 
the  height  of  that  storm  which  then  hap- 
pened, nor  at  the  tumults  that  were  now 
in  Italy,  he  sailed  for  Rome. 

But  as  he  was  in  peril  about  Pamphy- 
lia,  and  obliged  to  cast  out  the  greatest 
part  of  the  ship's  lading,  he,  with  diffi- 
culty, got  safe  to  Rhodes,  a  place  which 
had  been  grievously  harassed  in  the  war 
with  Cassius.  He  was  there  received  by 
his  friends,  Ptolemy  and  Sappinius;  and, 
although  he  was  then  in  want  of  money, 
he  fitted  up  a  three-decked  ship  of  very 
great  magnitude,  wherein  he  and  his 
friends  sailed  to  Brundusium,*  and  went 
to  Rome  with  all  speed;  where  he  first 
of  all  went  to  Antony,  on  account  of  the 
friendship  his  father  had  with  him,  and 
laid  before  him  the  calamities  of  himself 
and  his  family ;  and  that  he  had  left  his 
nearest  relations  besieged  in  a  fortress, 
and  had  sailed  to  him  through  a  storm, 
to  make  supplication  to  him  for  assistance. 

Hereupon  Antony  was  moved  to  com- 
passion at  the  change  that  had  been 
made  in  Herod's  affairs,  and  this  both 
upon  his  calling  to  mind  how  hospitably 
he  had  been  treated  by  Antipater,  but 
more  especially  on  account  of  Herod's 
own  virtue;  so  he  then  resolved  to  get 
him  made  king  of  the  Jews,  whom  he 
had  formerly  made  tetrarch.  The  con- 
test also  that  he  had  with  Antigonus  was 
another  inducement,  and  that  of  no  less 
weight  than  the  great  regard  he  had  for 
Herod;    for  he  looked   upon  Antigonus 


*   Brentesium  or    Brundusium    has   ooins    still 
preserved. 


Chap.  XV.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


1G7 


as  a  seditious  person,  and  an  enemy  of 
the  Romans;  and  as  for  Caesar,  Herod 
found  him  better  prepared  than  Antony, 
as  remembering  very  fresh  the  wars  he 
had  gone  through  together  with  his 
father,  the  hospitable  treatment  he  had 
met  with  from  him,  and  the  entire  good- 
will he  had  shown  to  him;  besides  the 
activity  which  he  saw  in  Herod  himself. 
So  he  called  the  senate  together,  wherein 
Messalas,  and  after  him  Atratinus,  pro- 
duced Herod  before  them,  and  gave  a  full 
account  of  the  merits  of  his  father,  and 
his  own  good-will  to  the  Romans.  At 
the  same  time  they  demonstrated  that 
Antigonus  was  their  enemy,  not  only  be- 
cause he  soon  quarrelled  with  them,  but 
because  he  now  overlooked  the  Romans, 
and  took  the  government  by  the  means 
of  the  Parthians.  These  reasons  greatly 
moved  the  senate;  at  which  juncture 
Antony  came  in,  and  told  them  that  it 
was  for  their  advantage  in  the  Parthian 
war  that  Herod  should  be  king;  so  they 
all  gave  their  votes  for  it.  And  when 
the  senate  was  separated,  Antony  and  Cae- 
sar went  out,  with  Herod  between  them; 
while  the  consul  and  the  rest  of  the  ma- 
gistrates went  before  them,  in  order  to 
offer  sacrifices,  and  to  lay  the  decree  in  the 
capitol.  Antony  also  made  a  feast  for 
Herod  on  the  first  day  of  his  reign. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Antigonus  besieges  Masada — Herod  compels  him 
to  raise  the  siege,  and  then  marches  to  Jeru- 
salem. 

Now  during  this  time,  Antigonus  be- 
sieged those  that  were  in  Masada,  who 
had  all  other  necessaries  in  sufficient 
quantity,  but  were  in  want  of  water;  on 
which  account  Joseph,  Herod's  brother, 
was  disposed  to  run  away  to  the  Arabians, 
with  2  (JO  of  his  own  friends,  because  he 
had  heard  that  Malichus  repented  of  his 
offences  with  regard  to  Herod;  and  he 
had  been  so  quick  as  to  have  been  gone 
out  of  the  fortress  already,  unless,  on 
that  very  night  when  he  was  going  away, 
there  had  fallen  a  great  deal  of  rain,  inso- 
much that  his  reservoirs  were  full  of 
water,  and  so  he  was  under  no  necessity 
of  running  away.  After  which,  there- 
fore, they  made  an  irruption  upon  Antigo- 
nus's  party,  and  slew  a  great  many  of 
them,  some  in  open  battles,  and  some  in 
private  ambush;  nor  had  they  always 
success  in  their  attempts,  for  sometimes 


they  were  beaten,  and  ran  away.  In 
the  mean  time,  Ventidius,  the  Roman  ge- 
neral, was  sent  out  of  Syria,  to  restrain 
the  incursions  of  the  Parthians;  and 
after  he  had  done  that,  he  came  into 
Judea,  in  pretence  indeed  to  assist  Joseph 
and  his  party,  but  in  reality  to  get  money 
of  Antigonus;  and  when  he  had  pitched 
his  camp  very  near  to  Jerusalem,  as  soon 
as  he  had  got  money  enough,  he  went 
away  with  the  greatest  part  of  his  forces; 
yet  still  did  he  leave  Silo  with  some  part 
of  them,  lest  if  he  had  taken  them  all 
away,  his  taking  of  bribes  might  have 
been  too  openly  discovered.  Now  Anti- 
gonus hoped  that  the  Parthians  would 
come  again  to  his  assistance,  and  there- 
fore cultivated  a  good  understanding  with 
Silo  in  the  mean  time,  lest  any  interrup- 
tion should  be  given  to  his  hopes. 

Now  by  this  time  Herod  had  sailed  out 
of  Italy,  and  was  come  to  Ptolemais; 
and  as  soon  as  he  had  gotten  together  no 
small  army  of  foreigners,  and  of  his  own 
countrymen,  he  marched  through  Galilee 
against  Antigonus,  wherein  he  was  assist- 
ed by  Ventidius  and  Silo,  both  whom 
Dellius,*  a  person  sent  by  Antony,  per- 
suaded to  bring  Herod  [into  his  kingdom]. 
Now  Ventidius  was  at  this  time  among 
the  cities,  and  composing  the  disturbances 
which  had  happened  by  means  of  the 
Parthians,  as  was  Silo  in  Judea  corrupted 
by  the  bribes  that  Antigonus  had  given 
him;  yet  was  not  Herod  himself  desti- 
tute of  power,  but  the  number  of  his 
forces  increased  every  day  as  he  went 
along,  and  all  Galilee,  with  few  excep- 
tions, joined  themselves  to  him.  So  he 
proposed  to  himself  to  set  about  his  most 
necessary  enterprise,  and  that  was  Ma- 
sada, in  order  to  deliver  his  relations  from 
the  siege  they  endured.  Rut  still  Joppa 
stood  in  his  way,  and  hindered  his  going 
thither :  for  it  was  necessary  to  take  that 
city  first,  which  was  in  the  enemies' 
hands,  that  when  he  should  go  to  Jeru- 
salem, no  fortress  might  be  left  in  the 
enemies'  power  behind  him.  Silo  also 
willingly  joined  him,  as  having  now  a 
plausible  occasion  of  drawing  off  his 
forces  [from  Jerusalem] ;  and  when  the 
Jews  pursued  him,  and  pressed  upon  him 
[in  his  retreat],  Herod  made  an  excur- 
sion upon  them  with  a  small  body  of  his 
men,  and  soon  put  them  to  flight,  and 
saved  Silo  when  he  was  in  distress. 

*  This  Dellius  is  famous,  or  rather  infamous,  'n 
the  history  of  Mark  Antony. 


168 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


After  this,  Herod  took  Joppa,  and 
then  made  haste  to  Masada  to  free  his  re- 
lations. Now,  as  he  was  inarching,  many 
came  in  to  him;  some  induced  by  their 
friendship  to  his  father,  some  by  the  re- 
putation he  had  gained  himself,  and  some, 
in  order  to  repay  the  benefits  they  had 
received  from  them  both;  but  still  what 
engaged  the  greatest  number  on  his  side, 
was  the  hopes  from  him  when  he  should 
be  established  in  his  kingdom;  so  that 
he  had  gotten  together  already  an  army 
hard  to  be  conquered.  But  Antigonus 
laid  an  ambush  for  him  as  he  marched 
out,  in  which  he  did  little  or  no  harm  to 
his  enemies.  However,  he  easily  reco- 
vered his  relations  again  that  were  in  Ma- 
sada, as  well  as  the  fortress  Ressa,  and 
then  marched  to  Jerusalem,  where  the 
soldiers  that  were  with  Silo  joined  them- 
selves to  his  own,  as  did  many  out  of  the 
city,  from  a  dread  of  his  power. 

Now,  when  he  had  pitched  his  camp 
on  the  west  side  of  the  city,  the  guards 
who  were  there  shot  their  arrows  and 
threw  their  darts  at  them,  while  others 
ran  out  in  companies,  and  attacked  those 
in  the  forefront ;  but  Herod  commanded 
proclamation  to  be  made  at  the  wall,  that 
he  was  come  for  the  good  of  the  people 
and  the  preservation  of  the  city,  without 
any  design  to  be  revenged  on  his  open 
enemies,  but  to  grant  oblivion  to  them, 
though  they  had  been  the  most  obstinate 
against  him.  Now  the  soldiers  that  were 
for  Antigonus  made  a  contrary  clamour, 
and  did  neither  permit  anybody  to  hear 
that  proclamation  nor  to  change  their 
party;  so  Antigonus  gave  order  to  his 
forces  to  beat  the  enemy  from  the  walls: 
accordingly,  they  soon  threw  their  darts 
at  them  from  the  towers,  and  put  them  to 
flight. 

And  here  it  was  that  Silo  discovered 
he  had  taken  bribes;  for  he  set  many  of 
the  soldiers  to  clamour  about  their  want 
of  necessaries,  and  to  require  their  pay, 
in  order  to  buy  themselves  food,  and  to 
demand  that  he  would  lead  them  into 
places  convenient  for  their  winter  quar- 
ters ;  because  all  the  parts  about  the  city 
were  laid  waste  by  the  means  of  Anti- 
gonus's  army,  which  had  taken  all  things 
away.  By  this  he  moved  the  army,  and 
attempted  to  get  them  off  the  siege;  but 
Herod  went  to  the  captains  that  were 
under  Silo,  and  to  a  great  many  of  the 
soldiers,  and  begged  of  them  not  to  leave 
hira,  who  was  sent  thither  by  Caesar  and 


Antony,  and  the  senate;  for  that  he  would 
take  care  to  have  their  wants  supplied 
that  very  day.  After  the  making  of 
which  entreaty,  he  went  hastily  into  the 
country,  and  brought  thither  so  great  an 
abundance  of  necessaries,  that  he  cut  off 
all  Silo's  pretences;  and,  in  order  to  pro- 
vide that  for  the  following  days  they 
should  not  want  supplies,  he  sent  to  the 
people  that  were  about  Samaria  (which 
city  had  joined  itself  to  him)  to  bring 
corn,  wine,  and  oil,  and  cattle  to  Jericho. 
When  Antigonus  heard  of  this,  he  sent 
some  of  his  party  with  orders  to  hinder, 
and  lay  ambushes  for  these  collectors  of 
corn.  This  command  was  obeyed,  and  a 
great  multitude  of  armed  men  were 
gathered  together  about  Jericho,  and  lay 
upon  the  mountains,  to  watch  those  that 
brought  the  provisions.  Yet  was  Herod 
not  idle,  but  took  with  him  ten  cohorts, — 
five  of  them  were  Roman,  and  five  were 
Jewish  cohorts,  together  with  some  mer- 
cenary troops  intermixed  among  them, 
and  besides  those  a  few  horsemen,  and 
came  to  Jericho;  and  when  he  came  he 
found  the  city  deserted,  but  that  there 
were  500  men,  with  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, who  had  "taken  possession  of  the 
tops  of  the  mountains;  these  he  took, 
and  dismissed  them,  while  the  Romans 
fell  upon  the  rest  of  the  city,  and  plun- 
dered it,  having  found  the  houses  full  of 
all  sorts  of  good  things.  So  the  king 
left  a  garrison  at  Jericho,  and  came  back, 
and  sent  the  Roman  army  into  those 
cities  which  were  come  over  to  him,  to 
take  their  winter  quarters  there,  into  Ju- 
dea  [or  Idumea],  and  Galilee,  and  Sama- 
ria. Antigonus  also,  by  bribes,  obtained 
[permission]  of  Silo  to  let  a  part  of  his 
army  be  received  at  Lydda,  as  a  com- 
pliment to  Antouius. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Herod  takes  Sepphoriss — subdues  the  robbers — 
avenges  himself  on  Macheras — joins  Antony  at 
Samosata. 

So  the  Romans  lived  in  plenty  of  all 
things  and  rested  from  war.  However, 
Herod  did  not  lie  at  rest,  but  seized  npon 
Idumea,  and  kept  it,  with  2000  footmen, 
and  400  horsemen;  and  this  he  did  by 
sending  his  brother  Joseph  thither,  that 
no  innovation  might  be  made  by  Anti- 
gonus. He  also  removed  his  mother, 
and  all  his  relations,  who  had  been  in 
Masada,   to    Samaria;  and   when  he    had 


=)1 


Chap.  XVI.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


169 


=? 


settled  thorn  securely,  he  marched  to  take 
the  remaining  parts  of  Galilee,  and  to 
drive  away  the  garrisons  placed  there  by 
An  ti  go  mis. 

But  when  Herod  had  reached  Seppho- 
ris,*  in  a  very  great  snow,  he  took  the 
city  without  any  difficulty,  the  guards  that 
should  have  kept  it  flying  away  before  it 
was  assaulted ;  where  he  gave  an  opportu- 
nity to  his  followers  that  had  been  in 
distress  to  refresh  themselves,  there  being 
in  that  city  a  great  abundance  of  necessa- 
ries. After  which  he  hasted  away  to  the 
robbers  that  were  in  the  caves,  who  over- 
ran a  great  part  of  the  country,  and  did 
as  great  mischief  to  its  inhabitants  as  a 
war  itself  could  have  done.  Accordingly, 
he  sent  beforehand  three  cohorts  of  foot- 
men, and  one  troop  of  horsemen,  to  the 
village  Arbela,  and  came  himself  forty 
days  afterward  with  the  rest  of  his  forces. 
Yet  were  not  the  enemy  affrighted  at  his 
assault,  but  met  him  in  arms;  for  their 
skill  was  that  of  warriors,  but  their  bold- 
ness was  the  boldness  of  robbers :  when, 
therefore,  it  came  to  a  pitched  battle,  they 
put  to  flight  Herod's  left  wing  with  their 
right  one :  but  Herod,  wheeling  about  on 
the  sudden  from  his  own  right  wing,  came 
to  their  assistance,  and  both  made  his 
own  left  wing  return  back  from  its  flight, 
and  fell  upon  the  pursuers,  and  cooled 
their  courage,  till  they  could  not  bear  the 
attempts  that  were  made  directly  upon 
them,  and  so  turned  back  and  ran  away. 

But  Herod  followed  them,  and  slew 
them  as  he  followed  them,  and  destroyed 
a  great  part  of  them,  till  those  that  re- 
mained were  scattered  beyond  the  river 
[Jordan] ;  and  Galilee  was  freed  from  the 
terrors  they  had  been  under,  excepting 
from  those  that  remained  and  lay  con- 
cealed in  caves,  which  required  longer 
time  ere  they  could  be  conquered.  In 
order  to  which,  Herod,  in  the  first  place, 
distributed  the  fruits  of  their  former  la- 
bours to  the  soldiers,  and  gave  every  one 
of  them  150  drachmas  of  silver,  and  a 
great  deal  more  to  their  commanders,  and 
sent  them  into  their  winter  quarters.  He 
also  sent  to  his  youngest  brother,  Pheroras, 
to  take  care  of  a  good  market  for  them, 
where  they  might  buy  themselves  provi- 
sions, and  build  a  wall  about  Alexan- 
drium;  who  took  care  of  both  those  in- 
junctions accordingly. 


*  Sepphoris,  the  metropolis  of  Galilee,  so  often 
mentioned  by  Josephus,  has  coins  still  remaining. 
2U 


In  the  mean  time,  Antony  abode  at 
Athens,  while  Ventidius  called  for  Silo 
and  Herod  to  come  to  the  war  against  the 
Parthians,  but  ordered  them  first  to  settle 
the  affairs  of  Judea;  so  Hemd  willingly 
dismissed  Silo  to  go  to  Ventidius;  but  lie 
made  an  expedition  himself  against  those 
that  lay  in  the  caves.  Now  these  caves 
were  in  the  precipices  of  craggy  moun- 
tains, and  could  not  be  come  at  from  any 
side,  since  they  had  only  some  winding 
pathways,  very  narrow,  by  which  they 
got  up  to  them;  but  the  rock  that  lay  on 
their  front  had  beneath  it  valleys  of  a 
vast  depth,  and  of  an  almost  perpendicu- 
lar declivity;  insomuch  that  the  king  was 
doubtful  for  a  long  time  what  to  do,  by 
reason  of  a  kind  of  impossibility  there 
Was  of  attacking  the  place.  Yet  did  he 
at  length  make  use  of  a  contrivance  that 
was  subject  to  the  utmost  hazard ;  for  he 
let  down  the  most  hardy  of  his  men  in 
chests,  and  set  them  at  the  mouths  of  the 
dens.  Now  these  men  slew  the  robbers 
and  their  families,  and  when  they  made 
resistance,  they  sent  iu  fire  upon  them, 
[and  burnt  them];  and  as  Herod  was  de- 
sirous of  saving  some  of  them,  he  had 
proclamation  made,  that  they  should  come 
and  deliver  themselves  up  to  him ;  but 
not  one  of  them  came  willingly  to  him; 
and  of  those  that  were  compelled  to  come, 
many  preferred  death  to  captivity.  And 
here  a  certain  old  man,  the  father  of  seven 
children,  whose  children,  together  with 
their  mother,  desired  him  to  give  them 
leave  to  go  out,  upon  the  assurance  and 
right  hand  that  was  offered  them,  slew 
them  after  the  following  manner:  he  or- 
dered every  one  of  them  to  go  out,  while 
he  stood  himself  at  the  cave's  mouth,  and 
slew  that  son  of  his  perpetually  who  went 
out.  Herod  was  near  enough  to  see  this 
sight,  and  his  bowels  of  compassion  were 
moved  at  it,  and  he  stretched  out  his  right 
hand  to  the  old  man,  and  besought  him  to 
spare  his  children ;  yet  did  not  he  relent 
at  all  upon  what  he  said,  but  over  and 
above  reproached  Herod  on  the  lowness 
of  his  descent,  and  slew  his  wife  as  well 
as  his  children  ;  and  when  he  had  thrown 
their  dead  bodies  down  the  precipice,  he 
at  last  threw  himself  down  after  them. 

By  this  means  Herod  subdued  these 
caves,  and  the  robbers  that  were  in  them. 
He  then  left  there  a  part  of  his  army,  as 
many  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  prevent 
any  sedition,  and  made  Ptolemy  their  ge- 
neral, and   returned  to  Samaria;  he  led 


170 


WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


also  with  him  3000  armed  footmen  and 
600  horsemen  against  Antigonus.  Now 
here  those  that  used  to  raise  tumults  in 
Galilee,  having  liberty  so  to  do  upon  his 
departure,  fell  unexpectedly  upon  Ptole- 
my, the  general  of  his  forces,  and  slew 
him  :  they  also  laid  the  country  waste, 
and  then  retired  to  the  bogs,  and  to  places 
not  easily  to  be  found ;  but  when  Herod 
was  informed  of  this  insurrection,  he 
came  to  the  assistance  of  the  country  im- 
mediately, and  destroyed  a  great  number 
of  the  seditious,  and  raised  the  sieges  of 
all  those  fortresses  they  had  besieged  ;  he 
also  exacted  the  tribute  of  100  talents  of 
his  enemies,  as  a  penalty  for  the  mutation 
they  had  made  in  the  country. 

By  this  time  (the  Parthians  being 
already  driven  out  of  the  country,  and 
Pacorus  slain)  Ventidius,  by  Antony's 
command,  sent  1000  horsemen  and  two 
legions  as  auxiliaries  to  Herod  against 
Antigonus.  Now  Antigonus  besought 
Macheras,  who  was  their  general,  by  letter, 
to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  made  a 
great  many  mournful  complaints  about 
Herod's  violence,  and  about  the  injuries 
he  did  to  the  kingdom ;  and  promised  to 
give  him  money  for  such  his  assistance  : 
but  he  complied  not  with  his  invitation  to 
betray  his  trust,  for  he  did  not  contemn 
him  that  sent  him,  especially  while  Herod 
gave  him  more  money  [than  the  other 
offered].  So  he  pretended  friendship  to 
Antigonus,  but  came  as  a  spy  to  discover 
his  affairs,  although  he  did  not  herein 
comply  with  Herod,  who  dissuaded  him 
from  so  doing;  but  Antigonus  perceived 
what  his  intentions  were  beforehand,  and 
excluded  him  out  of  the  city,  and  defend- 
ed himself  against  him  as  an  enemy, 
from  the  walls ;  till  Macheras  was  ashamed 
of  what  he  had  done,  and  retired  to  Em- 
maus  to  Herod;  and,  as  he  was  in  a  rage 
at  his  disappointment,  he  slew  all  the 
Jews  whom  he  met  with,  without  sparing 
those  that  were  for  Herod,  but  using  them 
all  as  if  they  were  for  Antigonus. 

Hereupon  Herod  was  very  angry  at 
him,  and  was  going  to  fight  against  Ma- 
cheras as  his  enemy ;  but  he  restrained 
his  indignation,  and  marched  to  Antony 
to  accuse  Macheras  of  mal-administration  ; 
but  Macheras  was  made  sensible  of  his 
offences,  and  followed  after  the  king  im- 
mediately, and  earnestly  begged  and  ob- 
tained that  he  would  be  reconciled  to  him. 
However,  Herod  did  not  desist  from  his 
resolution  of  going  to  Antony  ;  but  when 


he  heard  that  he  was  besieging  Samosata* 
with  a  great  army,  which  is  a  strong  city 
near  to  Euphrates,  he  made  the  greater 
haste  ;  as  observing  that  this  was  a  proper 
opportunity  for  showing  at  once  his  cou- 
rage, and  for  doing  what  would  greatly 
oblige  Antony.  Indeed,  when  he  came, 
he  soon  made  an  end  of  that  siege,  and 
slew  a  great  number  of  the  barbarians, 
and  took  from  them  a  large  prey;  inso- 
much, that  Antony,  who  admired  his 
courage  formerly,  did  now  admire  it  still 
more.  Accordingly  he  heaped  many  more 
honours  upon  him,  and  gave  him  more 
assured  hopes  that  he  should  gain  his 
kingdom :  and  now  King  Antiochus  was 
forced  to  deliver  up  Sainosata. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Death  of  Joseph — Herod's  preservation — beheads 
the  slayer  of  his  brother — besieges  Jerusalem, 
and  marries  Mariamne. 

In  the  mean  time  Herod's  affairs  in 
Judea  were  in  an  ill  state.  He  had  left 
his  brother  Joseph  with  full  power,  but 
had  charged  him  to  make  no  attempts 
against  Antigonus  till  his  return;  for  that 
Macheras  would  not  be  such  an  assistant 
as  he  could  depend  on,  as  it  appeared  by 
what  he  had  done  already;  but  as  soon  as 
Joseph  heard  that  his  brother  was  at  a 
very  great  distance,  he  neglected  the 
charge  he  had  received,  and  marched  to- 
ward Jericho  with  five  cohorts,  which 
Macheras  sent  with  him.  This  movement 
was  intended  for  seizing  on  the  corn,  as  it 
was  now  in  the  midst  of  summer;  but 
when  his  enemies  attacked  him  in  the 
mountains,  and  in  places  which  were  diffi- 
cult to  pass,  he  was  both  killed  himself, 
as  he  was  very  bravely  fighting  in  the 
battle,  and  the  entire  Roman  cohorts  were 
destroyed;  for  these  cohorts  were  new- 
raised  men,  gathered  out  from  Syria,  and 
there  was  no  mixture  of  those  called 
veteran  soldiers  among  them,  who  might 
have  supported  those  that  were  unskilful 
in  war. 

This  victory  was  not  sufficient  for  Anti- 
gonus; but  he  proceeded  to  that  degree 
of  rage  as  to  treat  the  dead  body  of  Jo- 
seph barbarously  ;  for  when  he  had  got- 
ten possession  of  the  bodies  of  those  that 


*  This  Samosata,  the  metropolis  of  Commngena, 
is  well  known  from  its  coins.  Dean  Aldrich  con- 
firms what  Josephus  here  notes,  that  Herod  was  a 
great  means  of  taking  the  city  by  Antony,  and 
that  from  Plutarch  and  Dio. 


Chap.  XVII.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


171 


were  slain,  he  cut  off  his  head,  although 
his  brother  Pheroras  would  have  given 
50  talents  as  a  price  of  redemption  for  it. 
And  now  the  affairs  of  Galilee  were  put 
into  such  disorder  after  this  victory  of 
Antigonus,  that  those  of  Antigonus's 
party  brought  the  principal  men  that  were 
on  Herod's  side  to  the  lake,  and  there 
drowned  them.  There  was  a  great  change 
made  also  in  Idumea,  where  Macheras 
was  building  a  wall  about  one  of  the  fort- 
resses, that  was  called  Gittha.  But  He- 
rod had  not  yet  been  informed  of  these 
things;  for  after  the  taking  of  Samosata, 
and  when  Antony  had  set  Sosius  over 
the  affairs  of  Syria,  and  given  him  orders 
to  assist  Herod  against  Antigonus,  he 
departed  into  Egypt.  But  Sosius  sent 
two  legions  before  him  into  Judea,  to 
assist  Herod,  and  followed  himself  soon 
after  with  the  rest  of  his  army. 

Now  when  Herod  was  at  Daphne,  by 
Antioch,  he  had  some  dreams  which  clear- 
ly foreboded  his  brother's  death;  and  as 
he  leaped  out  of  his  bed  in  a  disturbed 
manner,  there  came  messengers  that  ac- 
quainted him  with  that  calamity.  So 
when  he  had  lamented  this  misfortune  for 
awhile,  he  put  off  the  main  part  of  his 
mourning,  and  made  haste  to  march 
against  his  enemies;  and  when  he  had 
performed  a  march  that  was  above  his 
strength,  and  had  gone  as  far  as  Libanus, 
he  got  800  men  of  those  that  lived  near 
to  that  mountain,  as  his  assistants,  and 
joined  with  them  one  Roman  legion,  with 
which,  before  it  was  day,  he  made  an 
irruption  into  Galilee,  and  met  his  ene- 
mies, and  drove  them  back  to  the  place 
which  they  had  left.  He  also  made  an 
immediate  and  conditioned  attack  upon 
the  fortress.  Yet  was  he  forced,  by  a 
most  terrible  storm,  to  pitch  his  camp  in 
the  neighbouring  village  before  he  could 
take  it.  But  when,  after  a  few  days'  time, 
the  second  legion,  that  came  from  Antony, 
joined  themselves  to  him,  the  enemy  were 
affrighted  at  his  power,  and  left  their 
fortifications  in  the  night-time. 

After  he  marched  through  Jericho,  as 
making  what  haste  he  could  to  be  avenged 
on  his  brother's  murderers ;  where  hap- 
pened to  him  a  providential  sign,  out  of 
which  when  he  had  unexpectedly  escaped, 
he  had  the  reputation  of  being  very  dear 
to  God;  for  that  evening  there  feasted 
with  him  many  of  the  principal  men  :  and 
after  that  feast  was  over,  and  all  the  guests 
were  gone  out,  the  house  fell  down  imme- 


diately. And  as  he  judged  this  to  bo  a 
common  signal  of  what  dangers  he  should 
undergo,  and  how  he  should  escape  them  in 
the  war  that  he  was  going  about,  he  in  the 
morning  set  forward  with  his  army,  when 
about  G000  of  his  enemies  came  running 
down  from  the  mountains,  and  began  to 
fight  with  those  in  the  forefront ;  yet 
durst  they  not  be  so  veiy  bold  as  to  en- 
gage the  Romans  hand  to  hand,  but  threw 
stones  and  darts  at  them  at  a  distance,  by 
which  means  they  wounded  a  considerable 
number;  in  which  action  Herod's  own 
side  was  wounded  with  a  dart. 

Now  as  Antigonus  had  a  mind  to 
appear  to  exceed  Herod,  not  only  in  the 
courage,  but  in  the  number  of  his  men, 
he  sent  Pappus,  one  of  his  companions, 
with  an  army  against  Samaria,  whose 
fortune  it  was  to  oppose  Macheras.  But 
Herod  overran  the  enemies'  country,  and 
demolished  five  little  cities,  and  destroyed 
2000  men  that  were  in  them,  and  burned 
their  houses,  and  then  returned  to  his 
camp ;  but  his  head-quarters  were  at  the 
village  called  Cana. 

Now  a  great  multitude  of  Jews  resorted 
to  him  every  day,  both  out  of  Jericho  and 
the  others  parts  of  the  country.  Some 
were  moved  so  to  do  out  of  their  hatred 
to  Antigonus,  and  some  out  of  regard  to 
the  glorious  actions  Herod  had  done;  but 
others  were  led  on  by  an  unreasonable 
desire  of  change ;  so  he  fell  upon  them 
immediately.  As  for  Pappus  and  his 
party,  they  were  not  terrified  either  at 
their  number  or  at  their  zeal,  but  marched 
out  with  great  alacrity  to  fight  them;  and 
it  came  to  a  close  fight.  Now  other  parts 
of  their  army  made  resistance  for  a  while  : 
but  Herod,  running  the  utmost  hazard, 
out  of  the  rage  he  was  in  at  the  murder 
of  his  brother,  that  he  might  be  avenged 
on  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of  it, 
soon  beat  those  that  opposed  him ;  and, 
after  he  had  beaten  them,  he  always 
turned  his  forces  against  those  that  stood 
to  it  still,  and  pursued  them  all;  so  that 
a  great  slaughter  was  made,  while  some 
were  forced  back  into  that  village  whence 
they  came  out;  he  also  pressed  hard  upon 
the  hindermost,  and  slew  a  vast  number 
of  them ;  he  also  fell  into  the  village  with 
the  enemy,  where  every  house  was  filled 
with  armed  men,  and  the  upper  rooms 
were  also  crowded  with  soldiers  for  their 
defence;  and  when  he  had  beaten  those 
that  were  on  the  outside,  he  pulled  the 
houses  to  pieces,  and  plucked  out  those 


172 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


[BookI 


that  were  within ;  upon  many  he  had  the 
roofs  shaken  down,  whereby  they  perished 
by  heaps;  and  as  for  those  that  fled  out 
of  the  ruins,  the  soldiers  received  them 
with  their  swords  in  their  hands;  and  the 
multitude  of  those  slain  and  lying  in 
heaps  was  so  great  that  the  conquerors 
could  not  pass  along  the  roads.  Now  the 
enemy  could  not  bear  this  blow,  so  that 
when  the  multitude  of  them  which  was 
gathered  together  saw  that  those  in  the 
village  were  slain,  they  dispersed  them- 
selves and  fled  away;  upon  the  confidence 
of  which  victory,  Herod  had  marched 
immediately  to  Jerusalem,  unless  he  had 
been  hindered  by  the  depth  of  winter 
[coming  on].  This  was  the  impediment 
that  lay  in  the  way  of  this  his  entire 
glorious  progress,  and  was  what  hindered 
Antigonus  from  being  now  conquered, 
who  was  already  disposed  to  forsake  the 
city. 

Now  when  at  the  evening  Herod  had 
already  dismissed  his  friends  to  refresh 
themselves  after  their  fatigue,  and  when 
he  had  gone  himself,  while  he  was  still 
hot  in  his  armour,  like  a  common  soldier, 
to  bathe  himself,  and  before  he  had  gotten 
into  the  bath,  one  of  the  enemies  met 
him  in  the  face  with  a  sword  in  his  hand, 
and  then  a  second,  and  then  a  third,  and 
after  that  more  of  them ;  these  were  men 
who  had  run  away  out  of  the  battle  into 
the  bath  in  their  armour,  and  they  had 
lain  there  for  some  time  in  great  terror, 
and  in  privacy;  and  when  they  saw  the 
king,  they  trembled  for  fear,  and  ran  by 
him  in  a  fright,  although  he  was  naked, 
and  endeavoured  to  get  off  into  the  public 
road.  Now  there  was  by  chance  nobody 
else  at  hand  that  might  seize  upon  these 
men ;  and  for  Herod,  he  was  contented 
to  have  come  to  no  harm  himself,  so  that 
they  all  got  away  in  safety. 

But  on  the  next  day  Herod  had  Pap- 
pus's head  cut  off,  who  was  the  general 
for  Antigonus,  and  was  slain  in  the  battle, 
and  sent  it  to  his  brother  Pheroras,  by 
way  of  punishment  for  their  slain  bro- 
ther; for  he  was  the  man  that  slew  Joseph. 
Now  as  winter  was  going  off,  Herod 
marched  to  Jerusalem,  and  brought  his 
army  to  the  wall  of  it;  this  was  the  third 
year  since  he  had  been  made  king  at 
Rome ;  so  he  pitched  his  camp  before  the 
temple,  for  on  that  side  it  might  be  be- 
sieged; and  there  it  was  that  Pompey 
iook  the  city.  So  he  parted  the  work 
among   the   army,    and   demolished    the 


suburbs,  and  raised  three  banks,  and  gave 
orders  to  have  towers  built  upon  those 
banks,  and  left  the  most  laborious  of  his 
acquaintance  at  the  works.  But  he  went 
himself  to  Samaria,  to  take  the  daughter 
of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  to 
wife,  who  had  been  betrothed  to  him 
before,  as  we  have  already  said ;  and  thus 
he  accomplished  this  by  the  by,  during 
the  siege  of  the  city,  for  he  had  his 
enemies  in  great  contempt  already. 

When  he  had  thus  married  Mariamne, 
he  came  back  to  Jerusalem  with  a  greater 
army.  Sosius  also  joined  him  with  a 
large  army,  both  of  horsemen  and  foot- 
men, which  he  sent  before  him  through 
the  midland  parts,  while  he  marched  him- 
self along  Phoenicia  ;  and  when  the  whole 
army  was  gotten  together,  which  were  11 
regiments  of  footmen,  and  6000  horse- 
men, besides  the  Syrian  auxiliaries,  which 
were  no  small  part  of  the  army,  they 
pitched  their  camp  near  to  the  north  wall. 
Herod's  dependence  was  upon  the  decree 
of  the  senate,  by  which  he  was  made 
king;  and  Sosius  relied  upon  Antony, 
who  sent  the  army  that  was  under  him  to 
Herod's  assistance. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Herod  and  Sosius  take  Jerusalem  by  force — death 
of  Antigonus — Cleopatra's  avarice. 

Now  the  multitude  of  the  Jews  that 
were  in  the  city  were  divided  into  several 
factions,  for  the  people  that  crowded  about 
the  temple,  being  the  weaker  part  of 
them,  gave  it  out  that,  as  the  times  were, 
he  was  the  happiest  and  most  religious 
man  who  should  die  first.  But  as  to  the 
more  bold  and  hardy  men,  they  got  toge- 
ther in  bodies,  and  fell  to  robbing  others 
after  various  manners,  and  these  parti- 
cularly plundered  the  places  that  were 
about  the  city,  and  this  because  there  was 
no  food  left  either  for  the  horses  or  the 
men;  yet  some  of  the  warlike  men,  who 
were  used  to  fight  regularly,  were  appoint- 
ed to  defend  the  city  during  the  siege, 
and  these  drove  those  that  raised  the 
banks  away  from  the  wall ;  and  these  were 
always  inventing  one  engine  or  another 
to  be  a  hinderance  to  the  engines  of  the 
enemy;  nor  had  they  so  much  success  any 
way  as  in  the  mines  under  ground. 

Now,  as  for  the  robberies  which  were 
committed,  the  king  contrived  that  am- 
bushes should  be  so  laid,  that  they  might 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


17:5 


restrain  their  excursions;  and  as  for  the 
want  of  provisions,  he  provided  that  they 
should  be  brought  to  them  from  great 
distances.  He  was  also  too  hard  for  the 
Jews,  by  the  Romans'  skill  in  the  art  of 
war :  although  they  were  bold  to  the 
utmost  degree,  now  they  durst  not  come 
to  a  plain  battle  with  the  Romans,  which 
was  certain  death ;  but  through  their 
mines  under  ground  they  would  appear 
in  the  midst  of  them  on  the  sudden,  and 
before  they  could  batter  down  one  wall, 
they  built  them  another. in  its  stead;  and 
to  sum  up  all  at  once,  they  did  not  show 
any  want  either  of  painstaking  or  of  con- 
trivance, as  having  resolved  to  hold  out  to 
the  very  last.  Indeed,  though  they  had 
so  great  an  army  lying  round  about  them, 
they  bore  a  siege  of  five  months,  till  some 
of  Herod's  chosen  men  ventured  to  get 
upon  the  wall,  and  fell  into  the  city,  as 
did  Sosius's  centurions  after  them ;  and 
now  the  first  of  all  seized  upon  what  was 
about  the  temple;  and  upon  the  pouring 
in  of  the  army,  there  was  slaughter  of 
vast  multitudes  everywhere,  by  reason  of 
the  rage  the  Romans  were  in  at  the  length 
of  the  siege,  and  by  reason  that  the  Jews 
that  were  about  Herod  earnestly  endea- 
voured that  none  of  their  adversaries 
might  remain;  so  they  were  cut  to  pieces 
by  great  multitudes,  and  as  they  were 
crowded  together  in  narrow  streets,  and 
in  houses,  or  were  running  away  to  the 
temple;  nor  was  there  any  mercy  shown 
either  to  infants,  or  to  the  aged,  or  to  the 
weaker  sex;  insomuch,  that  although  the 
king  sent  about  and  desired  them  to  spare 
the  people,  nobody  could  be  persuaded  to 
withhold  their  right  liand  from  slaughter, 
but  they  slew  people  of  all  ages,  like 
madmen.  Then  it  was  that  Antigonus, 
without  any  regard  to  his  former  or  to  his 
present  fortune,  came  down  from  the 
citadel  and  fell  down  at  Sosius's  feet,  who, 
without  pitying  him  at  all,  upon  the 
change  of  his  condition,  laughing  at  him 
beyond  measure,  and  called  him  Anti- 
goua  [or  woman].  Yet  did  he  not  treat 
him  like  a  woman,  or  let  him  go  free, 
but  put  him  into  bonds,  and  kept  him  in 
custody. 

But  Herod's  concern  at  present,  now 
he  had  gotten  his  enemies  under  his  pow- 
er, was  to  restrain  the  zeal  of  his  foreign 
auxiliaries ;  for  the  multitude  of  the 
strange  people  were  very  eager  to  see  the 
temple,  and  what  was  sacred  in  the  holy 
house  itself;  but  the  king  endeavoured  to 


restrain  them,  partly  by  his  exhortation, 

partly  by  his  threatening,  nay,  partly  by 
force,  as  thinking  the  victory  worse  than 
a  defeat  to  him,  if  any  thing  that  ought 
not  to  be  seen  were  seen  by  them.  He 
also  forbade,  at  the  same  time,  the  spoiling 
of  the  city,  asking  Sosius  in  the  most 
earnest  manner,  whether  the  Romans,  by 
thus  emptying  the  city  of  money  and 
men,  had  a  mind  to  leave  him  king  of  a 
desert;  and  told  him  that  he  judged  the 
dominion  of  the  habitable  earth  too  small 
a  compensation  for  the  slaughter  of  so 
many  citizens.  And  when  Sosius  said, 
that  it  was  but  just  to  allow  the  soldiers 
this  plunder,  as  a  reward  for  what  they 
suffered  during  the  siege,  Herod  made 
answer,  that  he  would  give  every  one  of 
the  soldiers  a  reward  out  of  his  own  mo- 
ney. So  he  purchased  the  deliverance  of 
his  country,  and  performed  his  promises  to 
them,  and  made  presents  after  a  magni- 
ficent manner  to  each  soldier,  and  pro- 
portionally to  their  commanders,  and 
with  a  most  royal  bounty  to  Sosius  him- 
self, whereby  nobody  went  away  but  in 
a  wealthy  condition.  Hereupon  Sosius 
dedicated  a  crown  of  gold  to  God,  and 
then  went  away  from  Jerusalem,  leading 
Antigonus  away  in  bonds  to  Antony ; 
then  did  the  axe  bring  him  to  his  end, 
who  still  had  a  fond  desire  of  life,  and 
some  frigid  hopes  of  it  to  the  last,  but,  by 
his  cowardly  behaviour,  well  deserved  to 
die -by  it. 

Hereupon,  King  Herod  distinguished 
the  multitude  that  was  in  the  city;  and 
for  those  that  were  of  his  side,  he  made 
them  still  more  his  friends  by  the  honours 
he  conferred  on  them;  but  for  those  of 
Antigonus's  party,  he  slew  them  :  and  as 
his  money  ran  low,  he  turned  all  the 
ornaments  he  had  into  money,  and  sent 
it  to  Antony,  and  to  those  about  him. 
Yet  could  he  not  hereby  purchase  an 
exemption  from  all  sufferings;  for  Antony 
was  now  bewitched  by  his  love  to  Cleo- 
patra, and  was  entirely  conquered  by  her 
charms.  Now  Cleopatra  had  put  to  death 
all  her  kindred,  till  no  one  near  her  in 
blood  remained  alive,  and  after  that  she 
fell  a  slaying  those  noway  related  to  her. 
So  she  calumniated  the  principal  men 
among  the  Syrians  to  Antony,  and  per- 
suaded him  to  have  them  slain,  that  so 
she  might  easily  gain  to  be  mistress  of 
what  they  had;  nay,  she  extended  her 
avaricious  humour  to  the  Jews  and  Ara- 
bians, and  secretly  laboured  to  have  Herod 


174 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  L 


and    Malichus,  the   kings   of  both  those 
nations,  slain  by  his  order. 

Now  as  to  these  her  injunctions  to 
Antony,  he  complied  in  part;  for  though 
he  esteemed  it  too  abominable  a  thing  to 
kill  such  good  and  great  kings,  yet  was 
he  thereby  alienated  from  the  friendship 
he  had  for  them.  He  also  took  away  a 
great  deal  of  their  country;  nay,  even 
the  plantation  of  palm-trees  at  Jericho, 
where  also  grows  the  balsam-tree,  and  be- 
stowed them  upon  her,  as  also  all  the  cities 
on  this  side  the  river  Eleutherus,  Tyre 
and  Sidon  excepted.  And  when  she  was 
become  mistress  of  these,  and  had  con- 
ducted Antony  in  his- expedition  against 
the  Parthians,  as  far  as  Euphrates,  she 
came  by  Apamia  and  Damascus  into 
Judea;  and  there  did  Herod  pacify  her 
indignation  at  him  by  large  presents.  He 
also  hired  of  her  those  places  that  had 
been  torn  away  from  his  kingdom,  at  the 
yearly  rent  of  200  talents.  He  conducted 
her  also  as  far  as  Pelusium,  and  paid  her 
all  the  respects  possible.  Now  it  was  not 
long  after  this  that  Antony  had  come 
back  from  Parthia,  and  led  with  him 
Artabazes,  Tigranes's  son,  captive,  as  a 
present  for  Cleopatra;  for  this  Parthian 
was  presently  given  her,  with  his  money, 
and  all  the  prey  that  was  taken  with  him. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

Antony,  at  the  persuasion  of  Cleopatra,  sends 
Herod  to  fight  against  the  Arabians — great 
earthquake. 

Now  when  the  war  about  Actium  had 
begun,  Herod  prepared  to  come  to  the  as- 
sistance of  Antony,  as  being  already  freed 
from  his  troubles  in  Judea,  and  having 
gained  Hyrcania,  which  was  a  place  that 
was  held  by  Antigonus's  sister.  However, 
he  was  cunningly  hindered  from  partaking 
of  the  hazards  that  Antony  went  through 
by  Cleopatra ;  for  since,  as  we  have  already 
noted,  she  had  laid  a  plot  against  the 
kings  [of  Judea  and  Arabia],  she  pre- 
vailed with  Antony  to  commit  the  war 
against  the  Arabians  to  Herod ;  that  so, 
if  he  got  the  better,  she  might  become 
mistress  of  Arabia,  or,  if  he  were  worsted, 
of  Judea;  and  that  she  might  destroy  one 
of  those  kings  by  the  other. 

However,  this  contrivance  tended  to 
the  advantage  of  Herod ;  for  at  the  very 
first  he  took  hostages  from  the  enemy,  and 
got  together  a  great  body  of  horse,  and 
ordered  them  to  march  against  them  about 


Diospolis;  and  he  conquered  that  army, 
although  it  fought  resolutely  against  him 
After  which  defeat,  the  Arabians  were  in 
great  motion,  and  assembled  themselves 
together  at  Kanatha,  a  city  of  Celesyria, 
in  vast  multitudes,  and  waited  for  the 
Jews.  And  when  Herod  had  come 
thither,  he  tried  to  jnanage  this  war  with 
particular  prudence,  and  gave  orders  that 
they  should  build  a  wall  about  their 
camp  ;  yet  did  not  the  multitude  comply 
with  those  orders,  but  were  so  emboldened 
by  their  foregoing  victory,  that  they  pre- 
sently attacked  the  Arabians,  and  beat 
them  at  the  first  onset,  and  then  pursued 
them  ;  yet  were  there  snares  laid  for  Her- 
od in  that  pursuit;  while  Athenio,  who 
was  one  of  Cleopatra's  generals,  and  al- 
ways an  antagonist  to  Herod,  sent  out  of 
Kanatha  the  men  of  that  country  against 
him  ;  for,  upon  this  fresh  onset,  the  Ara- 
bians took  courage,  and  returned  back, 
and  both  joined  their  numerous  forces 
about  stony  places,  that  were  hard  to  be 
gone  over,  and  there  put  Herod's  men  to 
the  route,  and  made  a  great  slaughter  of 
them  ;  but  those  that  escaped  out  of  the 
battle  fled  to  Ormiza,  where  the  Arabians 
surrounded  their  camp,  "and  took  it,  with 
all  the  men  that  was  in  it. 

In  a  little  time  after  this  calamity, 
Herod  came  to  bring  them  succours ;  but 
he  came  too  late.  Now  the  occasion  of 
that  blow  was  this,  that  the  officers  would 
not  obey  orders;  for  had  not  the  fight  be- 
gun so  suddeuly,  Athenio  had  not  found  a 
proper  season  .for  the  snares  he  laid  for 
Herod :  however,  he  was  even  with  the 
Arabians  afterward,  and  overran  their 
country,  and  did  them  more  harm  than 
their  single  victory  could  compensate.  But 
as  he  was  avenging  himself  on  his  ene- 
mies, there  fell  upon  him  another  provi- 
dential calamity ;  for  in  the  seventh*  year 
of  his  reign,  when  the  war  about  Actium 
was  at  the   height,  at  the  beginning  of 


*  This  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Herod  [from 
the  conquest  or  death  of  Antigonus],  with  the 
great  earthquake  in  the  beginning  of  the  same 
spring,  which  are  here  fully  implied  to  be  not  much 
before  the  fight  at  Actium,  between  Octavius  and 
Antony,  and  which  is  known  from  the  Roman  his- 
torians to  have  been  in  the  beginning  of  Septem- 
ber in  the  31st  year  before  the  Christian  era,  de- 
termines the  chronology  of  Josephus  as  to  the 
reign  of  Herod,  viz.  that  he  began  in  the  year  37, 
beyond  rational  contradiction.  Nor  is  it  unworthy 
of  notice,  that  this  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of 
Herod,  or  the  31st  before  the  Christian  era,  con- 
tained the  latter  part  of  a  Sabbatic  year  ;  on  which 
Sabbatic  year,  therefore,  it  is  plain,  this  great 
earthquake  happened  in  Judea. 


Chap.  XIX.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


175 


the  spring,  the    earth   was   shaken,  and 
destroyed  an  immense  number  of  cattle, 
with  30,000  men;  but  the  army  received 
no  harm,  because  it  lay  in  the  open  air. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  fame  of  this  earth- 
quake elevated  the  Arabians  to  greater 
courage,  and  this  by  augmenting  it  to  a 
fabulous  height,  as  is  constantly  the  case 
in  melancholy  accidents,  and  pretending 
that  all  Judea  was    overthrown.       Upon 
this  supposal,  therefore,  that  they  should 
easily  get  a  land  that  was  destitute  of  in- 
habitants into  their  power,  they  first  sacri- 
ficed those  ambassadors  who  were  come 
to  them  from  the  Jews,  and  then  marched 
into  Judea  immediately.  Now  the  Jewish 
nation  were  affrighted    at  this    invasion, 
and  quite  dispirited  at  the  greatness  of 
their  calamities  one  after  another;  whom 
yet  Herod  got  together,  and  endeavoured 
to  encourage  to  defend  themselves  by  the 
following  speech  which  he  made  to  them: 
"  The    present   dread   you  are    under, 
seems  to  me  to  have  seized  upon  you  very 
unseasonably.      It  is  true,  you  might  just- 
ly be  dismayed  at  the  providential  chas- 
tisement which  hath  befallen  you ;  but  to 
suffer  yourselves  to  be  equally  terrified  at 
the  invasion  of  men,  is  unmanly.     As  for 
myself,  I  am  so  far  from  being  affrighted 
at  our  enemies  after  this  earthquake,  that 
I  imagine  that  God  hath   thereby  laid  a 
bait  for  the   Arabians,  that  we   may  be 
avenged  on  them ;  for  their  present  inva- 
sion proceeds  more  from  our    accidental 
misfortunes,    than   that    they    have   any 
great   dependence   on  their    weapons,    or 
their  own  fitness  for  action.      Now  that 
hope  which  depends  not  on  men's    own 
power,  but  on  others'  ill  success,  is  a  very 
ticklish  thing;  for  there  is  no  certainty 
among  men,  either  in  their  bad  or  good 
fortunes;  but  we  may  easily  observe,  that 
fortune  is  mutable,  and  goes  from  one  side 
to   another;    and    this   you  may    readily 
learn  from  examples  among  yourselves ;. 
for   when'  you  were  once  victors  iu  the 
former  fight,  your  enemies  overcame  you  at 
last;  and  very  likely  it  will  now  happen  so, 
that  these  who  think  themselves  sure  of 
beating  you,  will  themselves  be  beaten ; 
for  when  men  are  very  confident,  they  are 
not  upon  their  guard,  while  fear  teaches 
men  to  act  with  caution ;  insomuch,  that 
I  venture  to  prove  from  your  very  timor- 
ousness,  that  you  ought  to  take  courage  ; 
for  when  you  were  more  bold  than  you 
ought  to  have  been,  and  than  1  would  have 
had  you,  and  marched  on,  Athenio's  treach- 


ery took  place  ;  but  your  present  slowness 
and  seeming  dejection  of  mind  is  to  ine  a 
pledge  and  assurance  of  victory  ;  and  in- 
deed it  is  proper  beforehand  to  be  thus 
provident;  but  when  we  come  to  action, 
we  ought  to  erect  our  minds,  and  to  make 
our  enemies,  be  they  ever  so  wicked,  be- 
lieve,  that  neither  any  human,    no,   nor 
any  providential  misfortune,  can  ever  de- 
press the  courage  of  .lews  while  they  are 
alive;   nor  will  any  of  them  ever  overlook 
an  Arabian,  or  suffer  such  a  one  to  become 
lord  of  his  good  things,  whom  he   has  in 
a  manner  taken  captive,  and   that    many 
times  also  :  and  do  not  you  disturb  your- 
selves at  the  quaking  of  inanimate  crea- 
tures, nor  do  you  imagine  that  this  earth- 
quake is  a  sign  of  another  calamity  ;   for 
such  affections  of  the  elements  are  accord- 
ing to  the  course  of  nature;  nor  does  it 
import  any  thing  further   to  men,    than 
what  mischief  it  does  immediately  of  it- 
self.     Perhaps,  there  may  come  some  short 
sign  beforehand  in  the  case  of  pestilences, 
and  famines,  and  earthquakes;  but  these 
calamities    themselves    have    their    force 
limited  by  themselves,  (without  foreboding 
any  other  calamity;)   and,  indeed,   what 
greater  mischief  can  the  war,   though  it 
should  be  a  violent  one,  do  to  us,  than  the 
earthquake  hath  done  ?     Nay,  there  is  a 
signal  of  our  enemies'  destruction  visible, 
and  that  a  very  great  one  also;  and  this 
is  not  a  natural  one,  nor  derived  from  the 
hand  of  foreigners  neither,  but  it  is  this, 
that  they  have  barbarously  murdered  our 
ambassadors,  contrary  to  the  common  law 
of  mankind;  and  they  have  destroyed  so 
many,  as  if  they  esteemed  them  sacrifices 
for  God,  in  relation  to  this  war  ;  but  they 
will  not  avoid  his  great  eye,  nor  his  invinci- 
ble right  hand  ;  and  we  shall  be  revenged 
of  them  presently,  in  case  we  still  retain 
any  of  the  courage  of  our  forefathers,  and 
rise  up  boldly  to  punish  these  covenant- 
breakers.     Let  every  one  therefore  go  on 
and  fight,  not  so  much  for  his  wife  or  his 
children,  or  for  the  danger  his  country  is 
in,  as    for   these   ambassadors    of    ours : 
those  dead  ambassadors  will  conduct  this 
war  of  ours  better  than  we  ourselves  who 
are  alive  ;  and  if  you  will  be  ruled  by  me, 
I  will  myself  go  before  you  into  danger ; 
for  you  know  this  well  enough,  that  your 
courage  is   irresistible,   unless  you   hurt 
yourselves  by  acting  rashly."* 


•  This  speech  of  Herod's  is  set  down  twice  by 
Josephus,   here,  and  Antiq.  b.   xv  chap,  v.,  to  the 


176 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


When  Herod  had  encouraged  them  by 
this  speech,  and  he  saw  with  what  alacrity 
they  went,  he  offered  sacrifice  to  God; 
and  after  that  sacrifice,  he  passed  over  the 
river  Jordan  with  his  army,  and  pitched 
his  camp  about  Philadelphia,  near  the 
enemy,  and  about  a  fortification  that  lay 
between  them.  He  then  shot  at  them  at 
a  distance,  and  was  desirous  to  come  to  an 
engagement  presently;  for  some  of  them 
had  been  sent  beforehand  to  seize  upon 
that  fortification ;  but  the  king  sent  some 
who  immediately  beat  them  out  of  the 
fortification,  while  he  himself  went  in  the 
forefront  of  the  army,  which  he  put  in 
battle  array  every  day,  and  invited  the 
Arabians  to  fight;  but  as  none  of  them 
came  out  of  their  camp,  for  they  were  in 
a  terrible  fright,  and  their  general,  Elthe- 
mus,  was  not  able  to  say  a  word  for  fear ; 
so  Herod  came  upon  them,  and  pulled 
their  fortification  to  pieces,  by  which 
means  they  were  compelled  to  come  out 
to  fight,  which  they  did  in  disorder,  and 
so  that  the  horsemen  and  footmen  were 
mixed  together.  They  were  indeed  supe- 
rior to  the  Jews  in  number,  but  inferior 
in  their  alacrity,  although  they  were 
obliged  to  expose  themselves  to  danger 
by  their  very  despair  of  victory. 

Now  while  they  made  opposition,  they 
had  not  a  great  number  slain  ;  but  as  soon 
as  they  turned  their  backs,  a  great  many 
were  trodden  to  pieces  by  the  Jews,  and 
a  great  many  by  themselves,  and  so  pe- 
.  rished,  till  5000  were  fallen  down  dead  in 
their  Sight,  while  the  rest  of  the  multitude 
prevented  their  immediate  death,  by  crowd- 
ing into  the  fortification.  Herod  encom- 
passed these  around,  and  besieged  them  ; 
and  while  they  were  ready  to  be  taken  by 
their  enemies  in  arms,  they  had  another 
additional  distress  upon  them,  which  was 
thirst  and  want  of  water;  for  the  king 
was  above  hearkening  to  their  ambassa- 
dors; and  when  they  offered  500  talents 
as  the  price  of  their  redemption,  he  pressed 
still  harder  upon  them ;  and  as  they  were 
burnt  up  by  their  thirst,  they  came  out 
and  voluntarily  delivered  themselves  up 
by  multitudes  to  the  Jews,  till  in  five  days' 
time  4000  of  them  were  put  into  bonds ; 
and  on  the  sixth  day  the  multitude  that 
were  left  despaired  of  saving  themselves, 
and  came  out  to  fight :  with  these  Herod 


very  same  purpose,  but  by  no  means  in  tho  same 
■words ;  whence  it  appears  that  the  sense  was  lie- 
rod's,  but  the  composition  Josephus's. 


fought,  and  slew  again  about  7000,  inso- 
much that  he  punished  Arabia  so  severely, 
and  so  far  extinguished  the  spirits  of  the 
men,  that  he  was  chosen  by  the  nation 
for  their  ruler.      

CHAPTER  XX. 

Herod  is  confirmed  in  his  kingdom  by  Ctesar — 
cultivates  a  friendship  with  the  emperor  by  mag- 
nificent presents — Cassar  returns  Herod's  kind- 
ness by  enlarging  his  territories. 

But  now  Herod  was  under  immediate 
concern  about  a  most  important  affair, 
on  account  of  his  friendship  with  Antony, 
who  was  already  overcome  at  Actium  by 
Caesar,  yet  he  was  more  afraid  than  hurt; 
for  Caesar  did  not  think  that  he  had  quite 
undone  Antony,  while  Herod  continued 
his  assistance  to  him.  However,  the  king 
resolved  to  expose  himself  to  dangers  : 
accordingly,  he  sailed  to  Rhodes',  where 
Cassar  then  abode,  and  came  to  him  with- 
out his  diadem,  and  in  the  habit  and  ap- 
pearance of  a  private  person,  but  in  his 
behaviour  as  a  king.  So  he  concealed 
nothing  of  the  truth,  but  spake  thus  be- 
fore his  face  :  "  O  Caesar,  as  I  was  made 
king  of  the  Jews  by  Antony,  so  do  I  pro- 
fess that  I  have  Used  my  royal  authority 
in  the  best  manner,  and  entirely  for  his 
advantage;  nor  will  I  conceal  this  further, 
that  thou  hadst  certainly  found  me  in 
arms,  and  an  inseparable  companion  of 
his,  had  not  the  Arabians  hindered  me. 
However,  I  sent  him  as  many  auxiliaries  as 
I  was  able,  and  many  10,000  [cori]  of 
corn.  Nay,  indeed,  I  did  not  desert  my 
benefactor  after  the  blow  that  was  given 
him  at  Actium  ;  but  I  gave  him  the  best 
advice  I  was  able,  when  I  was  no  longer 
able  to  assist  him  in  the  war;  and  I 
told  him  that  there  was  but  one  way  of 
recovering  his  affairs,  and  that,  was  to  kill 
Cleopatra;  and  I  promised  him  that  if 
she  were  once  dead,  I  would  afford  him 
money  and  walls  for  his  security,  with  an 
army  and  myself  to  assist  him  in  his  war 
against  thee;  but  his  affections  for  Cleo- 
patra stopped  his  ears,  as  did  God  himself 
also,  who  hath  bestowed  the  government 
on  thee.  I  own  myself  also  to  be  over- 
come together  with  him;  and  with  his 
last  fortune  I  have  laid  aside  my  diadem, 
and  am  come  hither  to  thee,  having  my 
hopes  of  safety  in  thy  virtue  ;  and  I  desire 
that  thou  wilt,  first  consider  how  faithful  a 
friend,  and  not  whose  friend,  I  have  been." 
Caesar  replied  to  him  thus :  u  Nay, 
thou  shalt  not  only  be  in  safety,  but  shalt 


Chap.  XX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


177 


be  a  king,  and  that  more  firmly  than 
thou  wast  before;  for  thou  art  worthy  to 
reign  over  a  great  many  subjects,  by 
reason  of  the  fastness  of  thy  friendship  ; 
and  do  thou  endeavour  to  be  equally  con- 
stant in  tby  friendship  to  me  upon  my 
good  success,  which  is  what  I  depend  upon 
from  the  generosity  of  thy  disposition. 
However,  Antony  hath  done  well  in  pre- 
ferring Cleopatra  to  thee;  for  by  this 
means  we  have  gained  thee  by  her  mad- 
ness, and  thus  thou  hast  begun  to  be  my 
friend  before  I  began  to  be  thine  ;  on 
which  account  Quintus  Didius  hath  writ- 
ten to  me  that  thou  sentest  him  assistance 
against  the  gladiators.  I  do  therefore  as- 
sure thee  that  I  will  confirm  the  kingdom 
to  thee  by  decree  :  I  shall  also  endeavour 
to  do  thee  some  further  kindness  hereafter, 
that  thou  mayest  find  no  loss  in  the  want 
of  Antony." 

When  Ctesar  had  spoken  such  obliging 
things  to  the  king,  and  had  put  the  dia- 
dem again  about  his  head,  he  proclaimed 
what  he  had  bestowed  on  him  by  a  decree, 
in  which  he  enlarged  in  the  commendation 
of  the  man  after  a  magnificent  manner. 
Whereupon  Herod  obliged  him  to  be  kind 
to  him  by  the  presents  he  gave  him,  and 
he  desired  him  to  forgive  Alexander,  one 
of  Antony's  friends,  who  had  become  a 
supplicant  to  him.  But  Caesar's  anger 
against  him  prevailed,  and  he  complained 
of  the  many  and  very  great  offences  the 
man  whom  he  petitioned  for  had  been 
guilty  of;  and  by  that  means  he  rejected 
his  petition.  After  this,  Caesar  went  for 
Egypt  through  Syria,  when  Herod  re- 
ceived him  with  royal  and  rich  entertain- 
ments; and  then  did  he  first  of  all  ride 
along  with  Ctesar,  as  he  was  reviewing 
his  army  about  1'tolemais,  and  feasted 
him  with  all  his  friends,  and  then  distri- 
buted among  the  rest  of  the  army  what 
was  necessary  to  feast  them  withal.  He 
also  made  a  plentiful  provision  of  water 
for  them,  when  they  were  to  march  as  far 
as  Pelusium,  through  a  dry  country,  which 
he  did  also  in  like  manner  on  their  return 
thence;  nor  were  there  any  necessaries 
wanting  in  that  army.  It  was  therefore  the 
opinion  both  of  Caesar  and  of  his  soldiers, 
that  Herod's  kingdom  was  too  small  for 
those  generous  presents  he  made  them; 
for  which  reason,  when  Caesar  had  come 
into  Egypt,  and  Cleopatra  and  Antony 
were  dead,  he  did  not  only  bestow  other 
marks  of  honour  upon  him,  but  made  au 
addition  to  his  kingdom,  by  giving  him 
Vol.  11—12 


not  only  the  country  which  had  been  ta- 
ken from  him  by  Cleopatra,  but,  besides 
that,  Gadara,  and  Hippos,  and  Samaria; 
and  moreover  of  the  maritime  cities,  Ga- 
za,* and  Anthedon,  and  Joppa,  and  Stra- 
to's  Tower.  He  also  made  him  a  present 
of  400  Galls  [Galatians]  as  a  guard  for 
his  body,  which  they  had  been  to  Cleo- 
patra before.  Nor  did  any  thing  so  strong- 
ly induce  Csesaf  to  make  these  presents  as 
the  generosity  of  him  that  received  them. 
Moreover,  after  the  first  games  at  Ac- 
tium,  he  added  to  his  kingdom  both  the 
region  called  Trachonitis,  and  what  lay  in 
its  neighbourhood,  Uatanea,  and  the  coun- 
try of  Auranitis;  and  that  on  the  following 
occasion  : — Zenodorus,  who  had  hired  the 
house  of  Lysanias,  had  all  along  sent 
robbers  out  of  Trachonitis  among  the 
Damascenes;  who  thereupon  had  recourse 
to  Varro,  the  president  of  Syria,  and 
desired  of  him  that  he  would  represent 
the  calamity  they  were  in  to  Caesar. 
When  Csesar  was  acquainted  with  it,  he 
sent  back  orders  that  this  nest  of  robbers 
should  be  destroyed.  Varro  therefore 
made  an  expedition  against  them,  and 
cleared  the  land  of  those  men,  and  took 
it  away  from  Zenodorus.  Cajsar  did 
afterward  bestow  it  on  Herod,  that  it 
might  not  again  become  a  receptacle  for 
those  robbers  that  had  come  against  Da- 
mascus. He  also  made  him  procurator  of 
all  Syria,  aud  this  on  the  tenth  year  after- 
ward, when  he  came  again  into  that  pro- 
vince; and  this  was  so  established,  that 
the  other  procurators  could  not  do  any 
thing  in  the  administration  without  his 
advice  :  but  when  Zenodorus  was  dead, 
Caesar  bestowed  on  him  all  that  laud 
which  lay  between  Trachonitis  aud  Gali- 
lee. Yet,  what  was  still  of  more  conse- 
quence to  Herod,  he  was  beloved  by  Cae- 
sar next  after  Agrippa,  and  by  Agrippa 
next  after  Csesar;  whence  he  arrived  at 
a  very  great  degree  of  felicity ;'  yet  did 
the  greatuess  of  his  soul  exceed  it;  and 
the  main  part  of  his  magnanimity  was 
extended  to  the  promotion  of  piety. 


*  Since  Josephus,  both  here  and  in  his  Antiq. 
b.  xv.  chap,  vii.,  reckons  Gaza,  which  had  been  a 
free  city,  among  the  cities  given  Herod  by  Augus- 
tus, and  yet  implies  that  Herod  had  made  Costoba- 
rus  a  governor  of  it  before,  Antiq.  b.  xv.  chnp.  vii., 
Harduin  has  some  pretence  for  saying  thai  Jose- 
phus contradicted  himself.  But  perhaps  Herod 
thought  he  had  sufficient  authority  to  put  a 
governor  into  (Jaza,  alter  he  was  made  tetrarch  or 
king,  in  times  of  war,  before  the  city  was  delivered 
entirely  into  his  hands  by  Augustus. 


^=r 


178 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


tBook  L 


CHAPTER  XXL 


Of  the  [temple    and]  cities    built  by   Ilerod — his 
magnificence  to  foreigners. 

Accordingly,  in  the  fifteenth  year  of 
his  reign,  Herod  rebuilt  the  temple, 
and  encompassed  a  piece  of  land  about  it 
with  a  wall ;  which  land  was  twice  as 
large  as  that  before  enclosed.  The  ex- 
penses he  laid  out  upon  it  were  vastly  large 
also,  and  the  riches  about  it  were  unspeak- 
able— a  sign  of  which  you  have  in  the 
great  cloisters  that  were  erected  about  the 
temple,  and  the  citadel,*'  which  was  on  its 
north  side.  The  cloisters  he  built  from 
the  foundation,  but  the  citadel  he  repaired 
at  a  vast  expense;  nor  was  it  other  than 
a  royal  palace,  which  he  called  Antony, 
in  honour  of  Antony.  He  also  built  him- 
self a  palace  in  the  upper  city,  containing 
two  very  large  and  most  beautiful  apart- 
ments; to  which  the  holy  house  itself 
could  n">t  be  compared  [in  largeness]. 
The  one  apartment  he  named  Caesareum, 
and  the  other  Agrippium,  from  his  [two 
great]  friends. 

Yet  did  he  not  preserve  their  memory 
by  particular  buildings  only,  with  their 
names  given  them,  but  his  generosity  went 
as  far  as  entire  cities;  for  when  he  had 
built  a  most  beautiful  wall  round  a  coun- 
try in  Samaria,  20  furlongs  long,  and  had 
brought  6000  inhabitants  into  it,  and  had 
allotted  to  it  a  most  fruitful  piece  of  land, 
and  in  the  midst  of  this  city,  thus  built, 
had  erected  a  very  large  temple  to  Caesar, 
and  had  laid  round  about  it  a  portion  of 
sacred  land  of  three  furlongs  and  a  half, 
he  called  the  city  Sebaste,  from  Sebastus, 
or  Augustus,  and  settled  the  affairs  of  the 
city  after  a  most  regular  manner. 

And  when  Caer.ar  had  further  bestowed 
on  him  another  additional  country,  he 
built  their  also  a  temple  of  white  marble, 
hard  by  the  fountains  of  Jordan :  the 
place  is  called  Panium,  where  is  a  top  of 
a  mountain  that  is  raised  to  an  immense 
height,  and  at  its  side,  beneath,  or  at  its 
bottom,  a  dark  cave  opens  itself;  within 
which  there  is  a  horrible  precipice,  that 
descends  abruptly  to  a  vast  depth;  it  con- 
tains a  mighty  ouanty  of  water,  which  is 
immovable;  and   when  anybody  lets  down 


*  This  fort  was  first  built  by  John  Hyrcanus, 
and  called  "  IWris,''  the  Tower,  or  Citadel.  It  was 
afterward  reb'.ilt,  with  great  improvements,  by 
Herod,  under  the  government  of  Antonius,  and  was 
named  fro\a  aim  "the  Tower  of  Antonia;"and 
about  the  ti'^f  when  Herod  rebuilt  the  temple,  he 
seems  to  Lav  .a  put  his  last  hand  to  it. 


any  thing  to  measure  the  depth  of  the 
earth  beneath  the  water,  no  length  of  cord 
is  sufficient  to  reach  it.  Now  the  foun- 
tains of  Jordan  rise  at  the  roots  of  this 
cavity  outwardly ;  and,  as  some  think, 
this  is  the  utmost  origin  of  Jordan  :  but 
we  shall  speak  of  that  matter  more  accu- 
rately in  our  following  history. 

But  the  king  erected  other  places  at 
Jericho  also,  between  the  citadel  Cypros 
and  the  former  palace,  such  as  were  better 
and  more  useful  than  the  former  for  tra- 
vellers, and  named  them  from  the  same 
friends  of  his.  To  say  all  at  once,  there 
was  not  any  place  of  his  kingdom  fit  for 
the  purpose,  that  was  permitted  to  be 
without  somewhat  that  was  for  Caesar's 
honour;  and  when  he  had  filled  his  own 
country  with  temples,  he  poured  out  the 
like  plentiful  marks  of  his  esteem  into  his 
province,  and  built  many  cities  which  he 
called  Cesareas. 

And  when  he  observed  that  there  was  a 
city  by  the  seaside  that  was  much  decayed 
(its  name  was  Strato's  Tower)  but  that 
the  place,  by  the  happiness  of  its  situation, 
was  capable  of  great  improvements  from 
his  liberality,  he  rebuilt  it  all  with  white 
stone,  and  adorned  it  with  several  most 
splendid  palaces,  wherein  he  especially 
demonstrated  his  maguanimity;  for  the 
case  was  this,  that  all  the  seashore  between 
Dora  and  Joppa,  in  the  middle,  between 
which  the  city  is  situated,  had  no  good 
haven,  insomuch,  that  every  one  that 
sailed  from  Phoenicia  for  Egypt  was 
obliged  to  lie  in  the  stormy  sea,  by  reason ' 
of  the  south  winds  that  threatened  them ; 
which  wind,  if  it  blew  but  a  little  fresh, 
such  vast  waves  are  raised,  and  dash  upon 
the  rocks,  that  upon  their  retreat,  the  sea 
is  in  great  ferment  for  a  long  way.  But 
the  king,  by  the  expenses  he  was  at,  and 
the  liberal  disposal  of  them,  overcame  na- 
ture, and  built  a  haven  larger  than  was 
the  Pyrecum  [at  Athens],  and  in  the 
inner  retirements  of  the  water  he  built 
other  deep  stations  [for  the  ships  also]. 

Now,  although  the  place  where  he  built 
was  greatly  opposite  to  his  purposes,  yet 
did  he  so  fully  struggle  with  that  diffi- 
culty, that  the  firmness  of  his  building 
could  not  easily  be  concpuered  by  the  sea; 
and  the  beauty  and  ornament  of  the  works 
were  such,  as  though  he  had  not  had  any 
difficulty  in  the  operation;  for  when  he 
had  measured  out  as  large  a  space  as  we 
have  before  mentioned,  he  letdown  stones 
into  20  fathom  water,  the  greatest  part  of 


Chap.  XXL] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


r 


which  were  50  feet  in  length,  and  9  in 
depth,  and  10  in  breadth,  and  some  still 
larger.  But  when  the  haven  was  filled  up 
to  that  depth,  he  enlarged  that  wall  which 
was  thus  already  extant  above  the  sea,  till 
it  was  200  feet  wide;  100  of  which  had 
buildings  before  it,  in  order  to  break  the 
force  of  the  waves,  whence  it  was  called 
Pocumatia,  or  the  first  breaker  of  the 
waves;  but  the  rest  of  the  space  was 
under  a  stone  wall  that  ran  round  it.  On 
this  wall  were  very  large  towers,  the  prin- 
cipal and  most  beautiful  of  which  was 
called  Drusiuin,  from  Drusus,  who  was 
son-in-law  to  Caesar. 

There  were  also  a  great  number  of 
arches,  where  the  mariners  dwelt;  and  all 
the  places  before  them  round  about  was  a 
large  valley,  or  walk,  for  a  quay  [or  land- 
ing-place] to  those  that  came  on  shore; 
but  the  entrance  was  on  the  north,  because 
the  north  wind  was  there  the  most  gentle 
of  all  the  winds.  At  the  mouth  of  the 
haven  were  on  each  side  three  great  Colos- 
si, supported  by  pillars,  where  those  Co- 
lossi that  are  on  your  left  hand  as  you  sail 
into  the  port  are  supported  by  a  solid 
tower;  but  those  on  the  right  hand  are 
supported  by  two  upright  stones  joined 
together,  which  stones  were  larger  than 
that  tower  which  was  on  the  other  side  of 
the  entrance.  Now  there  were  continual 
edifices  joined  to  the  haven,  which  were 
also  themselves  of  white  stone;  and  to 
this  haven  did  the  narrow  streets  of  the 
city  lead,  and  were  built  at  equal  dis- 
tances one  from  another.  And  over 
against  the  mouth  of  the  haven,  upon  an 
elevation,  there  was  a  temple  for  Cassar, 
which  was  excellent  both  in  beauty  and 
largeness ;  and  therein  was  a  Colossus  of 
Cassar,  not  less  than  that  of  Jupiter  Olym- 
pus, which  it  was  made  to  resemble.  The 
other  Colossus  of  Rome  was  equal  to  that 
of  Juno  at  Argos.  So  he  dedicated  the 
city  to  the  province,  and  the  haven  to  the 
.sailors  there ;  but  the  honour  of  the  build- 
ing he  ascribed  to  Csesar,  and  named  it 
Cesarea  accordingly. 

He  also  built  the  other  edifices,  the 
amphitheatre  and  theatre,  and  market- 
place, in  a  manner  agreeable  to  that  de- 
nomination ;  and  appointed  games  every 
fifth  year,  and  called  them,  in  like  manner, 
CsesaVs  games;  and  he  first  himself  pro- 
posed the  largest  prizes  upon  the  192d 
Olympiad ;  in  which  not  only  the  victors 
themselves,  but  those  that  came  next  to 
them,  and  even  those  that  came  in  the 


third  place,  where  partakers  of  his  royal 
bounty.  He  also  rebuilt  Anthedon,  a 
city  that  lay  on  the  coast,  and  had  been 
demolished  in  the  wars,  and  named  it 
Agrippcum.  Moreover,  he  had  so  very 
great  a  kindness  for  his  friend  Agrippa, 
that  he  had  his  name  engraved  upon  that 
gate  which  he  had  himself  erected  in  the 
temple. 

Herod  was  also  a  lover  of  his  father,  if 
any  other  person  ever  was  so;  for  he 
made  a  monument  for  his  father,  even 
that  city  which  he  built  in  the  finest  plain 
that  was  in  his  kingdom,  and  which  had 
rivers  and  trees  in  abundance,  and  named 
it  Antipatris.  He  also  built  a  wall  about 
a  citadel  that  lay  above  Jericho,  and  was 
a  very  strong  and  very  fine  building,  and 
dedicated  it  to  his  mother,  and  called  it 
Cypros.  Moreover,  he  dedicated  a  tower 
that  was  at  Jerusalem,  and  called  it  by  the 
name  of  his  brother  Phasaelus,  whose 
structure,  largeness,  and  magnificence  wc 
shall  describe  hereafter.  He  also  built 
another  city  in  the  valley  that  leads  north- 
ward from  Jericho,  and  named  it  Pha- 
saelus. 

And  as  he  transmitted  to  eternity  his 
family  and  friends,  so  did  he  not  neglect 
a  memorial  for  himself,  but  built  a  fortress 
upon  a  mountain  toward  Arabia,  and 
named  it  from  himself  Herodium;*  and 
he  called  that  hill,  that  was  of  the  shape 
of  a  woman's  breast,  and  was  sixty  fur- 
longs distant  from  Jerusalem,  by  the  same 
name.  He  also  bestowed  much  curious 
art  upon  it  with  great  ambition,  aud  built 
round  towers  all  about  the  top  of  it,  and 
filled  up  the  remaining  space  with  the 
most  costly  palaces  round  about,  insomuch 
that  not  only  the  sight  of  the  inner  apart- 
ments was  splendid,  but  great  wealth  was 
laid  out  on  the  outward  walls  and  partitions 
and  roofs  also.  Besides  this,  he  brought 
a  mighty  quantity  of  water  from  a  great- 
distance,  and  at  vast  charges,  and  raised 
an  ascent  to  it  of  200  steps  of  the  whitest 
marble,  for  the  hill  was  itself  moderately 
high,  and  entirely  factitious.  He  also 
built  other  palaces  about  the  roots  of  the 
hill,  sufficient  to  receive  the  furniture  that 
was  put  into  them,  with  his  friends  also, 
insomuch,  that  on  account  of  its  con- 
taining all  necessaries,  the  fortress  might 
seem  to  be  a  city,  but  by  the  bounds  it 
had,  a  palace  only. 


•  There  were  two  cities  or  citadels  called  Hero- 
dium, in  Judea :  one  of  them  was  GO,  and  the  other 
200  furlongs  from  Jerusalem. 


180 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I 


And  when  he  had  built  so  much,  he 
showed  the  greatness  of  his  soul  to  no 
small  number  of  foreign  cities.  He 
built  palaces  for  exercise  at  Tripoli,  and 
Damascus,  and  Ptolcmais;  he  built  a  wall 
about  Byblus,  as  also  large  rooms,  and 
cloisters,  and  temples,  and  market-places 
at  Berytus  and  Tyre,  with  theatres  at 
Sidon  and  Damascus.  He  also  built 
aqueducts  for  those  Laodiceans  who 
lived  by  the  seaside ;  and  for  those  of 
Ascalon  he  built  baths  and  costly  foun- 
tains, as  also  cloisters  round  a  court,  that 
were  admirable  both  for  their  workman- 
ship and  largeness.  Moreover,  he  dedi- 
cated groves  and  meadows  to  some  people  : 
nay,  not  a  few  cities  there  were  who  had 
lands  of  his  donation,  as  if  they  were 
parts  of  his  own  kingdom.  He  also  be- 
stowed annual  revenues,  and  those  for 
ever  also,  on  the  settlements  for  exercises, 
and  appointed  for  them  as  well  as  for  the 
people  of  Cos,  that  such  rewards  should 
never  be  wanting.  He  also  gave  corn  to 
all  such  as  wanted  it,  and  conferred  upon 
Rhodes  large  sums  of  money  for  building 
ships;  and  this  he  did  in  many  places, 
and  frequently  also.  And  when  Apollo's 
temple  had  been  burnt  down,  he  rebuilt 
it  at  his  own  charges,  after  a  better  man- 
ner than  it  was  before.  What  need  I 
speak  of  the  presents  he  made  to  the 
Lycians  and  Samnians  !  or  of  his  great 
liberality  through  all  Ionia !  and  that  ac- 
cording to  everybody's  wants  of  them. 
And  are  not  the  Athenians,  and  Lacede- 
monians, and  Nicopolitans,  and  that  Per- 
gamus  which  is  in  Mysia,  full  of  dona- 
tions that  Herod  presented  them  withal ! 
and  as  for  that  large  open  place  belong- 
ing to  Antioch  in  Syria,  did  not  he  pave 
it  with  polished  marble,  though  it  were 
twenty  furlongs  long!  and  this  when  it 
was  shunned  by  all  men  before,  because 
it  was  full  of  dirt  and  filthiness;  when 
be  besides  adorned  the  same  place  with  a 
cloister  of  the  same  length. 

It  is  true,  a  man  may  say,  these  were 
favours  peculiar  to  those  particular  places 
on  which  he  bestowed  his  benefits;  but 
then  what  favours  he  bestowed  on  the 
Eleans  was  a  donation  not  only  in  com- 
mon to  all  Greece,  but  to  all  the  habitable 
earth,  as  far  as  the  glory  of  the  Olympic 
games  reached ;  for  when  he  perceived 
that  they  were  come  to  nothing,  for  want 
of  mcney,  and  that  the  only  remains  of 
ancient  Greece  were  in  a  manner  gone, 
he  not  only  became  one  of  the  combat- 


ants in  that  return  of  the  fifth  year 
games,  which  in  his  sailing  to  Rome  he 
happened  to  be  present  at,  but  he  settled 
upon  them  revenues  of  money  for  per- 
petuity, insomuch,  that  his  memorial  as 
a  combatant  there  can  never  fail.  It 
would  be  an  infinite  task  if  I  should  go 
over  his  payments  of  people's  debts,  or 
tributes,  for  them,  as  he  eased  the  people 
of  Phasaelus,  of  Batanea,  and  of  the 
small  cities  about  Cilicia,  of  those  annual 
pensions  they  before  paid.  However,  the 
fear  he  was  in  much  disturbed  the  great- 
ness of  his  soul,  lest  he  should  be  ex- 
posed to  envy,  or  seem  to  hunt  after 
greater  things  than  he  ought,  while  he 
bestowed  more  liberal  gifts  upon  these 
cities  than  did  their  owners  themselves. 

Now  Herod  had  a  body  suited  to  his 
soul,  and  was  ever  a  most  excellent  hunt- 
er, where  he  generally  had  good  success, 
by  means  of  his  great  skill  in  riding 
horses;  for  in  one  day  he  caught  forty 
wild  beasts  :*  that  country  breeds  also 
bears ;  and  the  greatest  part  of  it  is  re- 
plenished with  stags  and  wild  asses.  He 
was  also  such  a  warrior  as  could  not  be 
withstood :  many  men  therefore  there 
are  who  have  stood  amazed  at  his  readi- 
ness in  his  exercises,  when  they  saw  him 
throw  the  javelin  directly  forward,  and 
shoot  the  arrow  upon  the  mark ;  and 
then,  besides  these  performances  of  his, 
depending  on  his  own  strength  of  mind 
and  body,  fortune  was  also  very  favour- 
able to  him,  for  he  seldom  failed  of  suc- 
cess in  his  wars;  and  when  he  failed,  he 
was  not  himself  the  occasion  of  such 
failings,  but  he  either  was  betrayed  by 
some,  or  the  rashness  of  his  own  soldiers 
procured  his  defeat. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

Murder   of  Aristobulus   and    Hyrcanus  the   high 
priests,  and  of  Marianme  the  queen. 

However,  fortune  was  avenged  on 
Herod  in  his  external  great  success,  by 
raising  him  up  domestic  troubles;  and 
he  began  to  have  wild  disorders  in  his 
family,  on  account  of  his  wife,  of  whom 
he  was  so  very  fond :  for  when  he  came 
to  the  government,  he  sent  away  her 
whom  he  had   before   married   when  he 


*  Here  seems  to  be  a  small  defect  in  the  copies 
which  describe  the  wild  beasts  which  were  hunted 
in  a  certain  country  by  Herod  without  naming 
any  such  country  at  all. 


Chap.  XXII.] 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


181 


was  a  private  person,  and  who  was  born 
at  Jerusalem,  whose  name  was  Doris,  and 
married  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Alex- 
ander, the  son  of  Aristobulus;  on  whose 
account  disturbances  arose  in  his  family, 
ami  that  in  part  very  soon,  but  chiefly 
after  his  return  from  Rome ;  for,  first  of 
all,  he  expelled  Antipater,  the  son  of 
Doris,  for  the  sake  of  his  sons  by  Mari- 
amne,  out  of  the  city,  and  permitted  him 
to  come  thither  at  no  other  times  than  at 
the  festivals.  After  this  he  slew  his 
wife's  grandfather,  Hyrcanus,  when  he 
was  returned  out  of  Parthia  to  him,  un- 
der this  pretence,  that  he  suspected  him 
of  plotting  against  him.  Now  this  Hyr- 
canus had  been  carried  captive  to  Barza- 
pharnes,  when  he-  overran  Syria;  but 
those  of  hisown  country  beyond  Euphra- 
tes, were  desirous  he  would  stay  with 
them,  and  this  out  of  the  commiseration 
they  had  for  his  condition  ;  and  had  he 
complied  with  their  desires,  when  they 
exhorted  him  not  to  go  over  the  river  to 
Herod,  he  had  not  perished ;  but  the  mar- 
riage of  his  grand-daughter  [to  Herod] 
was  his  temptation;  for  as  he  relied  upon 
him,  and  was  over  fond  of  his  own 
country,  he  came  back  to  it.  Herod's 
provocation  was  this:  not  that  Hyrcanus 
made  any  attempt  to  gain  the  kingdom, 
but  that  it  was  fitter  for  him  to  be  their 
king  than  for  Herod. 

Now  of  the  five  children  which  Herod 
had  by  Mariamne,  two  of  them  were 
daughters,  and  three  were  sons;  and 
the  youngest  of  these  sons  was  educated 
at  Rome,  and  there  died;  but  the  two 
eldest  he  treated  as  royal  blood,  on  ac- 
count of  the  nobility  of  their  mother, 
and  because  they  were  not  horn  till  he 
was  king;  but  then  what  was  stronger 
than  all  this,  was  the  love  that  he  bore  to 
Mariamne,  and  which  inflamed  him  every 
day  to  a  great  degree,  and  so  far  con- 
spired with  the  other  motives,  that  he 
felt  no  other  troubles,  on  account  of  her 
he  loved  so  entirely  ;  but  Mariamne's  ha- 
tred to  him  was  not  inferior  to  his  love 
to  her.  She  had  indeed  but  too  just  a 
cause  of  indignation  from  what  he  had 
done,  while  her  boldness  proceeded  from 
his  affection  to  her;  so  she  openly  re- 
proached him  with  what  he  had  done  to 
her  grandfather,  Hyrcanus,  and  to  her 
brother,  Aristobulus,  for  he  had  not 
spared  this  Aristobulus,  though  he  was 
but  a  child;   for  when  he  had  given  him 


the  high-priesthood  at  the  age  of  seven- 
teen,  he  slew  him  quickly  after  he  had 
conferred  that  dignity  upon  him ;  but 
when  Aristobulus  had  put  on  the  holy 
vestments,  and  had  approached  to  the 
altar  at  a  festival,  the  multitude,  in  great 
crowds,  fell  into  tears;  whereupon  the 
child  was  sent  by  night  to  Jericho,  and 
was  there  dipped  by  the  Galls,  at  Herod's 
command,  in  a  pond  till  he  was  drowned. 

For  these  reasons  Mariamne  reproached 
Herod,  and  his  sister  and  mother,  after  a 
most  contumelious  manner,  while  he  was 
dumb  on  account  of  his  affection  for  her; 
yet  had  the  women  great  indignation  at 
her,  and  raised  a  calumny  against  her, 
that  she  was  false  to  his  bed;  which  thing 
they  thought  most  likely  to  move  Herod 
to  anger.  They  also  contrived  to  have 
many  other  circumstances  believed,  in 
order  to  make  the  thing  more  credible, 
and  accused  her  of  having  sent  her  pic- 
ture into  Egypt  to  Antony,  and  that  her 
lust  was  so  extravagant  as  to  have  thus 
shown  herself,  though  she  was  absent,  to 
a  man  that  ran  mad  after  women,  and  to 
a  man  that  had  it  in  his  power  to  use 
violence  to  her.  This  charge  fell  like  a 
thunderbolt  upon  Herod,  and  put  him 
into  disorder;  and  that  especially,  be- 
cause his  love  to  her  occasioned  him  to 
be  jealous,  and  because  he  considered 
with  himself  that  Cleopatra  was  a  shrewd 
woman,  and  that  on  her  account  Lysanias 
the  king  was  taken  off,  as  well  as  Mali- 
chus  the  Arabian ;  for  his  fear  did  not- 
only  extend  to  the  dissolving  of  his  mar- 
riage, but  to  the  danger  of  his  life. 

When,  therefore,  he  was  about  to  take 
a  journey  abroad,  he  committed  his  wife 
to  Joseph,  his  sister  Salome's  husband, 
as  to  one  who  would  be  faithful  to  him, 
and  bare  him  good-will  on  account  of 
their  kindred  :  he  also  gave  him  a  secret 
injunction,  that  if  Antony  slew  him,  he 
should  slay  her;  but  Joseph,  without 
any  ill  design,  and  only  in  order  to  de- 
monstrate the  king's  love  to  his  wife,  how 
he  could  not  bear  to  think  of  being 
separated  from  her,  even  by  death  itself, 
discovered  this  grand  secret  to  her;  upon 
which,  when  Herod  had  come  back,  and 
as  they  talked  together)  and  he  confirmed 
his  love  to  her  by  many  oaths,  and 
assured  her  that  he  had  never  such  an 
affection  for  any  other  woman  as  he  had 
for  her, — "  Yes,"  says  she,  "thou  didst, 
to  be  sure,  demonstrate  thy  love  to  me  bj 


182 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Boor. 


the  injunctions  thou  gavest  Joseph,  when 
thou  commandedst  him  to  kill  me."* 

When  he  heard  that  this  grand  secret 
was  discovered,  he  was  like  a  distracted 
man,  and  said,  that  Joseph  would  never 
have  disclosed  that  injunction  of  his,  un- 
less he  had  debauched  her.  His  passion 
also  made  him  stark  mad,  and  leaping 
out  of  his  bed,  he  ran  about  the  palace 
after  a  wild  manner;  at  which  time  his 
sister  Salome  took  the  opportunity  also 
to  blast  her  reputation,  and  confirmed  his 
suspicion  about  Joseph ;  whereupon,  out 
of  his  ungovernable  jealousy  and  rage, 
he  commanded  both  of  them  to  be  slain 
immediately;  but  as  soon  as  ever  his  pas- 
sion was  over,  he  repented  of  what  he 
bad,  done,  and  as  soon  as  his  anger  was 
worn  off,  his  affections  were  kindled 
again ;  and  indeed  the  flame  of  his  de- 
sires for  her  was  so  ardent,  that  he  could 
not  think  she  was  dead,  but  would  ap- 
pear, under  his  disorders,  to  speak  to 
her  as  if  she  were  still  alive,  till  he  was 
better  instructed  by  time,  when  his  grief 
and  trouble,  now  she  was  dead,  appeared 
as  great  as  his  affection  had  been  for  her 
while  she  was  living. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Calumnies  against  the  sons  of  Mariamne — Antipa- 
ter preferred  before  them — tbey  are  accused 
before  Cresar,  and  Ilerod  is  reconciled  to  them. 

Now  Mariamne's  sons  were  heirs  to 
that  hatred  which  had  been  borne  to 
their  mother;  and  when  they  considered 
the  greatness  of  Herod's  crime  toward 
her,  they  were  suspicious  of  him  as  of  an 
enemy  of  theirs;  and  this  first  while  they 
were  educated  at  Rome,  but  still  more 
when  they  were  returned  to  Judea. 
This  temper  of  theirs  increased  upon 
them  as  they  grew  up  to  be  men;  and 
when  they  were  come  to  an  age  fit  for 
marriage,  the  One  of  them  married  their 
aunt  Salome's  daughter,  which  Salome 
had  been  the  accuser  of  their  mother;  the 
other  married  the  daughter  of  Archelaus, 
king  of  Cappadocia.  Aud  now  they 
used  boldness  in  speaking,  as  well  as  bore 
hatred  in  their  minds.     Now   those  that 


*  Here  is  either  a  defect  or  a  great  mistake  in 
Josephus's  present  copies  or  memory;  for  Mari- 
amne did  not  now  reproach  Ilerod  with  this  his 
first  injunction  to  Joseph  to  kill  her,  if  be  him- 
self were  slain  by  Antony,  but  that  he  had  given 
the  like  command  a  second  time  to  Soomus  also, 
when  he  was  afraid  of  being  slain  by  Augustus. 


calumniated  them  took  a  handle  from 
such  their  boldness,  and  certain  of  them 
spake  now  more  plainly  to  the  king,  that 
there  were  treacherous  designs  laid  against 
him  by  both  his  sons;  and  he  that  was 
son-in-law  to  Archelaus,  relying  upon  his 
father-in-law,  was  preparing  to  fly  away, 
in  order  to  accuse  Herod  before  Caesar; 
and  when  Herod's  head  had  been  long 
enough  filled  with  these  calumnies,  he 
brought  Antipater,  whom  he  had  by  Do- 
ris, in  favour  again,  as  a  defence  to  him 
against  his  other  sons,  and  began  all  the 
ways  he  possibly  could  to  prefer  him  be- 
fore them. 

But  these  sons  were  not  able  to  bear 
this  change  in  their  affairs;  for  when  they 
saw  him  that  was  born  of  a  mother  of  no 
family,  the  nobility  of  their-  birth  made 
them  unable  to  contain  their  indignation; 
but  whensoever  they  were  uneasy,  they 
showed  the  anger  they  had  at  it;  and  as 
these  sons  did,  day  after  day,  improve  in 
that  their  anger,  Antipater  already  exer- 
cised all  his  own  abilities,  which  were 
very  great,  in  flattering  his  father,  and 
in  contriving  many  sorts  of  calumnies 
against  his  brethren,  while  he  told  some 
stories  of  them  himself,  and  put  it  upon 
other  proper  persons  to  raise  other  stories 
against  them;  till  at  length  he  entirely 
cut  his  brethren  off  from  all  hopes  of 
succeeding  to  the  kingdom;  for  he  was 
already  publicly  put  into  his  father's  will 
as  his  successor.  Accordingly,  he  was 
sent  with  royal  ornaments,  and  other 
marks  of  royalty,  to  Caesar,  excepting  the 
diadem.  He  was  also  able  in  time  to 
introduce  his  mother  again  into  Mari- 
•amne's  bed.  The  two  sorts  of  weapons 
he  made  use  of  against  his  brethren  were 
flattery  and  calumny,  whereby  he  brought 
matters  privately  to  such  a  pass,  that  the 
king  had  thoughts  of  putting  his  sons  to 
death. 

So  the  father  drew  Alexander  as  far  as 
Rome,  and  charged  him  with  an  attempt 
of  poisoning  him,  before  Cassar.  Alex- 
ander could  hardly  speak  for  lamentation; 
but  having  a  judge  who  was  more  skilful 
than  Antipater,  and  more  wise  than 
Ilerod,  he  modestly  avoided  laying  any 
imputation  upon  his  father,  but  with  great 
strength  of  reason  confuted  the  calumnies 
laid  against  him ;  and  when  he  had  de- 
monstrated the  innocency  of  his  brother, 
who  was  in  the  like  danger  with  himself, 
he  at  last  bewailed  the  craftiness  of  Anti- 
pater, and  the  disgrace  they  were  under. 


Chap.  XXIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


183 


He  was  enabled  also  to  justify  himself, 
not  only  by  a  clear  conscience,  which  he 
carried  within  him,  but  by  his  <  loquence; 
for  he  was  a  shrewd  man  in  making 
speeches.  And  upon  his  saving  at  last, 
that  if  his  father  objected  this  crime  to 
them,  it  was  in  his  power  to  put  them  to 
death,  he  made  all  the  audience  weep; 
and  he  brought  Caesar  to  that  pass,  as  to 
reject  the  accusations,  and  to  reconcile 
their  father  to  them  immediately.  But 
the  conditions  of  this  reconciliation  were 
these,  that  they  should  in  all  things  be 
obedient  to  their  father,  and  that  he 
should  have  power  to  leave  the  kingdom 
to  which  of  them  he  pleased. 

After  this,  the  king  came  back  from 
Rome,  and  seemed  to  have  forgiven  his 
sons  upon  these  accusations  ;  but  still  so, 
that  he  was  not  without  his  suspicious  of 
them.  They  were  followed  by  Antipater, 
who  was  the  fountain-head  of  those  accu- 
sations; yet  did  not  he  openly  discover 
his  hatred  to  them,  as  revering  him  that 
had  reconciled  them.  But  as  Herod  sailed 
by  Cilicia,  he  touched  at  Eleusa,  where 
Archelaus  treated  them  in  the  most  oblig- 
ing manner,  and  gave  him  thanks  for 
the  deliverance  of  his  son-in-law,  and  was 
much  pleased  at  their  reconciliation ;  and 
this  the  more,  because  he  had  formerly 
written  to  his  friends  at  Home  that  they 
should  be  assisting  to  Alexander  at  his 
trial.  So  ho  conducted  Herod  as  far  as 
Zephyrium,  and  made  him  presents  to  the 
value  of  30  talents. 

Now  when  Herod  had  come  to  Jerusa- 
lem, he  gathered  the  people  together,  and 
presented  them  his  three  sons,  and  gave 
them  an  apologetic  account  of  his  absence, 
and  thanked  God  greatly,  and  thanked 
Caesar  greatly  also,  for  settling  his  house 
wheu  it  was  under  disturbances,  and  had 
procured  concord  among  his  sons,  which 
was  of  greater  consequence  thau  the  king- 
dom itself, — "and  which  I  will  render 
still  more  firm;  for  Caesar  hath  put  into 
my  power  to  dispose  of  the  government, 
and  to  appoint  my  successor.  Accord- 
ingly, in  way  of  requital  for  his  kindness, 
and  in  order  to  provide  for  mine  own 
advantage,  I  do  declare  that  these  three 
sons  of  mine  shall  be  kings.  And,  in  the 
first  place,  I  pray  for  the  approbation  of 
God  to  what  I  am  about ;  and,  in  the 
next  place,  I  desire  your  approbation  also. 
The  age  of  one  of  them,  aud  the  nobility 
of  the  other  two,  shall  procure  them  the 
succession.  Nay,  indeed,  my  kingdom  is 
2V 


so  large,  that  it  may  be  sufficient  for  more 
king-;.  Now,  do  you  keep  those  in  their 
places  whom  Caesar  hath  joined,  and  their 
father  hath  appointed;  and  do  tmt,  pay 
undue  or  unequal  respects  to  them,  hut 
to  every  one  according  to  the  prerogative 
of  their  births;  for  he  that  pays  such 
respects  unduly,  will,  thereby,  not  make 
him  that  is  honoured  beyond  what  his 
age  requires  so  joyful,  as  he  will  make 
him  that  is  dishonoured  sorrowful.  As 
fur  the  kindred  and  friends  that  are  to 
converse  with  them,  I  will  appoint  them 
to  each  of  them,  and  will  so  constitute 
them,  that  they  may  he  securities  for 
their  concord;  as  well  knowing  the  ill 
tempers  of  those  with  whom  they  converse 
will  produce  quarrels  and  contentions 
among  them;  but  that  if  these  with  whom 
they  converse  be  of  good  tempers,  they 
will  preserve  their  natural  affections  for 
one  another.  But  still  I  desire,  that  not 
these  only,  but  all  the  captains  of  my 
army  have,  for  the  present,  their  hopes 
placed  on  me  alone;  for  I  do  not  give 
away  my  kingdom  to  these  my  sons,  but 
give  them  royal  honours  only;  whereby, 
it  will  come  to  pass  that  they  will  enjoy 
the  sweet  parts  of  government  as  rulers 
themselves,  but  that  the  burden  of  admi- 
nistration will  rest  upon  myself  whether 
I  will  or  not.  And  let  every  one  consider 
what  age  I  am  of;  how  I  have  conducted 
my  life,  and  what  piety  I  have  exercised; 
for  my  age  is  not  so  great,  that  meo  may 
soon  expect  the  end  of  my  life  ;  nor  have 
I  indulged  such  a  luxurious  way  of  living 
as  cuts  men  off  when  they  are  young; 
and  we  have  been  so  religious  t 
God,  that  we  [have  reason  to  hope  we] 
may  arrive  at  a  very  great  age.  But  for 
such  as  cultivate  a  friendship  with  my 
sons,  so  as  to  aim  at  my  destruction,  they 
shall  be  punished  by  me  on  their  accouut. 
I  am  not  one  who  envy  my  own  children, 
and  therefore  forbid  men  to  pay  them 
great  respect;  but  I  know  that  such 
[extravagant]  respects  are  the  way  to 
make  them  insolent.  And  if  every  one 
that  comes  near  them  does  but  resolve 
this  in  his  mind,  that  if  he  proves  a  good 
man,  he  shall  receive  a  reward  from  me, 
but,  that  if  he  prove  seditious,  his  ill- 
intended  complaisance  shall  get  him  no- 
thing from  him  to  whom  it  is  shown,  I 
suppose  they  will  all  be  of  my  side,  that 
is,  of  my  sons'  side;  for  it  will  be  for 
their  advantage  that  I  reign,  and  that  I 
be  at  concord  with  them.     But  do  yo«L 


184 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I 


0  my  good  children,  reflect  upon  the 
holiness  of  nature  itself,  by  whose  means 
natural  affection  is  preserved,  even  among 
wild  beasts j  iu  the  next  place,  reflect 
upon  Caesar,  who  hath  made  this  reconci- 
liation among  us;  and,  in  the  third  place, 
reflect  upon  me,  who  entreat  you  to  do 
what  I  have  power  to  command  you, — 
continue  brethren.  I  give  you  royal  gar- 
ments, and  royal  honours;  and  I  pray  to 
God  to  preserve  what  I  have  determined, 
in  case  you  be  at  concord  one  with  an- 
other." When  the  king  had  thus  spoken, 
and  had  saluted  every  one  of  his  sons 
after  an  obliging  manner,  he  dismissed 
the  multitude;  some  of  whom  gave  their 
assent  to  what  he  said,  and  wished  it 
might  take  effect  accordingly;  but  for 
those  who  wished  for  a  change  of  affairs, 
they  pretended  they  did  not  so  much  as 
hear  what  he  said. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Malice  of  Antipater  and  Doris — Herod  pardons 
Pheroras  and  Salome — Herod's  eunuchs  tortured 
— Alexander  imprisoned. 

But  now  the  quarrel  that  was  between 
them  still  accompanied  these  brethren 
when  they  parted,  and  the  suspicions  they 
had  one  of  the  other  grew  worse.  Alex- 
ander and  Aristobulus  were  much  grieved 
that  the  privilege  of  the  firstborn  was 
confirmed  to  Antipater;  as  was  Antipater 
very  angry  at  his  brethren,  that  they  were 
to  succeed  him.  But  then  the  last  being 
of  a  disposition  that  was  mutable  and 
politic,  he  knew  how  to  hold  his  tongue, 
and  used  a  great  deal  of  cunning,  and  there- 
by concealed  the  hatred  he  bore  to  them; 
while  the  former,  depending  on  the  no- 
bility of  their  births,  had  every  thing  upon 
their  tongues  which  was  in  their  minds. 
Many  also  there  were  who  provoked  them 
further,  and  many  of  their  [seeming] 
friends  insinuated  themselves  into  their 
acquaintance,  to  spy  out  what  they  did. 
Now  every  thing  that  was  said  by  Alex- 
ander was  presently  brought  to  Antipater, 
and  from  Antipater  it  was  brought  to 
Herod,  with  additions.  Nor  could  the 
young  man  say  any  thing  in  the  simpli- 
city of  his  heart,  without  giving  offence, 
but  what  he  said  was  still  turned  to 
calumny  against  him.  And  if  he  had 
been  at  any  time  a  little  free  in  his  con- 
versation, great  imputations  were  forged 
from  the  smallest  occasions.  Antipater 
also  was  perpetually  setting  some  to  pro- 


voke him  to  speak,  that  the  lies  he  raised 
of  him  might  seem  to  have  some  founda- 
tion of  truth  ;  and  if,  among  the  many 
stories  that  were  given  out,  but  one  of 
them  could  be  proved  true,  that  was  sup- 
posed to  imply  the  rest  to  be  true  also. 
And  as  to  Antipater's  friends,  they  were 
ail  either  naturally  so  cautious  in  speaking, 
or  had  been  so  far  bribed  to  conceal  their 
thoughts,  that  nothing  of  these  grand 
secrets  got  abroad  by  their  means.  Nor 
should  one  be  mistaken  if  he  called  the 
life  of  Antipater  a  mystery  of  wickedness ; 
for  he  either  corrupted  Alexander's  ac- 
quaintance with  money,  or  got  into  their 
favour  by  flatteries;  by  which  two  means 
he  gained  all  his  designs,  and  brought 
them  to  betray  their  master,  and  to  steal 
away,  and  reveal  what  he  either  did  or 
said.  Thus  did  he  act  a  part  very  cun- 
ningly in  all  points,  and  wrought  himself 
a  passage  by  his  calumnies  with  the  great- 
est shrewdness;  while  he  put  on  a  face 
as  if  he  were  a  kind  brother  to  Alexander 
and  Aristobulus,  but  suborned  other  men 
to  inform  of  what  they  did  to  Herod. 
And  when  any  thing  was  told  against 
Alexander,  he  would  come  in  and  pre- 
tend [to  be  of  his  side],  and  would  begin 
to  contradict  what  was  said ;  but  would 
afterward  contrive  matters  so  privately, 
that  the  king  should  have  an  indignation 
at  him.  His  general  aim  was  this:  to 
lay  a  plot,  and  to  make  it  be  believed  that 
xVlexander  lay  in  wait  to  kill  his  father; 
for  nothing  afforded  so  great  a  confirma- 
tion to  these  calumnies  as  did  Antipater's 
apologies  for  him. 

By  these  methods  Herod  was  inflamed, 
and,  as  much  as  his  natural  affections  to 
the  young  men  did  every  day  diminish, 
so  much  did  it  increase  toward  Antipa- 
ter. The  courtiers  also  inclined  to  the 
same  couduct ;  some  of  their  own  accord, 
and  others  by  the  king's  injunction,  as 
particularly  Ptolemy,  the  king's  dearest 
friend,  as  also  the  king's  brethren,  and 
all  his  children;  for  Autipater  was  all  in 
all  :  and  what  was  the  bitterest  part  of 
all  to  Alexander,  Antipater's  mother  was 
also  all  in  all;  she  was  one  that  gave 
counsel  against  them,  and  was  more  harsh 
than  a  stepmother,  and  one  that  hated 
the  queen's  sons  more  than  is  usual  to 
hate  sons-in-law.  All  men  did  therefore 
already  pay  their  respects  to  Antipater, 
in  hopes  of  advantage ;  and  it  was  the 
king's  command  which  alienated  every 
body  [from  the  brethren],  he  having  given 


Chap.  XXIV.] 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


185 


this  charge  to  liis  most  intimate  friends, 
that  they  should  not  come  near,  nor  pay 
any  regard  to  Alexander,  or  to  his  friends. 
Herod  had  also  become  terrible,  not  only 
to  his  domestics  about  the  court,  but  to 
bis  friends  abroad;  for  Caesar  had  given 
such  a  privilege  to  no  other  king  as  he 
had,  given  to  him,  which  was  this:  that  he 
might  fetch  back  any  one  that  fled  from 
him,  even  out  of  a  city  that  was  not  under 
his  own  jurisdiction.  Now  the  young 
men  were  not  acquainted  with  the  calum- 
nies raised  against  them  ;  for  which  rea- 
son, they  could  not  guard  themselves 
against  them,  but  fell  under  them;  for 
their  father  did  not  make  any  public 
complaints  against  either  of  them  ;  though 
in  a  little  time  they  perceived  how  things 
were,  by  his  coldness  to  them,  and  by  the 
great  uneasiness  he  showed  upou  any 
thing  that  troubled  him.  Antipater  had 
also  made  their  uncle  Pheroras  to  be  their 
enemy,  as  well  as  their  aunt  Salome, 
while  he  was  always  talking  with  her  as 
with  a  wife,  and  irritating  her  against 
them.  Moreover,  Alexander's  wife,  Grla- 
phyra,  augmented  this  hatred  against 
them,  by  deriving  her  nobility  and  gene- 
alogy [from  great,  persons],  and  pretend- 
ing that  she  was  a  lady  superior  to  all 
others  in  that  kingdom,  as  being  derived 
by  her  father's  side  from  Temenus,  and 
by  her  mother's  side  from  Darius,  the  son 
of  Hystaspes.  She  also  frequently  re- 
proached Herod's  sister  and  wives  with 
the  ignobility  of  their  descent;  and  that 
they  were  every  one  chosen  by  him  for 
their  beauty,  but  not  for  their  family. 
Now  those  wives  of  his  were  not  a  few ; 
it  being  of  old  permitted  to  the  Jews  to 
marry  many  wives,*  and  this  king  de- 
lighted in  many;  all  of  whom  hated  Alex- 
ander, on  account  of  Glaphyra's  boasting 
and  reproaches. 

Nay,  Aristobulus  had  raised  a  quarrel 
between  himself  and  Salome,  who  was 
his  mother-in-law,  besides  the  anger  he 
bad  conceived  at  Glaphyra's  reproaches ; 
for  he  perpetually  upbraided  his  wife  with 

*  It  was  a  custom  among  the  Jews  and  their 
forefathers  t«  have  sometimes  more  wives  and  con- 
cubines than  one,  at  the  same  time;  and  that 
this  polygamy  was  not  directly  forbidden  in  the 
law  of  Moses  is  evident,  hut  was  never  distinctly 
permitted  in  that  law.  Deut.  xvii.  16,  17  ;  or  xxi. 
15.  And  what  Christ  says  about  the  common  Jew- 
ish divorces,  seems  true  in  this  case  also;  that 
Mums,  "  for  the  hardness  of  their  hearts,"  suf- 
fered them  to  have  several  wives  at  the  same  time; 
but  that  "  i'roin  the  beginning  it  was  not  so."  Matt. 
iix.  8;  Mark  x.  o. 


the  meanness  of  her  family,  and  com- 
plained, that  as  he  had  married  a  woman 
<»f  a  low  family,  so  had  his  brother 
ander  married  one  of  royal  blood.  At 
this  Salome's  daughter  wept,  ami  told  it 
her  with  this  addition,  that  Alexander 
threatened  the  mothers  of  his  other  bre- 
thren, that  when  he  should  come  to  the 
crown,  he  would  make  them  weave  with 
their  maidens,  and  would  make  those 
brothers  of  his,  country  schoolmasters; 
and  brake  this  jest  upou  them,  that  they 
had  been  very  carefully  instructed  to  fit 
them  for  such  an  employment.  Here- 
upon Salome  could  not  contain  her  anger, 
but  told  all  to  Herod;  nor  could  her  testi- 
mony be  suspected,  since  it  was  against  her 
own  son-in-law.  There  was  also  another 
calumny  that  ran  abroad,  and  inflamed 
the  king's  miud;  for  he  heard  that  these 
sons  of  his  were  perpetually  speaking  of 
their  mother,  and,  among  their  lamenta- 
tions for  her,  did  not  abstain  from  curs- 
ing him;  and  that  when  he  made  pre- 
sents of  any  of  Mariamne's  garments  to 
his  late  wives,  these  threatened,  that  in  a 
little  time,  instead  of  royal  garments, 
they  would  clothe  them  in  no  better  than 
haircloth. 

Now  upon  these  accounts,  though  He- 
rod was  somewhat  afraid  of  the  young 
men's  spirit,  yet  did  he  not  despair  of  re- 
ducing them  to  a  better  mind;  but  be- 
fore he  went  to  Rome,  whither  he  was 
now  going  by  sea,  he  called  them  to  him, 
and  partly  threatened  them  a  little,  as  a 
king;  but  for  the  main,  he  admonished 
them  as  a  father,  and  exhorted  them  to 
love  their  brethren  ;  and  told  them  that 
he  would  pardon  their  former  offences, 
if  they  would  amend  for  the  time  to 
come.  But  they  refuted  the  calumnies 
that  had  been  raised  of  them,  and  said 
they  were  false,  and  alleged  that  their 
actions  were  sufficient  for  their  vindica- 
tion; and  said,  withal,  that  he  himself 
ought  to  shut  his  ears  against  such  talcs, 
and  not  to  be  too  easy  in  believing  them, 
for  that  there  would  never  be  wanting 
those  that  would  tell  lies  to  their  disad- 
vantage, as  long  as  any  would  give  ear  to 
them. 

When  they  had  thus  soon  pacified  him, 
as  beiug  their  father,  they  got  clear  of 
the  present  fear  they  were  in.  Yet  did 
they  see  occasion  for  sorrow  in  some  time 
afterward;  for  they  knew  that  Salome, 
as  well  as  their  uncle  Pheroras,  was  their 
enemy;    who  wore  both    of   them  heavy 


186 


WARS    OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


and  severe  persons,  and  especially  Phe- 
roras,  who  was  a  partner  with  Herod  in 
all  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom,  excepting 
his  diadem.  He  had  also  one  hundred 
talents  of  his  own  revenues,  and  enjoyed 
the  advantage  of  all  the  land  beyond 
Jordan,  which  he  had  received  as  a  gift 
from  his  brother,  who  had  asked  of 
Caesar  to  make  him  a  tetrarch,  as  he  was 
made  accordingly.  Herod  bad  also  given 
him  a  wife  out  of  the  royal  family,  who 
was  no  other  than  his  own  wife's  sister ; 
and  after  her  death,  bad  solemnly  espous- 
ed to  him  his  own  eldest  daughter,  with 
a  dowry  of  300  talents,  but  Pheroras  re- 
fused to  consummate,  this  royal  marriage, 
out  of  his  affection  to  a  maidservant  of 
his.  Upon  which  account  Herod  was 
very  angry,  and  gave  that  daughter  in 
marriage  to  a  brother's  son  of  his  [Jo- 
seph], who  was  slain  afterward  by  the 
Parthiansj  but  in  some  time  he  laid  aside 
his  anger  against  Pheroras,  and  pardoned 
him,  as  one  not  able  to  overcome  bis 
foolish  passion  for  the  maidservant. 

Nay,  Pheroras  had  been  accused  long 
before,  while  the  queen  [Mariamne]  was 
alive,  as  if  he  were  in  a  plot  to  poison 
Herod;  and  there  came  so  great  a  num- 
ber of  informers,  that  Herod  himself, 
though  he  was  an  exceeding  lover  of  his 
brethren,  was  brought  to  believe  what 
was  said,  and  to  be  afraid  of  it  also;  and 
when  he  had  brought  many  of  those  that 
were  under  suspicion  to  the  torture,  he 
came  at  last  to  Pheroras's  own  friends; 
none  of  whom  did  openly  confess  the 
crime,  but  they  owned  that  he  had  made 
preparation  to  take  her  whom  he  loved, 
and  run  away  to  the  Parthians.  Costo- 
barus  also,  the  husband  of  Salome,  to 
whom  the  king  had  given  her  in  mar- 
riage, after  her  former  husband  had  been 
put  to  death  for  adultery,  was  instru- 
mental in  bringing  about  this  contrivance 
and  flight  of  his.  Nor  did  Salome  escape 
all  calumny  upon  herself;  for  her  bro- 
ther Pheroras  accused  her,  that  she  had 
made  an  agreement  to  marry  Sileus,  the 
procurator  of  Obodas,  king  of  Arabia, 
who  was  at  bitter  enmity  with  Herod; 
but  when  she  was  convicted  of  this,  and 
of  all  that  Pheroras  had  accused  her  of, 
she  obtained  her  pardon.  The  king  also 
pardoned  Pheroras  himself  the  crimes  he 
had  been  accused  of. 

But  the  storm  of  the  whole  family  was 
removed  to  Alexander;  and  all  of  it 
rested  upon  his  head.     There  were  three 


eunuchs  who  weie  in  the  highest  esteem 
with  the  king,  as  was  plain  by  the  offices 
they  were  in  about  him  ;  for  one  of  them 
was  appointed  to  be  his  butler,  another 
of  them  got  his  supper  ready  for  him, 
and  the  third  put  him  into  bed,  and  lay 
down  by  him.  Now,  Alexander  had  pre- 
vailed with  these  men  by  large  gifts,  to 
let  him  use  them  after  an  obscene  man- 
ner; which,  when  it  was  told  to  the  king, 
they  were  tortured,  and  found  guilty,  and 
presently  confessed  the  criminal  conversa- 
tion he  had  with  them.  They  also  disco- 
vered the  promises  by  which  they  were 
induced  so  to  do,  and  how  they  were  de- 
luded by  Alexander,  who  had  told  them 
that  they  ought  not  to  fix  their  hopes 
upon  Herod,  an  old  man,  and  one  so 
shameless  as  to  colour  his  hair,  unless 
they  thought  that  would  make  him  young 
again;  but  that  they  ought  to  fix  their 
attention  to  him  who  was  to  be  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  kingdom,  whether  be  would 
or  not;  and  who,  in  no  long  time,  would 
avenge  himself  on  his  enemies,  and  make 
his  friends  happy  and  blessed,  and  them- 
selves in  the  first  place;  that  the  men  of 
power  did  already  pay  respects  to  Alex- 
ander privately,  and  that  the  captains  of 
the  soldiery  and  the  officers  did  secretly 
come  to  him. 

These  confessions  did  so  terrify  Herod, 
that  he  durst  not  immediately  publish 
them;  but  he  sent  spies  abroad  privately, 
by  uight  and  by  day,  who  should  make  a 
close  inquiry  after  all  that  was  done  and 
said;  and  when  any  were  but  suspected  [of 
treason]  he  put  them  'to  death,  insomuch 
that  the  palace  was  full  of  horribly  un- 
just proceedings;  for  everybody  forged 
calumnies,  as  they  were  themselves  iu  a 
state  of  enmity  or  hatred  against  others ; 
and  many  there  were  who  abused  the 
king's  bloody  passion  to  the  disadvantage 
of  those  with  whom  they  bad  quarrels, 
and  lies  were  easily  believed,  and  punish- 
ments were  inflicted  sooner  than  the  ca- 
lumnies were  forged.  He  who  had  just 
then  been  accusing  another,  was  accused 
himself,  and  was  led  away  to  execution 
together  with  him  whom  he  had  con- 
victed; for  the  danger  the  kiug  was  in  of 
his  life  made  examinations  be  very  short. 
He  also  proceeded  to  such  a  degree  of 
bitterness,  that  he  could  not  look  on  any 
of  those  that  were  not  accused  with  a 
pleasant  countenance,  but  was  in  the  most 
barbarous  disposition  toward  his  own 
friends.     Accordingly,  he  forbade  a  great 


Chap.  XX V.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


187 


many  of  them  to  come  to  court,  and  to  j  the  head  of  him  who  had  contrived  to 
those  whom  he  had  not  power  to  punish  murder  his  father,  which  I  will  tear  ta 
actually,  he  spake  harshly ;  but  for  Anti-  pieces  with  my  own  hands?  I  will  do 
pater,  he  insulted  Alexander,  now  he  was  J  the  same  also  to  my  daughter,  who  hath 
under  his  misfortunes,  and  got  a  stout  such  a  fine  husband;  for  although  Bhe  be 
company  of  his  kindred  together,  and  not  a  partner  in  the  plot,  yet,  by  beino- 
raised  all  sorts  of  calumny  against  him:  j  the  wife  of  such  a  creature,  she  is  polluted. 
and  for  the  king,  he  was  brought  to  such  And  I  cannot  but  admire  at  thy  patience, 
a  degree   of    terror   by   those  prodigious  I  against  whom   this  plot  is  laid,  if  Alex- 


slanders  and  contrivances,  that  he  fancied 
he  saw  Alexander  coming  to  him  with 
a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  So  he  caused 
him  to  be  seized  upon  immediately  and 
bound,  and  fell  to  examining  his  friends 
by  torture,  many  of  whom  died  [under 
the  torture],  but  would  discover  nothing, 
nor  say  any  thing  against  their  con- 
sciences; but  some  of  them,  being  forced 
to  speak  falsely  by  the  pains  they  en- 
dured, said  that  Alexander  and  his  bro- 
ther Aristobulus  plotted  against  him,  and 
waited  for  an  opportunity  to  kill  him  as 
he  was  hunting,  and  then  fly  away  to 
Rome.  These  accusations,  though  they 
were  of  an  incredible  nature,  and  onty 
framed  upon  the  great  distress  they  were 
in,  were  readily  believed  by  the  king,  who 
thought  it  some  comfort  to  him,  after  he 
had  bound  his  son,  that  it  might  appear 
he  had  not  done  it  unjustly. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

Archelaus  procures  a  reconciliation  between  Alex- 
ander, Pheroras,  and  Herod. 

Now  as  to  Alexander,  since  he  per- 
ceived it  impossible  to  persuade  his  father 
[that  he  was  innocent],  he  resolved  to 
meet  his  calamities,  how  severe  soever 
they  were  ;  so  he  composed  four  books 
against  his  enemies,  and  confessed  that 
he  had  been  in  a  plot;  but  declared  withal 
that  the  greatest  part  [of  the  courtiers] 
were  in  a  plot  with  him,  and  chiefly 
Pheroras  and  Salome ;  nay,  that  Salome 
once  came  and  forced  him  to  lie  with  her 
in  the  night-time,  whether  he  would  or 
no.  These  books  were  put  into  Herod's 
hands,  and  made  a  great  clamour  against 
the  men  in  power.  And  now  it  was  that 
Archelaus  came  hastily  into  Judea,  as 
being  affrighted  for  his  son-in-law  and  his 
daughter;  and  he  came  as  a  proper  assist- 
ant, and  in  a  very  prudent  manner,  and 
by  a  stratagem  he  obliged  the  king  not 
to  execute  what  he  had  threatened;  for 
when   he   had  come  to  him  he  cried  out, 


"Where   in    the   world   is  this   wretched 

son-in-law  of  mine  ?     Where  shall  I  see    at    Pheroras,    who,    perceiving    that    the 


ander  be  still  alive ;  for  as  I  came  with 
what  haste  I  could  from  Cappadocia,  I 
expected  to  find  him  put  to  death  for  his 
crimes  long  ago;  but  still,  in  order  to 
make  an  examination  with  thee  about 
my  daughter,  whom,  out  of  regard  to 
thee,  and  thy  dignity,  I  had  espoused  to 
him  in  marriage,  but  now  we  must  take 
counsel  about  them  both ;  and  if  thy 
paternal  affection  be  so  great,  that  thou 
canst  not  punish  thy  son,  who  hath  plot- 
ted against  thee,  let  us  change  our  right 
hands,  and  let  us  succeed  one  to  the 
other  in  expressing  our  rage  upon  this 
occasion." 

When  he  had  made  this  pompous  de- 
claration, he  got  Herod  to  remit  of  his 
anger,  though  he  was  in  disorder,  who, 
thereupon,  gave  him  the  books  which 
Alexander  had  composed  to  be  read  by 
him;  and  as  he  came  to  every  head,  he 
considered  of  it,  together  with  Herod. 
So  Archelaus  took  hence  the  occasion  for 
that  stratagem  which  he  made  use  of,  and 
by  degrees  he  laid  the  blame  on  these 
men  whose  namejs  were  in  these  books, 
and  especially  upon  Pheroras;  and  when 
he  saw  that  the  king  believed  him  [to  be 
earnest],  he  said,  "We  must  consider 
whether  the  young  man  be  not  himself 
plotted  against  by  such  a  number  of 
wicked  wretches,  and  not  thou  plotted 
against  by  the  young  man ;  for  I  cannot 
see  any  occasion  for  his  falling  into  so 
horrid  a  crime,  since  he  enjoys  the  ad- 
vantages of  royalty  already,  and  has  the 
expectation  of  being  one  of  thy  succes- 
sors ;  I  mean  this,  unless  there  were  some 
persons  that  persuade  him  to  it,  and  such 
persons  as  make  an  ill  use  of  the  facility 
they  know  there  is  to  persuade  young 
men;  for  by  such  persons,  not  only 
young  men  are  sometimes  imposed  upon, 
but  old  men  also ;  and  by  them  some- 
times are  the  most  illustrious  families  and 
kingdoms  overturned." 

Herod  assented  to  what  he  had  said, 
and,  by  degrees,  abated  of  his  anger 
against  Alexander;  but  was  more  angry 


188 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  l 


king's  inclinations  changed  on  a  sudden, 
and  that  Archelaus's  friendship  could  do 
every  thing  with  him,  and  that  he  had 
no  honourable  method  of  preserving  him- 
self, he  procured  his  safety  by  his  impu- 
dence. So  bo  left  Alexander,  and  had 
recourse  to  Archelaus;  who  told  him  that 
he  did  not  see  how  he  could  get  him  ex- 
cused,  now  he  was  directly  caught  in  so 
many  crimes,  whereby  it  was  evidently 
demonstrated  that  he  had  plotted  against 
the  king,  and  had  been  the  cause  of  those 
misfortunes  which  the  young  man  was 
now  under,  unless  he  would  moreover 
leave  oft'  his  cunning  knavery  and  his  de- 
nials of  what  he  was  charged  withal,  and 
confess  the  charge,  and  implore  pardon 
of  his  brother,  who  still  had  a  kindness 
for  him  ;  but  that  if  he  would  do  so,  he 
would  afford  him  all  the  assistance  he  was 
able. 

With  this  advice  Pheroras  complied, 
and,  putting  himself  into  such  a  habit  as 
might  most  move  compassion,  he  came 
with  black  cloth  upon  his  body,  and  tears 
in  his  eyes,  and  threw  himself  down  at 
Herod's  feet,  and  begged  his  pardon  for 
what  he  had  done,  and  confessed  that  he 
had  acted  very  wickedly,  and  was  guilty 
of  every  thing  that  he  had  been  accused 
of,  and  lamented  that  disorder  of  his 
mind  and  distraction  which  his  love  to 
a  woman,  he  said,  had  brought  him  to. 
So  when  Archelaus  had  brought  Phero- 
ras to  accuse  and  bear  witness  against 
himself,  he  then  made  an  excuse  for  him, 
and  mitigated  Herod's  anger  toward  him, 
and  this  by  using  certain  domestic  exam- 
ples ;  for  that  when  he  had  suffered  much 
greater  mischiefs  from  a  brother  of  his 
own,  he  preferred  the  obligations  of  na- 
ture before  the  passion  of  revenge;  be- 
cause it  is  in  kingdoms  as  it  is  in  gross 
bodies,  where  some  member  or  other  is 
ever  swelled  by  the  body's  weight ;  in 
which  case  it  is  not  proper  to  cut  off  such 
member,  but  to  heal  it  by  a  gentle  me- 
thod of  cure. 

Upon  Archelaus's  saying  this,  and 
much  more  to  the  same  purpose,  Herod's 
displeasure  against  Pheroras  was  softened ; 
yet  did  he  persevere  in  his  own  indigna- 
tion against  Alexander,  and  said  he  would 
have  his  daughter  divorced  and  taken 
away  from  him,  and  this  till  he  had 
brought  Herod  to  that  pass,  that,  contrary 
to  his  former  behaviour  to  him,  be  peti- 
tioned Archelaus  for  the  young  man,  and 
that  he  would  let  his  daughter  continue 


espoused  to  him  :  but  Archelaus  made 
him  strongly  believe  that  he  would  per- 
mit her  to  be  married  to  any  one  else,  but 
not  to  Alexander;  because  he  looked 
upon  it  as  a  very  valuable  advantage,  that 
the  relation  they  had  contracted  by  that 
affinity,  and  the  privileges  that  went  along 
with  it  might  be  preserved;  and  when 
the  king  said  that  his  son  would  take  it 
for  a  great  favour  done  to  him  if  be 
would  not  dissolve  the  marriage,  especially 
since  they  had  already  children  between 
the  young  man  aud  her,  and  since  that 
wife  of  his  was  so  well  beloved  by  him, 
and  that  as  while  she  remains  his  wife  she 
would  be  a  great  preservative  to  him, 
and  keep  him  from  offending,  as  he  had 
formerly  done;  so  if  she  should  be  torn 
away  from  him,  she  would  be  the  cause 
of  his  falling  into  despair;  because  such 
young  men's  attempts  are  best  mollified 
when  they  are  diverted  from  them,  by 
settling  their  affections  at  home.  So  Ar- 
chelaus complied  with  what  Herod  desired, 
but  not  without  difficulty,  and  was  both 
himself  reconciled  to  the  young  man,  and 
reconciled  his  father  to  him  also.  How- 
ever, he  said  he  must,  by  all  means,  be 
sent  to  Rome  to  discourse  with  Csesar, 
because  he  had  already  written  a  full 
account  to  him  of  this  whole  matter. 

Thus  a  period  was  put  to  Archelaus's 
stratagem,  whereby  he  delivered  his  son- 
in-law  out  of  the  dangers  he  was  in;  but 
when  these  reconciliations  were  over,  they 
spent  their  time  in  feastings  and  agreeable 
entertainments  ;  and  when  Archelaus  was 
going  away,  Herod  made  him  a  present 
of  70  talents,  with  a  golden  throne  set 
with  precious  stones,  and  some  eunuchs, 
and  a  concubine  who  was  called  Panny- 
chis.  He  also  paid  due  honours  to  every 
one  of  his  friends  according  to  their  dig- 
nity. In  like  manner  did  all  the  king's 
kindred,  by  his  command,  make  glorious 
presents  to  Archelaus;  and  so  he  was  con- 
ducted on  his  way  by  Herod  and  his 
nobility  as  far  as  Antioch. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Eurycles*    calumniates    tbe  sons  of    Mariamne — 
Euaratus's  apology  has  no  effect. 

Now  a  little  afterward,  there  came  into 
Judea,  a  man  that  was  much  superior  to 


*  Eurycles,  the  Lacedemonian,  seems  to  have 
been  the  same  who  is  mentioned  by  Plutarch,  as 
(25  years  before)  a   companion  to  Mark  Antony, 


Chap.  XXVI.] 


WARS   OF   THE  JEWS. 


189 


Archelaus's  stratagems,  who  did  not  only 
overturn  that  reconciliation  that  had  been 
80    wisely    made    with    Alexander,    but 

proved  the  occasion  of  his  ruin.  lie  was 
a  Lacedemonian,  and  his  name  was  Eury- 
cles.  He  was  so  corrupt  a  man,  that  out 
of  the  desire  of  getting  money,  he  chose 
to  live  under  a  king,  for  Greece  could  not 
suffice  his  luxury.  He  presented  Herod 
with  splendid  gifts  as  a  bait  which  belaid, 
in  order  to  compass  his  ends,  and  quickly 
receive  them  back  manifold;  yet  did  he 
esteem  bare  gifts  as  nothing,  unless  he 
imbrued  the  kingdom  in  blood  by  Ins 
purchases.  Accordingly,  he  imposed  upon 
the  king  by  flattering  him,  and  by  talking 
subtilely  to  him,  as  also  by  the  lying  en- 
comiums which  he  made  upon  him;  for  as 
be  soon  perceived  Herod's  bliud  side,  so 
be  said,  and  did  every  thing  that  might 
please  him,  and  thereby  became  one  of 
his  most  intimate  friends;  for  both  the 
king  and  all  that  were  about  him,  had  a 
great  regard  for  this  Spartan,  on  account 
of  his  country. 

Now  as  soon  as  this  fellow  perceived 
the  rotten  parts  of  the  family,  and  what 
quarrels  the  brothers  had  one  with  ano- 
ther, and  in  what  disposition  the  father 
was    toward    each    of  them,   he  chose   to 


claim  to  the  succession,  and    (bis  when  he 
had  Archelaus  to  support  him  in  the  most 
complete  manner.      Nor   was    his  advice 
thought  to    be  other  than   faithful  by   the 
young    man,    because    of    his     pretended 
friendship  with  Archelaus;  on  which  ac- 
count it  was  that  Alexander  lamented  to 
him    Antipater's   behaviour    with    regard 
to  himself,  and    this    without    concealing 
any  thing  from  him  ;   and  how  it  was  no 
wonder,  if  Herod,  after  he  had  killed  their 
mother,  should  deprive  them  of  her  king- 
dom.     Upon   this,  Eurycles  pretended  to 
commiserate  his  condition,  and  to  grieve 
with  him.     He    also,   by  a  bait  that   he 
laid  for  him,  procured  Aristobulus  to  say 
the  same  things.     Thus  did  he  inveigle 
both  the  brothers  to  make  complaints  of 
their  father,  and  then  went  to  Antipater, 
and  carried    these  grand  secrets  to   him. 
He  also  added  a  fiction  of  his  own,  as  if 
his  brothers  had  laid  a  plot  against  him, 
and  were  almost  ready  to  come  upon  him 
with  their  drawn  swords.      For  this  intel- 
ligence he  received  a  great  sum  of  money, 
and  on  that  account  he  commended  Anti- 
pater before  his  father,  and  at  length  un- 
dertook the  work  of  bringing  Alexander 
and  Aristobulus  to  their  graves,  and  ac- 
cused them  before    their    father.     So  he 


was    towaru    oaeu    ui   mem,   .«,  ^..^v,    -~  {  ~-.,~_   — -—      -       .,,,,.      .,    ,  ,  ij 

take  his  lodeinfi  at  the  first  in  the  house  I  came  to  Herod  and  told  him  that  he  would 


of  Antipater,  but  deluded  Alexander  with 
a  pretence  of  friendship  to  him,  and  falsely 
claimed  to  be  an  old  acquaintance  of  Ar- 
chelaus; for  which  reason  he  was  presently 
admitted  iuto  Alexander's  familiarity  as  a 
faithful    friend.       He    also    soon    recom- 
mended himself  to  his  brother  Aristobu- 
lus; and  when  he  had  thus  made  trial  of 
these  several  persons,  he  imposed  upon  one 
of  them  by  one  method,  and  upon  another 
by  another;  but  he  was  principally  hired 
by  Antipater,  and  so  betrayed  Alexander, 
and  this   by    reproaching  Antipater,  be- 
cause, while  he   was  the   eldest  son,    he 
overlooked    the   intrigues    of   those   who 
stood  in  the  way  of  his  expectations;  and 
by    reproaching    Alexander,    because    he 
who  was  born  of  a  queen,  and   was  mar- 
ried to  a  king's  daughter,  permitted  one 
that  was  born  of  a  mean  woman  to  lay 

and  as  Living  with  Herod ;  whence  be  might  easily 
ite  himself  into  the  acquaintance  oi  Herod's 
aons,  Antipater  and  Alexander.  The  reason  why 
his  being  a  Spartan  rendered  him  acceptable  to 
ns  is  visible  from  the  public  records  of  the 
Jews  and  Spartans,  owning  them  to  be  of  kin  to 
the  Jews,  and  derived  from  their  common  ancestor 
Abraham,  the  first  patriarch  of  the  Jewish  nation. 
Mace,  ch  in.  xii.  ver.  7. 


save  his  life,  as  a  requital  for  the  favours 
he  had  received  from  him,  and  would  pre- 
serve his  light  [or  life]  by  way  of  retribu- 
tion for  his  kind  entertainment;  for  that 
a  sword  had  been  long  whetted,  and  Alex- 
ander's right  hand  had  been  long  stretched 
out  agaiust  him  ;   but  that  he  laid  impedi- 
ments in   bis  way,  prevented  his  speed, 
and  that,   by  pretending  to  assist  him  in 
his    design  :    how    Alexander    said    that 
Herod  was  not  contented    to  reign  in    a 
kingdom  that  belonged  to  others,  and  to 
make  dilapidations  in  their   mother's  go- 
vernment  after   he    had  killed  her;  but 
besides  all  this,  that  he  introduced  a  spu- 
rious successor,  and  proposed  to  give  the 
kingdom  of  their  ancestors  to  that  pesti- 
lent fellow  Antipater;  that  be  would  now 
appease  the  ghosts  of  Hyrcanus  and  Ma- 
riamue,  by  taking  vengeance  on  him;   lor 
that  it  was  not  fit  for  him  to  take  the  suc- 
cession to    the  government   from  such  a 
father     without    bloodshed:    that     many 
things  happen  every  day  to  provoke  him 
so  to  do,   insomuch  that   he  can  say  no- 
thing   at  all,  but  it    affords   occasion  for 
calumny    against    him;   for    that,    if  any 
mention    be    made   of  nobility   or    birth, 


190 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


evt  n  in  other  case?,  he  is  abused  unjustly, 
while  his  father  would  say  that  nobody, 
to  be  sure,  is  of  noble  birth  but  Alexan- 
der, and  that  his  father  was  inglorious  for 
want  of  such  nobility.  If  they  be  at  any 
time  hunting,  and  he  says  nothing,  he 
gives  offence;  and  if  he  commends  any 
body,  they  take  it  in  way  of  jest;  that 
they  always  find  their  father  unmercifully 
severe,  and  having  no  natural  affections 
for  any  of  them  but  for  Antipater;  on 
which  accounts  if  this  plot  does  not  take, 
he  is  very  willing  to  die;  but  that  in  case 
he  kill  his  father,  he  hath  sufficient  oppor- 
tunity for  saving  himself.  In  the  first 
place  he  hath  Archelaus  his  father-in-law, 
to  whom  he  can  easily  fly ;  and  in  the 
next  place  he  hath  Caesar,  who  had  never 
known  Herod's  character  to  this  day ;  for 
that  he  shall  not  appear  then  before  him 
with  that  dread  he  used  to  do  when  his 
father  was  there  to  terrify  him;  and  that 
he  will  not  then  produce  the  accusations 
that  concerned  himself  alone,  but  would, 
in  the  first  place,  openly  insist  on  the 
calamities  of  their  nation,  and  how  they 
are  taxed  to  death,  aud  in  what  ways  of 
luxury  and  wicked  practices  that  wealth 
is  spent  which  was  gotten  by  bloodshed ; 
what  sort  of  persons  they  are  that  get  our 
riches,  and  to  whom  those  cities  belong 
upon  whom  he  bestows  his  favours;  that 
he  would  have  inquiry  made  what  became 
of  his  grandfather  [Hyrcanus],  and  his 
mother  [Mariamne],  and  would  openly 
proclaim  the  gross  wickedness  that  was 
in  the  kingdom;  on  which  accounts  he 
should  not  be  deemed  a  parricide. 

When  Eurycles  had  made  this  porten- 
tous speech,  he  greatly  commended  Anti- 
pater as  the  ouly  child  that  had  an  affec- 
tion for  his  father,  and  on  that  account 
was  an  impediment  to  the  other's  plot 
against  him.  Hereupon  the  king,  who 
had  hardly  repressed  his  anger  upon  the 
former  accusations,  was  exasperated  to  an 
incurable  degree.  At  which  time  Anti- 
pater took  another  occasion  to  send  in 
other  persons  to  his  father  to  accuse  his 
brethren,  and  to  tell  him  that  they  had 
privately  discoursed  with  Jucuudus  and 
Tyrannus,  who  had  once  been  masters  of 
the  horse  to  the  king,  but  for  some  offences 
bad  been  put  out  of  that  honourable 
employment.  Herod  was  in  a  very  great, 
rage  at  these  informations,  and  presently 
ordered  those  men  to  be  tortured  :  yet  did 
not   they  confess   any   thing  of  what   the 


king  had  been  informed;  but  a  certain 
letter  was  produced,  as  written  by  Alex- 
ander to  the  governor  of  a  castle,  to  desire 
him  to  receive  him  and  Aristobulus  into 
the  castle  when  he  had  killed  his  father, 
and  to  give  them  weapons,  and  what  other 
assistance  he  could  upon  that  occasion. 
Alexander  said  that  this  letter  was  a 
forgery  by  Diophantus.  This  Diophantus 
was  the  king's  secretary,  a  bold  man,  cun- 
ning in  counterfeiting  any  one's  hand; 
and  after  he  had  counterfeited  a  great 
number,  he  was  at  last  put  to  death  for  it. 
Herod  did  also  order  the  governor  of  the 
castle  to  be  tortured ;  but  got  nothing  out 
of  him  of  what  the  accusations  suggested. 

However,  although  Herod  found  the 
proofs  too  weak,  he  gave  order  to  have  his 
sons  kept  in  custody;  for  till  now  they 
had  been  at  liberty.  He  also  called  that 
pest  of  his  family,  and  forger  of  all  this 
vile  accusation,  Eurycles,  his  saviour  and 
benefactor,  and  gave  him  a  reward  of  50 
talents.  Upon  which  he  prevented  any 
accurate  accounts  that  could  come  of  what 
he  had  done,  by  going  immediately  into 
Cappadocia,  and  there  he  got  money  of 
Archelaus,  having  the  impudence  to  pre- 
tend that  he  had  reconciled  Herod  to 
Alexander.  He  thence  passed  over  into 
Greece,  and  used  what  he  had  thus  wicked- 
ly gotten  to  the  like  wicked  purposes. 
Accordingly  he  was  twice  accused  before 
Caesar,  that  he  had  filled  Achaia  with  sedi- 
tion, and  had  plundered  its  cities  :  so  he 
was  sent  into  banishment.  And  thus  was 
he  punished  for  what  wicked  actions  he 
had  been  guilty  of  about  Aristobulus  aud 
Alexander. 

But  it  will  be  now  worth  while  to  put 
Euaratus  of  Cos  in  opposition  to  this  Spar- 
tan ;  for  as  he  was  one  of  Alexander's 
most  intimate  friends,  and  came  to  him  in 
his  travels  at  the  same  time  that  Eury- 
cles came;  so  the  king  put  the  question 
to  him  whether  those  things  of  which 
Alexander  was  accused  were  true  ?  He 
assured  him  upon  oath  that  he  had  never 
heard  any  such  things  from  the  young 
men;  yet  did  this  testimony  avail  nothing 
for  the  clearing  those  miserable  creatures  : 
for  Herod  was  only  disposed  the  most 
readily  to  hearken  to  what  was  made 
against  them,  and  every  one  was  most 
agreeable  to  him  that  would  believe  they 
were  guilty,  and  showed  their  indignation 
at  them. 


Chap   XXVII  J 


AVARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


191 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

Ilemd,  by  Caesar's  directions,  accuses  his  sons  at 
Berytus — They  are  condemned  and  sent  to  6e- 
baste,  and  strangled  shortly  afterward. 

Moreover,   Salome    exasperated    He- 
rod's  cruelty  against  bis  sons  ;   for  Aristo- 

bulus  was  desirous  to  bring  her,  who  was 
his  mother-in-law  and  his  aunt,  into  the 
like  danger  with  themselves:  so  he  sent 
to  her  to  take  care  of  her  own  safety,  and 
told  her  that  the  king  was  prepared  to 
put  her  to  death  on  account  of  the  accu- 
sation that  was  laid  against  her,  as  if, 
when  she  formerly  endeavoured  to  marry 
herself  to  Syleus  the  Arabian,  she  had 
discovered  the  king's  grand  secrets  to 
him,  who  was  the  king's  enemy;  and  this 
it  was  that  came  at  the  last  storm,  and 
entirely  sunk  the  young  men,  who  were  in 
great  danger  before ;  for  Salome  came 
running  to  the  king,  and  informed  him  of 
what  admonition  had  been  given  her; 
whereupon  he  could  bear  no  longer,  but 
commanded  both  the  young  men  to  be 
bound,  and  kept  the  one  asunder  from  the 
other.  He  also  sent  Volumius,  the  gene- 
ral of  his  army,  to  Cassar  immediately, 
as  also  his  friend  Olympus  with  him,  who 
carried  the  information  in  writing  along 
with  them.  Now,  as  soon  as  they  had 
sailed  to  Koine  and  delivered  the  king's 
letters  to  Caesar,  Caasar  was  mightily  trou- 
bled at  the  case  of  the  young  men ;  yet 
did  not  he  think  he  ought  to  take  the 
power  from  the  father  of  condemning  his 
sons;  so  he  wrote  back  to  him,  and  ap- 
pointed him  to  have  the  power  over  his 
sons  ;  but  said  withal,  that  he  would  do 
well  to  make  an  examination  into  this 
matter  of  the  plot  against  him  in  a  public 
court,  and  to  take  for  his  assessors  his 
own  kindred  and  the  governors  of  the 
province;  and  if  those  sons  be  found 
guilty,  to  put  them  to  death;  and  if  they 
appear  to  have  thought  of  no  more  than 
only  flying  away  from  him,  that  he  should, 
in  that  case,  moderate  their  punishment. 
With  these  directions  Herod  complied, 
and  came  to  Berytus,  where  Caesar  had 
ordered  the  court  to  be  assembled,  and 
got  the  judicature  together.  The  presi- 
dents sat  first,  as  Caesar's  letters  had  ap- 
pointed, who  were  Saturninus  and  Pe- 
danius,  and  their  lieutenants  that  were 
with  them,  with  whom  was  the  procurator 
Volumniua  also;  next  to  them  sat  the 
king's  kinsmen  and  friends,  with  Salome 
also,  and    Pheroras;    after  them  sat  the 


principal  men  of  all  Syria,  excepting 
Archelaus;  for  Herod  had  a  suspicion  of 

him,  because  he  was  Alexander's  father- 
in-law.  Yet  did  not  he  produce  his  sons 
in  open  court;  and  this  was  done  very 
cunningly,  for  he  knew  well  enough,  that 
had  the}'  but  appeared  only,  they  would 
certainly  have  been  pitied;  and  if  withal 
they  had  been  suffered  to  speak,  Alexan- 
der would  easily  have  answered  what  they 
were  accused  of;  but  they  were  in  custody 
at  Platane,  a  village  of  the  Sidonians. 

So  the  king  got  up,  and  inveighed 
against  his  sons  as  if  they  were  present; 
and  as  for  that  part  of  the  accusation  that 
they  had  plotted  against  him,  he  urged  it 
but  faintly,  because  he  was  destitute  of 
proof;  but  he  insisted  before  the  assessors 
on  the  reproaches,  and  jests,  and  injurious 
carriage,  and  ten  thousand  the  like  of- 
fences against  them,  which  were  heavier 
than  death  itself;  and  when  nobody  con- 
tradicted him,  he  moved  them  to  pity  his 
case,  as  though  he  had  been  condemned 
himself,  now  he  had  gained  a  bitter  vic- 
tory against  his  sons.  So  he  asked  every 
one's  sentence,  which  sentence  was  first 
of  all  given  by  Saturninus,  and  was  this: 
that  he  condemned  the  young  men,  but 
not  to  death ;  for  that  it  was  not  fit  for 
him,  who  had  three  sons  of  his  own  now 
present,  to  give  his  vote  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  sons  of  another.  The  two 
lieutenants  also  gave  the  like  vote ;  some 
others  there  were  also  who  followed  their 
example;  but  Volunmius  began  to  vote 
on  the  more  melancholy  side,  aud  all 
those  that  came  after  this  condemned  the 
young  men  to  die — some  out  of  flattery, 
and  some  out  of  hatred  to  Herod;  but 
none  out  of  indignation  at  their  crimes. 
And  now  all  Syria  and  Judca  was  in  great 
expectation,  and  waited  for  the  last  act 
of  this  tragedy;  yet  did  nobody  suppose 
that  Herod  would  be  so  barbarous  as  to 
murder  his  children  :  however,  he  carried 
them  away  to  Tyre,  and  thence  sailed  to 
Cesarea,  and  then  he  deliberated  with 
himself  what  sort  of  death  the  young  men 
should  suffer. 

Now  there  was  a  certain  old  soldier  of 
the  king's  whose  name  was  Tero,  whu  had 
a  son  that  was  very  familiar  with,  and  a 
friend  to  Alexander,  and  who  himself 
particularly  loved  the  young  men.  This 
soldier  was  in  a  manner  distracted,  out 
of  the  excess  of  the  indignation  he  had 
at  what  was  doing;  and  at  first  he  cried 
out  aloud,  as  he  went  abuut,  that  justice 


=n 


192 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  1 


was  trampled  under  foot,  that  truth  had 
perished,  and  nature  confounded,  and 
that  the  life  of  man  was  full  of  iniquiry, 
and  every  thing  else  that  passion  could 
suggest  to  a  man  who  spared  not  liis  own 
life  ;  and  at  last  he  ventured  to  go  to  the 
king,  and  said,  "Truly,  I  think,  thou  art 
a  most  miserable  man,  when  thou  hearkeu- 
est  to  most  wicked  wretches  against 
those  that  ought  to  be  dearest  to  thee; 
since  thou  hast,  frequently  resolved  that 
Pheroras  and  Salome  should  be  put  to 
death,  and  yet  believest  them  against  thy 
sons,  while  these,  by  cutting  off  the  suc- 
cession of  thine  own  sons,  leave  all  wholly 
to  Antipater,  aud  thereby  choose  to  have 
thee  such  a  king  as  may  be  thoroughly  in 
their  own  power.  However,  consider 
whether  this  death  of  Antipater's  brethren 
will  not  make  him  hated  by  the  soldiers; 
for  there  is  nobody  but  commiserates  the 
young  men;  and  of  the  captains  a  great 
many  show  their  indignation  at  it  openly." 
Upon  his  saying  this,  he  named  those 
that  had  such  indignation  ;  but  the  king 
ordered  those  men,  with  Tero  himself,  and 
his  son,  to  be  seized  upon  immediately. 

At  which  time  there  was  a  certain 
barber,  whose  name  was  Trypho.  This 
man  leaped  out  from  among  the  people  in 
a  kind  of  madness,  and  accused  himself, 
and  said,  "  this  Tero  encboavoured  to  per- 
suade me  also  to  cut  thy  throat  with  my 
razor  when  I  trimmed  thee;  and  promised 
that  Alexander  should  give  me  large  pre- 
sents for  so  doing."  When  Herod  heard 
this,  he  examined  Tero,  with  his  son,  and 
the  barber  by  the  torture;  but  as  the 
others  denied  the  accusation,  aud  he  said 
nothing  further,  Herod  gave  order  that 
Tero  should  be  racked  more  severely ;  but 
his  son,  out  of  pity  to  his  father,  promised 
to  discover  the  whole  to  the  king,  if  he 
would  grant  [that  his  father  should  be 
no  longer  tortured].  When  he  had 
agreed  to  this,  he  said  that  his  father,  at 
the  persuasion  of  Alexander,  had  an  in- 
tention to  kill  him.  Now  some  said  this 
was  forged,  in  order  to  free  his  father 
from  his  torments;  and  some  said  it  was 
true. 

And  now  Herod  accused  the  captains 
and  Tero  in  an  assembly  of  the  people, 
and  brought  the  people  together  in  a  body 
against  them  ;  and  accordingly,  there 
were  they  put  to  death,  together  with 
[Trypho]  the  barber;  they  were  killed  by 
the  pieces  of  wood  and  stones  that  wire 
thrown  at  them.     He  also  sent  his  sons 


to  Sebaste,  a  city  not  far  fiom  Cesarea, 
and  ordered  them  to  be  there  strangled  ; 
and  as  what  he  had  ordered  was  executed 
immediately,  so  he  commanded  that  their 
dead  bodies  should  be  brought  to  the 
fortress  Alexandrium,  to  be  buried  with 
Alexander,  their  grand-father  by  the  mo- 
ther's side.  And  this  was  the  end  of 
Alexander  and  Aristobulus. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Antipater  hated  by  all — the  king  espouses  th* 
sons  of  those  that  had  been  slain  to  his  kindred 
— Antipater  induces  him  to  change  them  for 
other  women — Herod's  marriages  aud  children. 

But  an  intolerable  hatred  fell  upon 
Antipater  from  the  nation,  though  he  had 
now  an  indisputable  title  to  the  succession; 
because  they  all  knew  that  he  was  the 
person  who  contrived  all  the  calumnies 
against  his  brethren.  However,  he  began 
to  be  in  a  terrible  fear,  as  he  saw  the 
posterity  of  those  that  had  been  slain 
growing  up ;  for  Alexander  had  two  sons 
by  Glaphyra,  Tygranes  and  Alexander; 
and  Aristobulus  had  Herod  and  Agrippa 
and  Aristobulus,  his  sons,  with  Herodias 
and  Mariamne, .his  daughters;  and  all  by 
Bernice,  Salome's  daughter.  As  for  Gla- 
phyra, Herod,  as  soon  as  he  had  killed 
Alexander,  sent  her  back,  together  with 
her  portion,  to  Cappadocia.  He  married 
Bernice,  Aristobulus's  daughter,  to  Anti- 
pater's uncle  by  his  mother,  and  it  was 
Antipater  who,  in  order  to  reconcile  her 
to  him,  when  she  had  been  at  variance 
with  him,  contrived  this  match;  he  also 
got  into  Pheroras's  favour,  and  into  the 
favour  of  Cesar's  friends,  by  presents 
and  other  ways  of  obsequiousness,  and 
sent  no  small  sums  of  money  to  Borne ; 
Saturninus  also,  and  his  friends  in  Syria, 
were  all  well  replenished  with  the  pre- 
sents he  made  them ;  yet,  the  more  he 
gave  the  more  he  was  hated,  as  not  mak- 
ing these  presents  out  of  generosity,  but 
spending  his  money  out  of  fear.  Accord- 
ingly it  so  fell  out,  that  the  receivers 
bore  him  no  more  good-will  than  before, 
but  that  those  to  whom  he  gave  nothing  at 
all  were  his  more  bitter  enemies.  How- 
ever, he  bestowed  his  money  every  day 
more  and  more  profusely,  on  observing 
that,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  the  king 
was  taking  care  about  the  orphans,  and 
discovering  at  the  same  time  his  repent- 
ance for  killing  their  fathers,  by  his 
commiseration  of  those  that  sprang  from 
them. 


Chap.  XXVIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


193 


Accordingly,   Herod   got  together  his 

kindred  and  friends,  and  set  them  before 
the  children,  and  -with  his  (70s  full  of 
tears,  said  thus  to  them  :  "  It  was  an  un- 
lucky  fate  that  took  away  from  me  these 
children's  fathers,  which  children  are  re- 
cm  mended  to  me  by  that  natural  com- 
miseration which  their  orphan  condition 
requires;  however,  I  will  endeavour, 
though  I  have  been  a  most  unfortunate 
father,  to  appear  a  better  grandfather, 
and  to  leave  these  children  such  curators 
after  myself  as  are  dearest  to  me.  I 
therefore  betroth  thy  daughter,  Phcro- 
ras,  to  the  elder  of  these  brethren,  the 
children  of  Alexander,  that  thou  mayest 
be  obliged  to  take  care  of  them.  I  also 
betroth  to  thy  son  Antipater,  the  daughter 
of  Aristobulus;  be  thou,  therefore,  a 
father  to  that  orphan;  and  my  son  Herod 
[Philip]  shall  have  her  sister,  whose 
grandfather,  by  the  mother's  side,  was 
high  priest.  And  let  every  one  that  loves 
me  be  of  my  sentiments  in  these  disposi- 
tions, whom  none  that  hath  an  affection 
for  me  will  abrogate.  And  I  pray  God 
that  he  will  join  these  children  together 
in  marriage,  to  the  advantage  of  my  king- 
dom, and  of  my  posterity  ;  and  may  he 
look  down  with  eyes  more  serene  upon 
them  than  he  looked  upon  their  fathers." 

While  he  spake  these  words,  he  wept, 
and  joined  the  children's  right  hands 
together  :  after  which,  he  embraced  them 
every  one  after  an  affectionate  manner, 
and  dismissed  the  assembly.  Upon  this, 
Antipater  was  in  great  disorder  imme- 
diately, and  lamented  publicly  at  what 
was  done;  for  he  supposed  that  this 
dignity,  which  was  conferred  on  these 
orphans,  was  for  his  own  destruction, 
even  in  his  father's  lifetime,  and  that  he 
should  run  another  risk  of  losing  the 
government  if  Alexander's  sons  should 
have  both  Archelaus  [a  king]  and  Phero- 
ras  a  tetrarch  to  support  them.  He  also 
considered  how  he  was  himself  hated  by 
the  nation,  and  how  they  pitied  these 
orphans;  how  great  affection  the  Jews 
bore  to  those  brethren  of  his  when  they 
were  alive,  and  how  gladly  they  remem- 
bered them,  now  they  had  perished  by 
his  means.  So  he  resolved,  by  all  the 
ways  possible,  to  get  these  espousals  dis- 
solved. 

Now  he  was  afraid  of  going  subtilely 

about  this   matter  with   his   father,  who 

was  hard  to  be  pleased,  and  was  presently 

moved  upon   the   least  suspicion :   so  he 

Vol.  II.— 13 


ventured  to  go  to  him  directly,  and  to 
beg  of  him  before  his  face,  not  to  deprive 
him  of  that  dignity  which  he  had  been 

pleased  to  bestow  upon  him;  and  that  he 
might  not  have  the  bare  name  of  a  king, 
while  the  power  was  in  other  persons; 
for  that  he  should  never  be  able  to  keep 
the  government,  if  Alexander's  son  was 
to  have  both  his  grandfather  Archelaus 
and  Pheroras  for  his  curators ;  and  he  be- 
sought him  earnestly,  since  there  were  so 
many  of  the  royal  family  alive,  that  he 
would  change  those  [intended]  marriages. 
Now  the  king  had  nine  wives,*  and  chil- 
dren by  seven  of  them;  Antipater  was 
himself  born  of  Doris,  and  Herod  [Philip] 
of  Mariamne,  the  high  priest's  daughter; 
Antipas  also  and  Archelaus  were  by  31al- 
thace,  the  Samaritan,  as  was  his  daughter 
Olympias,  which  his  brother  Joseph's"}" 
son  had  married.  By  Cleopatra  of  Jerusa- 
lem he  had  Herod  and  Philip ;  and  by 
Pallas,  Phasaelus:  he  had  also  two  daugh- 
ters, Roxana  and  Salome,  the  one  by 
Phedra,  and  the  other  by  Elpis;  he  had 
also  two  wives  who  had  no  children,  the 
one  his  6rst  cousin,  and  the  other  his  niece  ; 
and  besides  these  he  had  two  daughters, 
the  sisters  of  Alexander  and  Aristobulus, 
by  Mariamne.  Since,  therefore,  the  royal 
family  was  so  numerous,  Antipater  prayed 
him  to  change  these  intended  marriages. 

When  the  king  perceived  what  dispo- 
sition he  was  in  toward  these  orphans,  he 
was  angry  at  it,  and  a  suspicion  came 
into  his  mind  as  to  those  sons  whom  he 
had  put  to  death,  whether  that  had  not 
been  brought  about  by  the  false  tales  of 
Antipater;  so  at  that  time  he  made  An- 
tipater a  long  and  a  peevish  answer,  and 
bade  him  begone.  Yet  was  he  afterward 
prevailed  upon  cunningly  by  his  flatteries, 
and  changed  the  marriages;  he  married 
Aristobulus's  daughter  to  him,  and  his 
son  to  Pheroras's  daughter. 

Now  one  may  learn,  in  this  instance, 
how  very  much  this  flattering  Antipater 


*  Dean  Aldrich  takes  notice  here,  that  theso 
nino  wives  of  Herod  were  alive  at  the  same  time, 
ami  that  if  the  celebrated  Mariamne,  who  was  now 
dead,  be  reckoned,  those  wives  were  in  all  ten. 
Yet  it  is  remarkable  that  he  had  no  more  than 
fifteen  children  by  them  all. 

f  To  prevent  confusion,  it  may  not  lie  amiss  to 
distinguish  between  four  Josephs  in  the  history 
of  Herod.  1.  Joseph,  Ilerod's  uncle,  and  the 
[second]  husband  of  his  sister  Salome,  slain  by 
Herod  on  account  of  Mariamne.  2.  Joseph,  He- 
rod's quaestor  or  treasurer,  slain  on  the  same  ac- 
count. 3.  Joseph,  Herod's  brother,  slain  in  battle 
against  Antigonus.  I.  Joseph,  Herod's  nephew, 
the  husband  of  Olympias,  mentioned  in  this  place. 


194 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  I. 


could  do, — even  what  Salome  in  the  like 
circumstances  could  not  do;  for  when  she, 
who  was  his  sisrer,  had,  by  the  means  of 
Julia,  Caesar's  wife,  earnestly  desired 
leave  to  be  married  to  Syllcus  the  Ara- 
bian, Herod  swore  he  would  esteem  her 
his  bitter  enemy  unless  she  would  leave 
off  that  project:  he  also  caused  her, 
against  her  own  consent,  to  be  married  to 
Alexas,  a  friend  of  his,  and  that  one  of 
her  daughters  should  be  married  to 
Alexas's  son,  and  the  other  to  Antipater's 
uncle  by  the  mother's  side.  And  for  the 
daughters  that  the  king  had  by  Mariamne, 
the  one  was  married  to  Antipater,  his 
sister's  son,  and  the  other  to  his  brother's 
son,  Phasaelus. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

Intolerance  of  Antipater — he   is  sent  to   Rome — 
Pheroras  refuses  to  divorce  his  wife. 

Now  when  Antipater  had  cut  off  the 
hopes  of  the  orphans,  and  had  contracted 
such  affinities  as  would  be  most  for  his 
own  advantage,  he  proceeded  briskly,  as 
having  a  certain  expectation  of  the  king- 
dom ;  and  as  he  had  now  assurances  add- 
ed to  his  wickedness,  he  became  intole- 
rable; for  not  being  able  to  avoid  the 
hatred  of  all  people,  he  built  his  security 
upon  the  terror  he  struck  into  them. 
Pheroras  also  assisted  him  in  his  designs, 
looking  upon  him  as  already  fixed  in  the 
kingdom.  There  was  also  a  company  of 
women  in  the  court  who  excited  new 
disturbances;  for  Pheroras's  wife,  together 
with  her  mother  and  sister,  as  also  Anti- 
pater's mother,  grew  very  impudent  in 
the  palace.  She  also  was  so  insolent  as 
to  affront  the  king's  two  daughters,*  on 
which  account  the  king  hated  her  to  a 
great  degree;  yet,  although  these  women 
were  hated  by  him,  they  domineered  over 
others  :  there  was  also  Salome,  who  op- 
posed their  good  agreement,  and  informed 
the  king  of  their  meetings,  as  not  being 
for  the  advantage  of  his  affairs;  and 
when  those  women  knew  what  calumnies 
she  had  raised  against  them,  and  how 
much  Herod  was  displeased,  they  left  off 
their  public  meetings  and  friendly  enter- 
tainments of  one  another;  nay,  on  the 
contrary,  they  pretended  to  quarrel  one 
with  another  when  the  king  was  within 
hearing.  The  like  dissimulation  did  An- 
tipater make  use  of;  and  when  matters 


*  These  daughters  of  Herod,  whom   Pheroras's 

wife  afi'rouU'd,  were  Salome  ami  Roxana. 


were  public,  he  opposed  Pheroras;  but 
still  they  had  private  cabals,  and  merry 
meetings  in  the  night-time;  nor  did  the 
observation  of  others  do  any  more  than 
confirm  their  mutual  agreement.  How- 
ever, Salome  knew  every  thing  they  did, 
and  told  every  thing  to  Herod. 

But  he  was  inflamed  with  anger  at 
them,  and  chiefly  at  Pheroras's  wife;  for 
Salome  had  principally  accused  her.  So 
lie  got  an  assembly  of  his  friends  and 
kindred  together,  and  there  accused  this 
woman  of  many  things,  and  particularly 
of  the  affronts  she  had  offered  his  daugh- 
ter; and  that  she  had  supplied  the  Phari- 
sees with  money,  by  way  of  rewards  for 
what  they  had  done  against  him,  and  had 
procured  his  brother  to  become  his  enemy, 
by  giving  him  love-potions.  At  length 
he  turned  his  speech  to  Pheroras,  and 
told  him  that  he  would  give  him  his 
choice  of  these  two  things:  whether  he 
would  keep  in  with  his  brother,  or  with 
his  wife  ?  and  when  Pheroras  said  that 
he  certainly  would  die  rather  than  forsake 
his  wife,  Herod,  not  knowing  what  to  do 
further  in  that  matter,  turned  his  speech 
to  Antipater,  and  charged  him  to  have 
no  intercourse  either  with  Pheroras's 
wife  or  with  Pheroras  himself,  or  with 
any  one  belonging  to  her.  Now,  though 
Antipater  did  not  transgress  that  his  in- 
junction publicly,  yet  did  he  in  secret 
come  to  their  night-meetings:  and  be- 
cause he  was  afraid  that  Salome  observed 
what  he  did,  he  procured  by  the  means  of 
his  Italian  friends,  that  he  might  go  and 
live  at  Rome;  for  when  they  wrote  that 
it  was  proper  for  Antipater  to  be  sent  to 
Cajsar  for  some  time,  Herod  made  no  de- 
lay, but  sent  him,  and  that  with  a  splen- 
did attendance  and  a  great  deal  of  money, 
and  gave  him  his  testament  to  carry  with 
him,  wherein  Antipater  had  the  kingdom 
bequeathed  to  him,  and  wherein  Herod 
was  named  for  Antipater's  successor ;  that 
Herod,  I  mean,  who  was  the  son  of  Ma- 
riamne, the  high  priest's  daughter. 

Sylleus  also,  the  Arabian,  sailed  to 
Rome,  without  any  regard  to  Caesar's  in- 
junctions, and  this  in  order  to  oppose 
Antipater  with  all  his  might,  as  to  that 
lawsuit  which  Nicolaus  had  with  him 
before.  This  Sylleus  had  also  a  great 
contest  with  Aretas,  his  own  king,  for  he 
had  slain  many  of  Aretas's  friends,  and 
particularly  Sohemus,  the  most  potent  man 
in  the  city  Petra.  Moreover,  he  had  pre- 
vailed with  Phabatus,  who  was  Herod'a 


Cnu>.  XXX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


195 


steward,  by  giving  him  a  groat  sum  of 
money,  to  assist  him  against  Herod;  but 
when  Herod  gave  him  more,  lie  induced 
him  to  leave  Sylleus,  and  by  bis  means  be 
demanded  of  him  all  that  Caesar  had  re- 
quired of  him  to  pay;  but  when  Sylleus 
paid  nothing  of  what  he  was  to  pay,  and 
did  also  accuse  Phabatus  to  Caesar,  and 
said  that  he  was  not  a  steward  for  Caesar's 
advantage,  but  for  Herod's,  Phabatus  was 
angry  at  him  on  that  account,  but  was 
still  in  very  great  esteem  with  Herod,  and 
discovered  Sylleus's  grand  secrets,  and 
told  the  king  that  Sylleus  had  corrupted 
Corintbus,  one  of  the  guards  of  his  body, 
by  bribing  him,  and  of  whom  he  must 
therefore  have  a  care.  Accordingly,  the 
king  complied;  fortius  Corintbus,  though 
be  was  brought  up  in  Herod's  kingdom, 
yet  was  by  birth  an  Arabian ;  so  the 
king  ordered  him  to  be  taken  up  imme- 
diately, and  not  only  him,  but  two  other 
Arabians,  who  were  caught  with  him  ;  the 
one  of  them  was  Sylleus's  friend,  the 
other  the  head  of  a  tribe.  These  last, 
being  put  to  the  torture,  confessed  that 
they  had  prevailed  with  Corintbus,  for  a 
large  sum  of  money,  to  kill  Herod;  and 
when  they  had  been  further  examined 
before  Saturninus,  the  president  of  Syria, 
they  were  sent  to  Rome. 

However,  Herod  did  not  leave  off  im- 
portuning Pheroras,  but  proceeded  to 
force  him  to  put  away  his  wife ;  yet  could 
he  not  devise  any  way  by  which  he  could 
bring  the  woman  herself  to  punishment, 
although  he  had  many  causes  of  hatred 
to  her;  till  at  length  he  was  in  such  great 
uneasiness  at  her,  that  he  cast  both  her 
and  his  brother  out  of  his  kingdom. 
Pheroras  took  this  injury  very  patiently, 
and  went  away  into  his  own  tetrarchy 
[Perea,  beyond  Jordan],  and  sware  that 
there  should  be  but  one  end  put  to  his 
flight,  and  that  should  be  Herod's  death; 
and  that  he  would  never  return  while  he 
was  alive.  Nor  indeed  would  he  return 
when  his  brother  was  sick,  although  he 
earnestly  sent  for  him  to  come  to  him, 
because  he  bad  a  mind  to  leave  some  in- 
junctions with  him  before  he  died  :  but 
Herod  unexpectedly  recovered.  A  little 
afterward  Pheroras  himself  fell  sick,  when 
Herod  showed  great  moderation ;  for  he 
came  to  him  and  pitied  his  case,  and  took 
care  of  him  :  but  his  affection  for  him  did 
him  no  good,  for  Pheroras  died  a  little 
afterward.  Now,  though  Herod  had  so 
great  an  affection  for  him  to  the  last  day 


of  his  life,  yet  was  a  report  spread  abroad 
that  he  had  killed  him  by  poison.  How- 
ever, he  took  care  to  have  bis  dead  body 
carried    to  Jerusalem,    and    appointed   a 

very  great  mourning  to  the  whole  nation 
for  him,  and  bestowed  a  must  pompous 
funeral  upon  him  ;  and  this  was  the  rod 
that  one  of  Alexander's  and  Aristobulus's 
murderers  came  to. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Herod  inquires  into  the  death  of  Pheroras — Con- 
sequences thereof. 

But  now  the  punishment  was  trans- 
ferred unto  the  original  author,  Anti pa- 
ter, and  took  its  rise  from  the  death  of 
Pheroras ;  for  certain  of  his  freed  men 
came  with  a  sad  countenance  to  the  king, 
and  told  him  that  his  brother  had  been 
destroyed  by  poison,  and  that  his  wife 
bad  brought  him  somewhat  that  was  pre- 
pared after  an  unusual  manner,  and  that 
upon  his  eating  it,  he  presently  fell  into 
his  distemper;  that  Antipater's  mother 
and  sister,  two  days  before,  brought  a 
woman  out  of  Arabia  that  was  skilful  in 
mixing  such  drugs,  that  she  might  pre- 
pare a  love-potion  for  Pheroras;  and  that, 
instead  of  a  love-potion,  she  had  given 
him  deadly  poison ;  and  that  this  was 
done  by  the  management  of  Sylleus,  who 
was  acquainted  with  that  woman. 

The  king  was  deeply  affected  with  so 
many  suspicions,  and  had  the  maidser- 
vants and  some  of  the  freewomen  also 
tortured;  one  of  them  cried  out  in  her 
agonies,  "May  that  God  that  governs  the 
earth  and  the  heaven,  punish  the  author 
of  all  these  our  miseries,  Antipater's  mo- 
ther !"  The  king  took  a  handle  from 
this  confession,  and  proceeded  to  inquire 
further  into  the  truth  of  this  matter.  So 
this  woman  discovered  the  friendship  of 
Antipater's  mother  to  Pheroras  and  An- 
tipater's women,  as  also  their  secret  meet- 
ings, and  that  Pheroras  and  Antipaterbad 
drunk  with  them  for  a  whole  night  to- 
gether as  they  returned  from  the  king, 
and  would  not  suffer  anybody,  either 
manservant  or  maidservant,  to  be  there; 
while  one  of  the  freewomen  discovered 
the  whole  of  the  matter. 

Upon  this,  Herod  tortured  the  maid- 
servants, every  one  by  themselves  sepa- 
rately :  who  all  unanimously  agreed  in 
the  foregoing  discoveries,  and  that  accord- 
ingly  by  agreement  they  went  away, 
Antipater     to    Rome,    and    Pheroras    tc 


19(5 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[EockI 


Perea  ;  for  they  that  oftentimes  talked  to 
one  another  thus  :  that  after  Herod  had 
slain  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  he  would 
fall  upon  them,  and  upon  their  wives,  be- 
cause after  he  had  not  spared  Mariamne 
and  her  children,  he  would  spare  nobody; 
and  that  for  this  reason  it  was  best  to  get 
as  far  off  the  wild  beast  as  they  were  able  : 
and  that  Antipater  oftentimes  lamented 
his  own  case  before  his  mother;  and  said 
to  her,  that  he  had  already  gray  hairs 
upon  his  head,  and  that  his  father  grew 
younger  every  day,  and  that  perhaps  death 
would  overtake  him  before  he  should  be- 
gin to  be  a  king  in  earnest;  and  that  in 
case  Herod  should  die,  which  yet  nobody 
knew  when  it  would  be,  the  enjoyment  of 
the  succession  could  certainly  be  but  for 
a  little  time;  for  that  these  heads  of  Hy- 
dra, the  sons  of  Alexander  and  Aristobu- 
lus, were  growing  up :  that  he  was  de- 
prived by  his  father  of  the  hopes  of  being 
succeeded  by  his  children,  for  that  his 
successor  after  his  death  was  not  to  be  any 
one  of  his  own  sons,  but  Herod  the  son 
(if  Mariamne:  that  in  this  point  Herod 
was  plainly  distracted,  to  think  that  his 
testament  should  therein  take  place;  for 
he  would  take  care  that  not  one  of  his 
posterity  should  remain,  because  he  was, 
of  all  fathers,  the  greatest  hater  of  his 
children.  Yet  does  he  hate  his  brother 
still  worse  ;  whence  it  was  that  he  a  while 
ago  gave  himself  100  talents,  that  he 
should  not  have  any  intercourse  with  Phe- 
roras.  And  when  Pheroras  said,  wherein 
have  we  done  him  any  harm  ?  Antipa- 
ter replied,  "I  wish  he  would  but  deprive 
us  of  all  we  have,  and  leave  us  naked  and 
alive  only;  but  it  is  indeed  impossible  to 
escape  this  wild  beast,  who  is  thus  given 
to  murder;  who  will  not  permit  us  to  love 
any  person  openly,  although  we  be  to- 
gether privately;  yet  may  we  be  so  openly 
too,  if  we  are  but  endowed  with  the 
courage  and  the  hands  of  men." 

These  things  were  said  by  the  women 
upon  the  torture  :  as  also  that  Pheroras 
resolved  to  fly  with  them  to  Perca.  Now 
Herod  gave  credit  to  all  they  said,  on 
account  of  the  affair  of  the  100  talents; 
for  he  had  had  no  discourse  with  anybody 
about  them,  but  only  with  Antipater.  So 
he  vented  his  anger  first  of  all  against 
Autijiater's  mother,  and  took  away  from 
her  all  the  ornaments  which  he  had  given 
her,  which  cost  a  great  many  talents,  and 
cast  her  out  of  the  palace  a  second  time. 
He  also  took  care  of  Phcroras's  women 


after  their  tortures,  as  being  now  recon- 
ciled to  them;  but  be  was  in  great  con' 
sternation  himself,  and  inflamed  upon 
every  suspicion,  and  had  many  innocent 
persons  led  to  the  torture,  out  of  his  fear 
lest  he  should  perhaps  leave  any  guilty 
person  untortured. 

And  now  it  was  that  he  betook  himself 
to  examine  Antipater  of  Samaria,  who 
was  the  steward  of  [his  son]  Antipater; 
and  upon  torturing  him,  he  learned  that 
Antipater  had  sent  for  a  potion  of  deadly 
poison  for  him  out  of  Egypt,  by  Antiphi- 
las,  a  companion  of  his;  that  Theudio, 
the  uncle  of  Antipater,  had  it  from  him, 
and  delivered  it  to  Pheroras;  for  that 
Antipater  had  charged  him  to  take  his 
father  off  while  he  was  at  Rome,  and  so 
free  him  from  the  suspicion  of  doing  it 
himself:  that  Pheroras  also  committed 
this  potion  to  his  wife.  Then  did  the 
king  send  for  her,  and  bade  her  bring  to 
him  what  she  had  received  immediately. 
So  she  came  out  of  her  house  as  if  she 
would  bring  it  with  her,  but  threw  herself 
down  from  the  top  of  the  house,  in  order 
to  prevent  any  examination  and  torture 
from  the  king.  However,  it  came  to 
pass,  as  it  seems  by  the  providence  of  God, 
when  he  intended  to  bring  Antipater  to 
punishment,  that  she  fell  not  upon  her 
head  but  upon  other  parts  of  her  body, 
and  escaped.  The  king,  when  she  was 
brought  to  him,  took  care  of  her,  (for  she 
was  at  first  quite  senseless  upon  her  fall,) 
and  asked  her  why  she  had  thrown  her- 
self down ;  and  gave  her  his  oath,  that 
if  she  would  speak  the  real  truth,  he 
would  excuse  her  from  punishment;  but 
that  if  she  concealed  any  thing,  he  would 
have  her  body  torn  to  pieces  by  torments, 
and  leave  no  part  f  f  it  to  be  buried. 

Upon  this  the  woman  paused  a  little, 
and  then  said,  "  Why  do  I  spare  to  speak 
of  these  grand  secrets,  now  Pheroras  is 
dead !  that  would  only  tend  to  save  Anti- 
pater, who  is  all  our  destruction.  Hear 
then,  0  king,  and  be  thou,  and  God  him- 
self, who  cannot  be  deceived,  witnesses  to 
the  truth  of  what  I  am  going  to  say. 
When  thou  didst  sit  weeping  by  Phero- 
ras as  he  was  dying,  then  it  was  that  he 
called  me  to  him,  and  said — '  My  dear 
wife,  I  have  been  greatly  mistaken  as  to 
the  disposition  of  my  brother  toward  me, 
and  have  hated  him  that  is  so  affectionate 
to  me,  and  have  contrived  to  kill  him 
who  is  iu  such  disorder  for  me  before  I 
am  dead.     As  for  myself,  I  receive  the 


Chap.  XXXI.] 


AVARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


197 


recompense  of  my  impiety;  but  do  thou 
bring  what  poison  was  left  with  us  by 
An ti pater,  and  which  thou  keepest,  in 
oiiler  to  destroy  him,  and  consume  it 
immediately  in  the  fire  in  my  sight,  that 
1  may  not  be  liable  to  the  avenger  in  the 
invisible  world.'  This  I  brought  as  he 
bade  me,  and  emptied  the  greatest  part  of 
it  into  the  fire,  but  reserved  a  little  of  it 
for  my  own  use  against  uncertain  futurity, 
and  out  of  my  fear  of  thee." 

When  she  had  .-aid  this,  she  brought 
the  box,  which  had  a  small  quantity  of 
this  potion  in  it:  but  the  king  let  her 
alone,  and  transferred  the  tortures  to 
Antiphilus's  mother  and  brother  ;  who 
both  confessed  that  Antiphilus  brought 
the  box  out  of  Egypt,  ami  that  they  had 
received  the  potion  from  a  brother  of  his, 
who  was  a  physician  at  Alexandria.  Then 
did  the  ghosts  of  Alexander  and  Aristo- 
bulus  go  round  all  the  palace,  and  became 
the  inquisitors  and  discoverers  of  what 
could  not  otherwise  have  been  found  out, 
and  brought  such  as  were  the  freest  from 
suspicion  to  be  examined ;  whereby  it 
was  discovered,  that  Marianne,  the  high 
priest's  daughter,  was  conscious  of  this 
plot;  and  her  very  brothers,  when  they 
were  tortured,  declared  it,  so  to  be. 
Whereupon  the  king  avenged  this  insolent 
attempt  of  the  mother  upon  her  son,  and 
blotted  Herod,  whom  he  had  by  her,  out 
of  his  testament,  who  had  been  before 
named  therein  as  successor  to  Antipater. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Antipater,   convicted  by   Batbyllus,  returns   from 
Rome,  and  is  brought  to  trial  by  Hcfod. 

After  these  things  were  over,  Batbyl- 
lus came  under  examination,  in  order  to 
convict  Antipater,  who  proved  the  con- 
cluding attestation  to  Autipater's  designs; 
for  indeed  he  was  no  other  than  his 
freedman.  This  man  came,  and  brought 
another  deadly  potion,  the  poison  of  asps 
and  the  juices  of  other  serpents,  that  if 
the  first  potion  did  not  do  the  business, 
Pheroras  and  his  wife  might  be  armed 
with  this  also  to  destroy  the  king.  He 
brought  also  an  addition  to  Autipater's 
insolent  attempts  against  his  father,  which 
was  the  letters  which  he  wrote  against 
his  brethren,  Archelaus  and  Philip,  who 
were  the  king's  sons,  and  educated  at 
Rome,  being  yet  youths,  but  of  generous 
dispositions.  Antipater  set  himself  to  get 
rid  of  these  as  soon  as  he  could,  that  they 


might   not  be  prejudicial  to   his  hi 

ami  to  that  end  he  forged  letters  against 
them,  in  the  name  of  his  friends  at  Home. 
Some  of  these  he  corrupted  by  bribes,  to 
write  how  they  grossly  reproached  their 
father,  and  did  openly  bewail  Alexander 
and  Aristobulus,  and  were  uneasy  at  their 
being  recalled;  for  their  father  had  al- 
ready sent  for  them,  which  was  the  very 
thing  that  troubled  Antipater. 

Nay,  indeed,  while  Antipater  was  in 
Judea,  and  before  he  was  upon  his  jour- 
ney to  Home,  he  gave  money  to  have  the 
like  letters  against  them  sent  from  Koine, 
and  then  came  to  his  father,  who  as  yet 
had  no  suspiciou  of  him,  apologized  for 
his  brethren,  and  alleged  on  their  behalf 
that  some  of  the  things  contained  in  those 
letters  were  false,  aud  others  of  them 
were  only  youthful  errors.  Vet  at  the 
same  time  that  he  expended  a  great  deal 
of  his  money,  by  making  presents  to  such 
as  wrote  against  his  brethren,  did  he  aim 
to  bring  his  accounts  into  confusion,  by 
buying  costly  garments,  and  carpets  of 
various  contextures,  with  silver  and  gold 
cups,  and  a  great  many  more  curious 
things,  that  so,  among  the  very  great  ex- 
penses laid  out  upon  such  furniture,  he 
might  conceal  the  money  he  had  used  in 
hiring  men  [to  write  the  letters] ;  for  he 
brought  in  an  account  of  his  expenses, 
amounting  to  200  talents,  his  main  pre- 
tence for  which  was  the  lawsuit  that  he 
had  been  in  with  Sylleus.  So  while  all 
his  rogueries,  even  those  of  a  lesser  sort, 
were  covered  by  his  great  villany,  while 
all  the  examinations  by  torture  proclaimed 
his  attempt  to  murder  his  father,  and  the 
letters  proclaimed  his  second  attempt  to 
murder  his  brethren — yet  did  no  one  of 
those  that  came  to  Home  inform  him  of 
his  misfortunes  in  Judea,  although  seven 
months  had  intervened  between  his  con- 
viction and  his  return, — so  great  was  the 
hatred  which  they  all  bore  to  him.  And 
perhaps  they  were  the  ghosts  of  those 
brethren  of  his  that  had  been  murdered, 
that  stopped  the  mouths  of  those  that  in- 
tended to  have  told  him.  He  then  wrote 
from  Rome,  aud  informed  his  [friends] 
that  he  would  soon  come  to  them,  and 
how  he  was  dismissed  with  honour  by 
Csesar, 

Now  the  king  being  desirous  to  get  this 
plotter  against  him  into  his  hands,  and 
being  also  afraid  lest  he  should  someway 
come  to  the  knowledge  how  his  affairs 
stood,  and    be    upon   his   guard,  he  did- 


108 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Hook  I. 


sembled  his  anger  in  his  epistle  to  him, 
as  in  other  points  he  wrote  kindly  to  him, 
and  desired  him  to  make  haste,  because, 
if  he  came  quickly,  he  would  then  lay 
aside  the  complaints  he  had  against  his 
mother;  for  Antipater  was  not  ignorant 
that  his  mother  had  been  expelled  out  of 
the  palace.  However,  he  had  before  re- 
ceived a  letter,  which  contained  an  ac- 
count of  the  death  of  Pheroras,  at  Taren- 
tum, — and  made  great  lamentations  at  it; 
for  which  some  commended  him,  as  being 
for  Ids  own  uncle;  though  probably  this 
confusion  arose  on  account  of  his  having 
thereby  failed  in  his  plot  [on  his  father's 
life] ;  and  his  tears  were  more  for  the 
loss  of  him  that  was  to  have  been  sub- 
servient therein,  than  for  [an  uncle]  Phe- 
roras :  moreover,  a  sort  of  fear  came  upon 
him  as  to  his  designs,  lost  the  poison 
should  have  been  discovered.  However, 
when  he  was  in  Cilicia,  he  received  the 
forcmentioned  epistle  from  his  father,  and 
made  great  haste  accordingly.  But  when 
he  had  sailed  to  Celenderis,  a  suspicion 
came  into  his  mind  relating  to  his  mo- 
ther's misfortunes;  as  if  his  soul  fore- 
boded some  mischief  to  itself.  Those 
therefore  of  his  friends  who  were  the  most 
considerate,  advised  him  not  rashly  to  go 
to  his  father,  till  he  had  learned  what 
were  the  occasions  why  his  mother  had 
been  ejected,  because  they  were  afraid 
that  he  might  be  involved  in  the  calum- 
nies that  had  been  cast  upon  his  mother; 
but  those  that  were  less  considerate,  and 
had  more  regard  to  their  own  desires  of 
seeing  their  native  country  than  to  Anti- 
pater's  safety,  persuaded  him  to  make 
haste  home,  and  not,  by  delaying  his 
journey,  afford  his  father  ground  for  an 
ill  suspicion,  and  give  a  handle  to  those 
that  raised  stories  against  him ;  for  that 
in  case  any  thing  had  been  moved  to  his 
disadvantage,  it  was  owing  to  his  absence, 
which  durst  not  have  been  done  had  he 
been  present;  and  they  said  it  was 
absurd  to  deprive  himself  of  certain  hap- 
piness, for  the  sake  of  an  uncertain  sus- 
picion, and  not  rather  to  return  to  his 
father,  and  take  the  royal  authority  upou 
him,  which  was  in  a  state  of  fluctuation 
on  his  account  only.  Antipater  complied 
with  this  last  advice;  for  providence 
hurried  him  on  [to  his  destruction].  So 
he  passed  over  the  sea,  and  landed  at 
Sebastus,  the  haven  of  Cesarea. 

And  here  he  found  a  perfect  and  unex- 
pected solitude,  while  everybody  avoided 


him,  and  nobody  durst  come  at  him, 
for  he  was  equally  hated  by  all  men  ;  and 
now  that  hatred  had  liberty  to  show  itself, 
and  the  dread  men  were  in  of  the  king's 
anger  made  men  keep  from  him  ;  for  the 
whole  city  [of  Jerusalem]  was  filled  with 
the  rumours  about  Antipater,  and  Anti- 
pater himself  was  the  only  person  who 
was  ignorant  of  them ;  for  as  no  man 
was  dismissed  more  magnificently  when 
he  began  his  voyage  to  Rome,  so  was 
no  man  now  received  back  with  greater 
ignominy.  And,  indeed,  he  began  already 
to  suspect  what  misfortunes  there  were  in 
Herod's  family :  yet  did  he  cunningly 
conceal  his  suspicion  ;  and  while  he  was 
inwardly  ready  to  die  for  fear,  he  put  on 
a  forced  boldness  of  countenance.  Nor 
could  he  now  fly  any  whither,  nor  had  he 
any  way  of  emerging  out  of  the  difficulties 
which  encompassed  him  ;  nor  indeed  had 
he  even  there  any  certain  intelligence  of 
the  affairs  of  the  royal  family,  by  reason 
of  the  threats  the  king  had  given  out ; 
yet  had  he  some  small  hopes  of  better 
tidings,  for  perhaps  nothing  had  been 
discovered  ;  or,  if  any  discovery  had  been 
made,  perhaps  he  should  be  able  to  clear 
himself  by  impudence  and  artful  tricks, 
which  were  the  only  things  he  relied  upon 
for  his  deliverance. 

And  with  these  hopes  did  he  screen 
himself,  till  he  came  to  the  palace,  without 
any  friends  with  him;  for  these  were 
affronted,  and  shut  out  at  the  first  gate. 
Now  Varus,  the  president  of  Syria,  hap- 
pened to  be  in  the  palace  [at  this  junc- 
ture]; so  Antipater  went  in  to  his  father, 
and,  putting  on  a  bold  face,  he  came  near 
to  salute  him.  But  Herod  stretched  out 
his  hands,  and  turned  his  head  away  from 
him,  and  cried  out,  "  Even  this  is  an 
indication  of  a  parricide,  to  be  desirous 
to  get  me  into  his  arms,  when  he  is  under 
such  heinous  accusations.  God  confound 
thee,  thou  vile  wretch ;  do  not  thou  touch 
me  till  thou  hast  cleared  thyself  of  these 
crimes  that  are  charged  upon  thee.  I 
appoint  thee  a  court  where  thou  art  to  be 
judged;  and  this  Varus,  who  is  very 
seasonably  here;  to  be  thy  judge;  and 
get  thou  thy  defence  ready  against  to- 
morrow, for  I  give  thee  s^  much  time  to 
prepare  suitable  excuses  for  thyself." 
And  as  Antipater  was  so  confounded 
that  he  was  able  to  make  no  answer  to 
this  charge,  he  went  away;  but  his  mo- 
ther and  wife  came  to  him,  and  told  him 
of  all  the  evidence  they  had  gotten  against 


Chap.  XXXII.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


199 


him.     Hereupon  he  recollected  himself, 

and    considered  what  defence  he  should 
make  against  the  accusations. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

Antipater   accused   before   Varus — is  convicted — 
his  punishment  postponed  till  the  recovery  of 

his  lather. 

Now  the  day  following,  the  king  ns- 
sembled  a  court  of  kinsmen  and  friends, 
and  called  in  Antipater's  friends  also. 
Herod  himself,  with  Varus,  were  the 
presidents;  and  Herod  called  for  all  the 
witnesses,  and  ordered  them  to  be  brought 
in ;  among  whom  some  of  the  domestic 
servants  of  Antipater's  mother  were 
brought  in  also,  who  had  but  a  little 
while  before  been  caught,  as  they  were 
carrying  the  following  letter  from  her  to 
her  son  : — "  Since  all  those  things  have 
been  already  discovered  to  thy  father,  do 
not  thou  come  to  him,  unless  thou  canst 
procure  some  assistance  from  Cajsar." 
When  this  and  the  other  witnesses  were 
introduced,  Antipater  came  in,  and  falling 
on  his  face  before  his  father's  feet,  he 
said,  "Father,  I  beseech  thee,  do  not 
thou  condemn  me  beforehand,  but  let  thy 
ears  be  unbiassed,  and  attend  to  my  de- 
fence; for  if  thou  wilt  give  me  leave,  I 
will  demonstrate  that  I  am  innocent." 

Hereupon  Herod  cried  out  to  him  to 
hold  his  peace,  and  spake  thus  to  Varus : — 
"I  cannot  but  think  that  thou,  Varus, 
and  every  other  upright  judge,  will  deter- 
mine that  Antipater  is  a  vile  wretch.  I 
am  also  afraid  that  thou  wilt  abhor  my  ill 
fortune  and  judge  me  also  myself  worthy 
of  all  sorts  of  calamity  for  begetting  such 
children;  while  yet  I  ought  rather  to  be 
pitied,  who  have  been  so  affectionate  a 
father  to  such  wretched  sons;  for  when  I 
had  settled  the  kingdom  on  my  former 
sons  even  when  they  were  young,  and 
when,  besides  the  charges  of  their  educa- 
tion at  Rome,  I  had  made  them  the 
friends  of  Caesar,  and  made  them  envied 
by  other  kings,  I  found  them  plotting 
against  me.  These  have  been  put  to 
death,  and  that,  in  a  great  measure,  for 
the  sake  of  Antipater;  for  as  he  was  then 
young,  and  appointed  to  be  my  successor, 
I  took  care  chiefly  to  secure  him  from 
danger:  but  this  profligate  wild  beast, 
when  he  had  been  over  and  above  satiated 
with  that  patience  which  I  showed  him, 
he  made  use  of  that  abundance  I  had 
giver,  him  against  myself;  for  I  seemed 
2  W 


to  him  to  live  too  long,  and  he  was  very 
uneasy  at  the  old  age  I  had  arrived  at; 
nor  could  he  stay  any  longer,  but  would 
be  a  king  by  parricide.  And  justly  I  am 
served  by  him  for  bringing  him  back  out 
of  the  country  to  court,  when  he  was  of 
no  esteem  before,  and  for  thrusting  out 
those  sons  of  mine  that  were  born  of  the 
queen,  and  for  making  him  a  successor  to 
my  dominions.  I  confess  to  thee,  0  Va- 
rus, the  great  folly  I  was  guilty  of;  for  I 
provoked  those  sons  of  mine  to  act  against 
me,  and  cut  off  their  just  expectations  for 
the  sake  of  Antipater;  and,  indeed,  what 
kindness  did  I  do  to  them,  that  could 
equal  what  I  have  done  to  Antipater!  to 
whom  I  have,  in  a  manner,  yielded  up  my 
royal  authority,  while  I  am  alive,  and 
whom  I  have  openly  named  for  the  suc- 
cessor to  my  dominions  in  my  testament, 
and  given  him  a  yearly  revenue  of  his  own 
of  fifty  talents,  and  supplied  him  witli  mo- 
ney to  an  extravagant  degree  out  of  my 
own  revenue;  and  when  he  was  about  to 
sail  to  Rome,  I  gave  him  300  talents, 
and  recommended  him,  and  him  alone  of 
all  my  children,  to  Cajsar,  as  his  father's 
deliverer.  Now  what  crimes  were  these 
other  sons  of  mine  guilty  of  like  those  of 
Antipater!  and  what  evidence  was  there 
brought  tigainst  them  so  strong  as  there  is 
to  demonstrate  this  son  to  have  plotted 
against  me !  Yet  does  this  parricide  pre- 
sume to  speak  for  himself,  and  hopes  to 
secure  the  truth  by  his  cunning  tricks. 
Thou,  0  Varus,  must  guard  thyself  against 
him;  for  I  know  the  wild  beast,  and  I 
foresee  how  plausibly  he  will  talk,  and 
his  counterfeit  lamentation.  This  was  he 
who  exhorted  mc  to  have  a  care  of  Alex- 
ander, when  he  was  alive,  and  not  to 
intrust  my  body  with  all  men  !  This  was 
he  who  came  to  my  very  bed,  and  looked 
about,  lest  any  one  should  lay  snares  for 
me !  This  was  he  who  took  care  of  my 
sleep,  and  secured  me  from  any  fear  of 
danger,  who  comforted  me  under  the 
trouble  I  was  in  upon  the  slaughter  of 
my  sons,  and  looked  to  see  what  affection 
my  surviving  brethren  bore  me !  This 
was  my  protector,  and  the  guardian  of  my 
body !  And  when  I  call  to  mind,  O 
Varus,  his  craftiness  upon  every  occasion, 
and  his  art  of  dissembling,  I  can  hardly 
believe  that  I  am  still  alive,  and  I  wonder 
how  I  have  escaped  such  a  deep  plotter  of 
mischief!  However,  since  some  fate  or 
other  makes  my  house  desolate,  and  per- 
petually raises  up  those  that  are  dearost  to 


200 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  L 


me  against  me,  I  will,  with  tears,  lament 
my  hard  fortune,  and  privately  groan 
under  my  lonesome  condition;  yet  am  I 
resolved  that  no  one  who  thirsts  after  my 
blood  shall  escape  punishment,  although 
the  evidence  should  extend  itself  to  all 
my  sons." 

Upon  Herod's  saying  this,  he  was  in- 
terrupted by  the  confusion  he  was  in  ;  but 
ordered  Nicolaus,  one  of  his  friends,  to 
produce  the  evidence  against  Antipater. 
But  in  the  mean  time  Antipater  lifted  up 
his  head,  (for  he  lay  on  the  ground  before 
his  father's  feet,)  and  cried  out  aloud, 
"  Thou,  0  father,  hast  made  my  apology 
for  me ;  for  how  can  I  be  a  parricide, 
whom  thou  thyself  confessest  to  have 
always  had  for  thy  guardian?  Thou 
callest  my  filial  affection  prodigious  lies 
and  hypocrisy  !  how  then  could  it  be  that 
I,  who  was  so  subtle  in  other  matters, 
should  here  be  so  mad  as  not  to  under- 
stand that  it  was  not  easy  that  he  who 
committed  so  horrid  a  crime  should  be 
concealed  from  men,  but  impossible  that 
he  should  be  concealed  from  the  Judge 
of  Heaven,  who  sees  all  things,  and  is 
present  everywhere?  or  did  not  I  know 
what  end  my  brethren  came  to,  on  whom 
God  inflicted  so  great  a  punishment  for 
their  evil  designs  against  thee?  And, 
indeed,  what  was  there  that  could  possibly 
provoke  me  against  thee?  Could  the 
hope  of  being  a  king  do  it?  I  was  a  king 
already.  Could  I  suspect  hatred  from 
thee  ?  No  :  was  T  not  beloved  by  thee  ? 
and  what  other  fear  could  I  have  ?  Nay, 
by  preserving  thee  safe,  I  was  a  terror  to 
others.  Did  I  want  money?  No:  for 
who  was  able  to  expend  so  much  as  my- 
self? Indeed,  father,  had  I  been  the 
most  execrable  of  all  mankind,  and  had 
I  had  the  soul  of  the  most  execrable  wild 
beast,  must  I  not  have  been  overcome  with 
the  benefits  thou  hadst  bestowed  upon  me? 
whom,  as  thou  thyself  say  est,  thou  brought- 
est  [into  the  palace];  whom  thou  didst 
prefer  before  so  many  of  thy  sons  ;  whom 
thou  madest  a  king  in  thine  own  lifetime, 
and,  by  the  vast  magnitude  of  the  other 
advantages  thou  bestowedst  on  me,  thou 
madest  me  an  object  of  envy.  0  mi- 
serable man  !  that  thou  shouldst  undergo 
this  bitter  absence,  and  thereby  afford  a 
greater  opportunity  for  envy  to  arise 
against  thee,  and  a  long  space  for  such  as 
were  laying  designs  against  thee  !  Yet 
was  I  absent,  father,  on  thy  affairs,  that 
Sylleus  might  not  treat  thee  with  contempt 


in  thine  old  age.  Rome  is  a  witness  tc 
my  filial  affection,  and  so  is  Caesar,  the 
ruler  of  the  habitable  earth,  who  often- 
times called  me  Philopater.*  Take  here 
the  letters  he  hath  sent  thee;  they  are 
more  to  be  believed  than  the  calumnies 
raised  here;  these  letters  are  my  only 
apology;  these  I  use  as  the  demonstration 
of  that  natural  affection  I  have  to  thee, 
llemember,  that  it  was  against  my  own 
choice  that  I  sailed  [to  Rome],  as  knowing 
the  latent  hatred  that  was  in  the  kingdom 
against  me.  It  was  thou,  0  father,  how- 
ever unwillingly,  who  hast  been  my  ruin, 
by  forcing  me  to  allow  time  for  the  calum- 
nies against  me,  and  envy  at  me.  How- 
ever, I  am  come  hither,  and  am  ready  to 
hear  the  evidence  there  is  against  me.  If 
I  be  a  parricide,  I  have  passed  by  land 
and  by  sea  without  suffering  any  misfor- 
tune on  either  of  them  ;  but  this  method 
of  trial  is  no  advantage  to  me ;  for  it 
seems,  0  father,  that  I  am  already  con- 
demned, both  before  God  and  before  thee; 
and  as  I  am  already  condemned,  I  beg  that 
thou  wilt  not  believe  the  others  that  have 
been  tortured,  but  let  fire  be  brought  to 
torment  me  ;  let  the  racks  march  through 
my  bowels ;  have  no  regard  to  any  la- 
mentations that  this  polluted  body  can 
make;  for,  if  I  be  a  parricide,  I  ought  not 
to  die  without  torture."  Thus  did  Anti- 
pater cry  out  with  lamentation  and  weep- 
ing, and  moved  all  the  rest,  and  Varus  in 
particular,  to  commiserate  his  case.  Herod 
was  the  only  person  whose  passion  was  too 
strong  to  permit  him  to  weep,  as  knowing 
that  the  testimonies  against  him  were  true. 
And  now  it  was  that,  at  the  king's 
command,  Nicolaus,  when  he  had  premised 
a  great  deal  about  the  craftiness  of  Anti- 
pater, and  had  prevented  the  effects  of 
their  commiseration  to  him,  afterward 
brought  in  a  bitter  and  large  accusation 
against  him,  ascribing  all  the  wickedness 
that  bad  been  in  the  kingdom  to  him,  and 
especially  the  murder  of  his  brethren,  and 
demonstrated  that  they  had  perished  by 
the  calumnies  he  had  raised  against  them. 
He  also  said,  that  he  had  laid  designs 
against  them  that  were  still  alive,  as  if 
they  were  laying  plots  for  the  succession; 
and  (said  he)  how  can  it  be  supposed  that 
he,  who  prepared  poison  for  his  father, 
should  abstain  from  mischief  as  to  his 
brethren?  He  then  proceeded  to  convict 
him  of  the  attempt  to  poison  Herod,  and 


*  A  lover  of  his  father. 


Chap.    XXXIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


gave  an  account,  in  order,  of  the  several 
discoveries  that  had  been  made;  and  had 
great  indignation  as  to  the  affair  of  Phe- 
roras,  because  Antipater  had  been  for 
making  him  murder  his  brother,  and  had 
corrupted  those  that  were  dearest  to  the 
king,  and  filled  the  whole  palace  with 
wickedness ;  and  when  he  had  insisted  on 
many  other  accusations,  and  the  proofs  of 
them,  he  left  off. 

Then  Varus  bade  Antipater  make  his 
defence ;  but  he  lay  long  in  silence,  and 
said  no  more  but  this  : — "God  is  my  wit- 
ness that  I  am  entirely  innocent."  So 
Varus  asked  for  the  potion,  and  gave  it 
to  be  drunk  by  a  condemned  malefactor, 
who  was  then  in  prison,  who  died  upon 
the  spot.  So  Varus,  when  he  had  had  a 
very  private  discourse  with  Herod,  and 
had  written  an  account  of  this  assembly 
to  Csesar,  went  away,  after  a  day's  stay. 
The  king  also  bound  Antipater,  and  sent 
away  to  inform  Caesar  of  his  misfortunes. 

Now  after  this,  it  was  discovered  that 
Antipater  had  laid  a  plot  against  Salome 
also;  for  one  of  Autiphilus's  domestic 
servants  came,  and  brought  letters  from 
Rome,  from  a  maidservant  of  Julia  [Cae- 
sar's wife],  whose  name  was  Acme.  By 
her  a  message  was  sent  to  the  king,  that 
she  had  found  a  letter  written  by  Salome, 
among  Julia's  papers,  and  had  sent  it  to 
him  privately,  out  of  her  good-will  to 
him.  This  letter  of  Salome  contained 
the  most  bitter  reproaches  of  the  king, 
and  the  highest  accusation  against  him. 
Antipater  had  forged  this  letter,  and  had 
corrupted  Acme,  and  persuaded  her  to 
6end  it  to  Herod.  This  was  proved  by 
her  letter  to  Antipater,  for  thus  did  this 
woman  write  to  him  : — "As  tbou  desirest, 
I  have  written  a  letter  to  thy  father,  and 
have  sent  that  letter;  and  am  persuaded 
that  the  king  will  not  spare  his  sister 
when  he  reads  it.  Thou  wilt  do  well  to 
remember  what  thou  hast  promised,  when 
all  is  accomplished." 

When  this  epistle  was  discovered,  and 
what  the  epistle  forged  against  Salome 
contained,  a  suspicion  came  into  the  king's 
mind,  that  perhaps,  the  letters  against 
Alexander  were  also  forged ;  he  was  more- 
over greatly  disturbed,  and  in  a  passion, 
because  he  had  almost  slain  his  sister  on 
Antipater's  account.  He  did  no  longer 
delay  therefore  to  bring  him  to  punish- 
ment for  all  his  crimes;  yet,  when  he  was 
eagerly  pursuing  Antipater,  he  was  re- 
strained by  a  severe  distemper  he  fell  into. 


201 


However,  he  sent  an  account  to  I 
about  Acme,  and  the  contrivances  against 
Salome :  he  sent  also  for  his  testament, 
and  altered  it,  and  therein  made  Antipaa 
king,  as  taking  no  care  of  Archelans  and 
Philip,  because  Antipater  had  blasted 
their  reputations  with  him :  but  he  be- 
queathed to  Ca>sar,  besides  other  presents 
that  he  gave  him,  a  thousand  talents;  as 
also  to  his  wife,  and  children,  and  friends, 
and  freedmen  about  five  hundred:  he  also 
bequeathed  to  all  others  a  great  quantity 
of  land,  and  of  money,  and  showed  his 
respects  to  Salome,  his  sister,  by  giving 
her  most  splendid  gifts.  And  this  was 
what  was  contained  in  his  testament,  as 
it  was  now  altered. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

The  golden  eagle  cut  to  pieces — Herod's  barbarity 
— attempts  to  kill  himself — commands  Antipater 
to  be  slain — survives  him  five  days. 

Now  Herod's  distemper  became  more 
and  more  severe  to  him,  and  this  because 
these  his  disorders  fell  upon  him  in  his 
old  age,  and  when  he  was  in  a  melancholy 
condition ;  for  he  was  already  almost 
seventy  years  of  age,  and  had  been  brought 
low  by  the  calamities  that  happened  to 
him  about  his  children,  whereby  he  had 
no  pleasure  in  life,  even  when  he  was  in 
health;  the  grief  also  that  Antipater  was 
still  alive  aggravated  his  disease,  whom 
he  resolved  to  put  to  death  now,  not  at 
random,  but  as  soon  as  he  should  be  well 
again;  and  resolved  to  have  him  slain  [in 
a  public  manner]. 

There  also  now  happened  to  him,  among 
his  other  calamities,  a  certain  popular 
sedition.  There  were  two  men  of  learn- 
ing in  the  city  [Jerusalem]  who  were 
thought  the  most  skilful  in  the  laws  of 
their  country,  and  were  on  that  account 
had  in  very  great  esteem  all  over,  the  na- 
tion; they  were,  the  one  Judas,  the  son 
of  Sepphoris,  and  the  other  Matthias,  the 
son  of  Margalus.  There  was  a  great  con- 
course of  the  young  men  with  these  men 
when  they  expounded  the  laws,  and  there 
got  together  every  da}r  a  kind  of  an  army 
of  such  as  were  growing  up  to  be  men. 
Now  when  these  men  were  informed  that 
the  king  was  wearing  away  with  melan- 
choly, and  with  a  distemper,  they  dropped 
words  to  their  acquaintance,  how  it  was 
now  a  very  proper  time  to  defend  the 
cause  of  God,  and  to  pull  down  what  bad 
been  erected  contrary  to  the  laws  of  theii 


'202 


AVARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


[Booi  L 


country ;  for  it  was  unlawful  there  should 
be  any  such  thing  in  the  temple  as  images 
or  faces,  or  the  like  representation  of  any 
animal  whatsoever.  Now  the  king  had 
put  up  a  golden  eagle  over  the  great  gate 
of  the  temple,  which  these  learned  men 
exhorted  them  to  cut  down :  and  told 
them,  that  if  there  should  any  danger 
arise,  it  was  a  glorious  thing  to  die  for  the 
laws  of  their  country:  because  that  the 
soul  was  immortal,  and  that  an  eternal 
enjoyment  of  happiness  did  await  such  as 
died  on  that  account;  while  the  mean- 
spirited,  and  those  that  were  not  wise 
enough  to  show  a  right  love  of  their  souls, 
preferred  death  by  a  disease,  before  that 
which  is  the  result  of  a  virtuous  behaviour. 

At  the  same  time  that  these  men  made 
this  speech  to  their  disciples,  a  rumour 
was  spread  abroad  that  the  king  was  dying, 
which  made  the  young  men  set  about  the 
work  with  greater  boldness ;  they  there- 
fore let  themselves  down  from  the  top  of 
the  temple  with  thick  cords,  and  this  at 
midday,  and  while  a  great  number  of 
people  were  in  the  temple,  and  cut  down 
that  golden  eagle  with  axes.  This  was 
presently  told  to  the  king's  captain  of  the 
temple,  who  came  running  with  a  great 
body  of  soldiers,  and  caught  about  forty 
of  the  young  men,  and  brought  them  to 
the  king.  And  when  he- asked  them,  first 
of  all,  whether  they  had  been  so  hardy  as 
to  cut  down  the  golden  eagle,  they  con- 
fessed they  had  done  so ;  and  when  he 
asked  them  by  whose  command  they  had 
done  it,  they  replied,  at  the  command  of 
the  law  of  their  country ;  and  when  he 
further  asked  them  how  they  could  be  so 
joyful  when  they  were  to  be  put  to  death, 
they  replied,  because  they  should  enjoy 
greater  happiness  after  they  were  dead. 

At  this  the  king  was  in  such  an  extra- 
vagant passion,  that  he  overcame  his 
disease  [for  the  time],  and  went  out,  and 
spake  to  the  people;  wherein  he  made  a 
terrible  accusation  against  those  men,  as 
guilty  of  sacrilege,  and  as  making  greater 
attempts  under  pretence  of  their  law;  and 
he  thought  they  deserved  to  be  punished 
as  impious  persons.  Whereupon  the  people 
were  afraid  lest  a  great  number  should  be 
found  guilty,  and  desired  that  when  he 
had  first  punished  those  that  put  them 
upon  this  work,  and  then  those  that  were 
caught  in  it,  he  would  leave  off  his  anger 
as  to  the  rest.  With  this  the  king  com- 
plied, though  not  without  difficulty;  and 
ordered    those    that    had    let   themselves 


down,  together  with  their  rabbins,  to  be 
burnt  alive  ;  but  delivered  the  rest  that 
were  caught  to  the  proper  officers,  to  be 
put  to  death  by  them. 

After  this,  the  distemper  seized  upon 
his  whole  body,  and  greatly  disordered  all 
its  parts  with  various  symptoms  ;  for  there 
was  a  gentle  fever  upon  him,  and  an  in- 
tolerable itching  over  all  the  surface  of 
his  body,  and  continual  pains  in  his  colon, 
and  dropsical  tumours  about  his  feet, 
and  an  inflammation  of  the  abdomen, — 
and  a  putrefaction  of  his  privy  member, 
that  produced  worms.  Besides  which  he 
had  a  difficulty  of  breathing  upon  him, 
and  could  not  breathe  but  when  he  sat 
upright,  and  had  a  convulsion  of  all  his 
members ;  insomuch  that  the  diviners  said 
those  diseases  were  a  punishment  upon 
him  for  what  he  had  done  to  the  rabbins. 
Yet  did  he  struggle  with  his  numerous 
disorders,  and  still  had  a  desire  to  live,  and 
hoped  for  recovery,  and  considered  of  se- 
veral methods  of  cure.  Accordingly,  he 
went  over  Jordan,  and  made  use  of  those 
hot  baths  at  Callirrhoe,  which  run  into  the 
lake  Asphaltitis,  but  are  themselves  sweet 
enough  to  be  drunk.  And  here  the  phy- 
sicians thought  proper  to  bathe  his  whole 
body  in  warm  oil,  by  letting  it  down  into 
a  large  vessel  full  of  oil ;  whereupon  his 
eyes  failed  him,  and  he  came  and  went  as 
if  he  were  dying;  and  as  a  tumult  was 
then  made  by  his  servants,  at  their  voice 
he  revived  again.  Yet  did  he  after  this 
despair  of  recovery,  and  gave  orders  that 
each  soldier  should  have  fifty  drachmas 
apiece,  and  that  his  commanders  and 
friends  should  have  great  sums  of  money 
given  them. 

He  then  returned  back  and  came  to 
Jericho,  in  such  a  melancholy  state  of 
body  as  almost  threatened  him  with  present 
death,  when  he  proceeded  to  attempt  a 
horrid  wickedness;  for  he  got  together  the 
most  illustrious  men  of  the  whole  Jewish 
nation,  out  of  every  village,  into  a  place 
called  the  Hippodrome,  and  there  shut 
thera  in.  He  then  called  for  his  sister 
Salome,  and  her  husband  Alexas,  and 
made  this  speech  to  them  : — "  I  know  well 
enough  that  the  Jews  will  keep  a  festival 
upon  my  death;  however,  it  is  in  my 
power  to  be  mourned  for  on  other  accounts, 
and  to  have  a  splendid  funeral,  if  you  will 
but  be  subservient  to  my  commands.  Ho 
you  but  take  care  to  send  soldiers  to  encom- 
pass these  men  that  are  now  in  custody,  and 
slay  them  immediately  upon  my  death,  and 


Chap.  XXXIII.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


203 


then  all  Judea,  and  every  family  of  them, 
will  weep  at  it  whether  they  will  or  no." 

These  were  the  commands  he  gave 
them  ;  when  there  came  letters  from  his 
ambassadors  afrRome,  whereby  information 
was  given  that  Acme;  was  put  to  death  at 
Caesar's  command,  and  that  Antipater  was 
condemned  to  die;  however,  they  wrote 
withal,  that  if  Herod  had  a  mind  rather 
to  banish  him,  Caesar  permitted  him  so 
to  do.  So  he  for  a  little  while  revived, 
and  had  a  desire  to  live;  but  presently 
after  he  was  overborne  by  his  pains,  and 
was  disordered  by  want  of  food,  and  by  a 
convulsive  cough,  and  endeavoured  to 
prevent  a  natural  death  ;  so  he  took  an 
apple,  and  asked  for  a  knife,  for  he  used 
to  pare  apples  and  cat  them ;  he  then 
looked  round  about  to  see  that  there  was 
nobody  to  hinder  him,  and  lifted  up  his 
right  hand  as  if  he  would  stab  himself; 
but  Achiabus,  his  first  cousin,  came  run- 
ning to  him,  and  held  his  hand,  and 
hindered  him  from  so  doing ;  on  which 
occasion  a  very  great  lamentation  was 
made  in  the  palace,  as  if  the  king  were 
expiring.  As  soon  as  ever  Antipater 
heard  that,  he  took  courage,  and,  with  joy 
in  his  looks,  besought  his  keepers,  for  a 
eum  of  money,  to  loose  him  and  let  him 
go  ;  but  the  principal  keeper  of  the  prison 
did  not  only  obstruct  him  in  that  his 
intention,  but  ran  and  told  the  king  what 
his  design  was :  hereupon  the  king  cried 
out  louder  than  his  distemper  would  well 
bear,  and  immediately  sent  some  of  his 
guards  and  slew  Antipater;  he  also  gave 
order  to  have  him  buried  at  Hyrcanium, 
and  altered  his  testament  again, — and 
therein  made  Archelaus,  his  eldest  son, 
and  the  brother  of  Antipas,  his  successor; 
and  made  Antipas  tetrarch. 

So  Herod,  having  survived  the  slaughter 
of  his  son  five  days,  died,  having  reigned 
thirty-four  years  since  he  had  caused 
Antigonus  to  be  slain,  and  obtained  his 
kingdom;  but  thirty-seven  years  since  he 
had  been  made  king  by  the  Romans. 
Now,  as  for  his  fortune,  it  was  prosperous 
in  all  other  respects,  if  ever  any  other 
man  could  be  so;  since,  from  a  private 
man,  he  obtained  the  kingdom,  and  kept 
it  so  long,  and  left  it  to  his  own  sons  ; 
but  still,  in  his  domestic  affairs,  he  was  a 
most  unfortunate  man.  Now  before  the 
soldiers  knew  of  his  death,  Salome  and 
her  husband  came  out  and  dismissed  those 
thai  wore  in  bonds';  whom  the  king  had 
commanded    to   be    slain,   and    told   them 


that  he  had  altered  his  mind,  and  would 
have  every  one  of  them  sent  to  their  own 
homes.  When  these  men  were  gone, 
Salome  told  the  soldiers  [the  king  was 
dead],  and  got  them  and  the  rest  of  the 
multitude  together  to  an  assembly,  in  the 
amphitheatre  at  Jericho,  where  Ptolemy, 
who  was  intrusted  by  the  king  with  his 
signet-ring,  came  before  them,  and  spake 
of  the  happiness  the  king  had  attained, 
and  comforted  the  multitude,  and  read  the 
epistle  which  had  been  left  for  the  soldiers, 
wherein  he  earnestly  exhorted  them  to 
bear  good-will  to  his  successor;  and  after 
he  had  read  the  epistle,  he  opened  and 
read  his  testament,  wherein  Philip  was  to 
inherit  Trachonitis  and  the  neighbouring 
countries,  and  Antipas  was  to  be  tetrarch, 
as  we  said  before,  and  Archelaus  was 
made  king.  He  had  also  been  commanded 
to  carry  Herod's  ring  to  Caesar,  and  the 
settlement  he  had  made,  sealed  up,  because 
Caesar  was  to  be  lord  of  all  the  settle- 
ments he  had  made,  and  was  to  confirm 
his  testament ;  and  he  ordered  that  the 
dispositions  he  had  made  were  to  be  kept 
as  they  were  in  his  former  testament. 

So  there  was  an  acclamation  made  to 
Archelaus,  to  congratulate  him  upon  his 
advancement;  and  the  soldiers,  with  the 
multitude,  went  round  about  in  troops, 
and  promised  him  their  good-will,  and 
besides  prayed  God  to  bless  his  govern- 
ment. After  this,  they  betook  themselves 
to  prepare  for  the  king's  funeral ;  and 
Archelaus  omitted  nothing  of  magnificence 
therein,  but  brought  out  all  the  royal 
ornaments  to  augment  the  pomp  of  the 
deceased.  There  was  a  bier  all  of  gold, 
embroidered  with  precious  stones,  and  a 
purple  bed  of  various  contexture,  with  the 
dead  body  upon  it,  covered  with  purple  ; 
and  a  diadem  was  put  upon  his  head,  and 
a  crown  of  gold  above  it,  and  a  sceptre  in 
his  right  hand  ;  and  near  to  the  bier  were 
Herod's  sons,  and  a  multitude  of  his 
kindred ;  next  to  whom  came  his  guards, 
and  the  regiment  of  Thracians,  the  Ger- 
mans also  and  Gauls,  all  accoutred  as  if 
they  were  going  to  war;  but  the  rest  of 
the  army  went  foremost,  armed,  and  fol- 
lowing their  captains  and  officers  in  a 
regular  manner;  after  whom,  500  of  his 
domestic  servants  and  freedmen  followed. 
with  sweet  spices  in  their  hands;  and  the 
body  was  carried  '200  furlongs,  to  IIc- 
rodium,  where  he  had  given  order  to  be 
buried.  And  this  shall  suffice  for  the 
conclusion  of  the  life  of  Herod- 


204 


WARS    OF   THE  JEWS. 


[Book  II  * 


BOOK  II. 


CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  SIXTY-NINE  YEARS,  FROM  THE  DEATH 
OF  HEROD  TILL  VESPASIAN  WAS  SENT  TO  SUBDUE  THE  JEWS  BY 
NERO. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Archelaus  makes  a  funeral  feast — a  great  tumult 
raised  by  the  multitude — the  soldiers  destroy 
about  3000  of  them. 

Now  the  necessity  which  Archelaus 
was  under  of  taking  a  journey  to  Rome 
was  the  occasion  of  new  disturbances  ;  for 
when  he  had  mourned  for  his  father  seven 
days,*  and  had  given  a  very  expensive 
funeral  feast  to  the  multitude,  (which 
custom  is  the  occasion  of  poverty  to 
many  of  the  Jews,  because  they  are  forced 
to  feast  the  multitude;  for  if  any  one  omits 
it,  he  is  not  esteemed  a  holy  person,)  he 
put  on  a  white  garment,  and  went  up  to 
the  temple,  where  the  people  accosted  him 
with  various  acclamations.  He  also  spake 
kindly  to  the  multitude,  from  an  elevated 
seat  and  a  throne  of  gold,  and  returned 
them  thanks  for  the  zeal  they  had  shown 
about  his  father's  funeral,  and  the  sub- 
in  i.-sion  they  had  made  to  him,  as  if  he 
were  already  settled  in  the  kingdom ; 
but  he  told  them  withal,  that  he  would 
not  at  present  take  upon  him  either  the 
authority  of  a  king,  or  the  names  thereto 
belonging,  until  Caesar,  who  is  made  lord 
of  this  whole  affair  by  the  testament,  con- 
firms the  succession ;  for  that  when  the 
Boldiera  would  have  set  the  diadem  on  his 
head  at  Jericho,  he  would  not  accept  of 
it ;  but  that  he  would  make  abundant  re- 
quitals, not  to  the  soldiers  only,  but  to  the 
people,  for  their  alacrity  and  good-will  to 
him,  when  the  superior  lords  [the  Ro- 
mans] should  have  given  him  a  complete 
title  to  the  kingdom ;  for  that  it  should 


"  The  law  or  custom  of  the  Jews  requires  seven 
days'  mourning  for  the  dead;  whence  the  author 
book  of  Ecclcsiasticus  (chap.  xxii.  12)  assigns 
seven  days  as  the  proper  time  of  mourning  for  the 
dead,  and  (chap,  xxxviii.  17)  enjoins  men  to  mourn 
for  the  dead,  that  they  may  not  be  evil  spoken  of; 
for,  as  Josephus  says  presently,  if  any  one  omits 
this  mourning  [funeral  feast],  he  is  not  esteemed 
a  holy  person.  Now  it  .is  certain  that  such  a  seven 
days'  mourning  has  been  customary  from  times  of 
the  greatest  antiquity  <ien.  i.  10.  Funeral  feasts 
are  also  mentioned  as  of  considerable  antiquity, 
Ezek.  xxiv.  17;  Jer.  xvi.  7;  Prov.  xxxi.  0; 
l)u'!t.  xxvi.  14. 


be  his  study  to  appear  in  all  things  better 
than  his  father. 

Upon  this  the  multitude  were  pleased, 
and  presently  made  a  trial  of  what  he 
intended,  by  asking  great  things  of  him  ; 
for  some  made  a  clamour  that  he  would 
ease  them  in  their  taxes;  others,  that  he 
would  take  off  the  duties  upon  commo- 
dities ;  and  some,  that  he  would  loose 
those  that  were  iD  prison;  in  all  which 
cases  he  answered  readily  to  their  satis- 
faction, in  order  to  get  the  good-will  of 
the  multitude  ;  after  which  he  offered  [the 
proper]  sacrifices,  and  feasted  with  his 
friends.  And  here  it  was  that  a  great 
many  of  those  that  desired  innovations 
came  in  crowds  toward  the  evening,  and 
began  then  to  mourn  on  their  own  ac- 
count, when  the  public  mourning  for  the 
king  was  over.  These  lamented  those 
that  were  put  to  death  b}7  Herod,  because 
they  had  cut  down  the  golden  eagle  that 
had  been  over  the  gate  of  the  temple. 
Nor  was  this  mourning  of  a  private  na- 
ture, but  the  lamentations  were  very  great, 
the  mourning  solemn,  and  the  weeping 
such  as  was  loudly  heard  all  over  the  city, 
as  being  for  those  men  who  had  perished 
for  the  laws  of  their  country,  and  for  the 
temple.  They  cried  out,  that  a  punish- 
ment ought  to  be  inflicted  for  these  men 
upon  those  that  were  honoured  by  Herod; 
and  that,  in  the  first  place,  the  man  whom 
he  had  made  high  priest  should  be  de- 
prived ;  and  that  it  was  fit  to  choose  a 
person  of  greater  piety  and  purity  than 
he  was. 

At  these  clamours  Archelaus  was  pro- 
voked; but  restrained  himself  from  taking 
vengeance  ou  the  authors,  on  accouut  of 
the  haste  he  was  in  of  going  to  Rome,  as 
fearing  lest  upon  his  making  war  on  the 
multitude,  such  an  action  might  detain 
him  at  home.  Accordinly,  he  made  trial 
to  quiet  the  innovators  by  persuasion 
rather  than  by  force,  and  sent  his  general 
in  a  private  way  to  them,  and  by  him 
exhorted  them  to  be  quiet.  But  the 
seditious  threw  stones  at  him,  and  drove 


Chap.    IT.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


205 


him  away,  as  lie  came  into  the  temple, 
and  before  he  could  say  any  thing  to  them. 
The  like  treatment  they  showed  to  others, 
who  came  to  them  after  him,  many  of 
whom  were  sent  by  Archelaus,  in  order 
to  reduce  them  to  sobriety,  and  these 
answered  still  on  all  occasions  after  a  pas- 
sionate manner;  and  it  openly  appeared 
that  they  would  not  be  quiet,  if  their 
numbers  were  but  considerable.  And, 
indeed,  at  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
which  was  now  at  hand,  and  is  by  the 
Jews  called  the  passover,  and  used  to  be 
celebrated  with  a  great  number  of  sacri- 
fices, an  innumerable  multitude  of  the  peo- 
ple came  out  of  the  country  to  worship  : 
some  of  these  stood  in  the  temple  bewail- 
ing the  rabbins  [that  had  been  put  to 
death],  and  procured  their  sustenance  by 
begging,  in  order  to  support  their  sedition. 
At  tliis  Archelaus  was  affrighted,  and 
privately  sent  a  tribune,  with  his  cohort 
of  soldiers,  upon  them,  before  the  disease 
should  spread  over  the  whole  multitude, 
aud  gave  orders  that  they  should  constrain 
those  that  began  the  tumult,  by  force  to 
be  quiet.  At  these  the  whole  multitude 
were  irritated,  and  threw  stones  at  many 
of  the  soldiers,  and  killed  them  ;  but  the 
tribune  fled  away  wounded,  and  had  much 
ado  to  escape  so.  After  which  they  be- 
took themselves  to  their  sacrifices,  as  if 
they  had  done  no  mischief;  nor  did  it 
appear  to  Archelaus  that  the  multitude 
could  be  restrained  without  bloodshed; 
60  he  sent  his  whole  army  upon  them, 
the  footmen  in  great  multitudes,  by  the 
way  of  the  city,  and  the  horsemen  by  the 
way  of  the  plain,  who,  falling  upon  them 
on  the  sudden,  as  they  were  offering  their 
sacrifices,  destroyed  about  3000  of  them ; 
but  the  rest  of  the  multitude  were  dis- 
persed upon  the  adjoining  mountains : 
these  were  followed  by  Archelaus's  he- 
ralds, who  commanded  every  one  to  retire 
to  their  own  homes;  whither  they  all  went, 
and  left  the  festival. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Archelaus  accused  before  Caesar  by  Antipater — is 
successfully  defended  by  Nicolaus. 

Archelaus  went  down  now  to  the 
seaside  with  his  mother  and  his  friends, 
Poplas  and  Ptolemy  aud  Nicolaus,  and 
left  behind  him  Philip,  to  be  his  steward 
in  the  palace,  and  to  take  care  of  his 
domestic  afiairs.  Salome  went,  also  along 
with  him  with  her  sons,  as  did  also  the 


king's  brethren  and  sons-in-law.  These, 
in  appearance,  went  to  give  him  all  the 
assistance  they  were  able,  in  order  to 
secure  his  succession,  but  in  reality  to 
accuse  him  for  his  breach  of  the  laws  by 
what  he  had  done  at  the  temple. 

Put  as  they  were  come  to  Ccsarea, 
Sabinus,  the  procurator  of  Syria,  met 
them  :  he  was  going  up  to  Judca  to  secure 
Herod's  effects;  but  Varus  [president  of 
Syria],  who  was  come  thither,  restrained 
him  from  going  any  farther.  This  Varus, 
Archelaus  had  sent  for  by  the  earnest 
entreaty  of  Ptolemy.  At  this  time,  in- 
deed, Sabinus,  to  gratify  Varus,  neither 
went  to  the  citadels,  nor  did  he  shut  up 
the  treasuries  where  his  father's  money 
was  laid  up,  but  promised  that  he  would 
lie  still  until  Cjesar  should  have  taken 
cognizance  of  the  affair.  So  he  abode  at 
Cesarea :  but  as  soon  as  those  that  were  his 
hinderance  were  gone,  when  Varus  was 
gone  to  Antioch,  and  Archelaus  was  sailed 
to  Rome,  he  immediately  went  on  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  seized  upon  the  palace ;  and 
when  he  had  called  for  the  governors  of 
the  citadels  and  the  stewards  [of  the 
king's  private  affairs],  he  tried  to  sift  out 
the  accounts  of  the  money,  and  to  take 
possession  of  the  citadels.  But  the  go- 
vernors of  those  citadels  were  not  unmind- 
ful of  the  commands  laid  upon  them  by 
Archelaus,  and  continued  to  guard  themr 
and  said  the  custody  of  them  rather  be- 
longed to  Caesar  than  to  Archelaus. 

In  the  mean  time  Antipas  went  also  to 
Rome,  to  strive  for  the  kingdom,  and  to 
insist  that  the  former  testament,  wherein 
he  was  named  to  be  king,  was  valid  before 
the  latter  testament.  Salome  had  also 
promised  to  assist  him,  as  had  many  of 
Archelaus's  kindred  who  sailed  along  with 
Archelaus  himself  also.  He  also  carried 
along  with  him  his  mother,  and  Ptolemy, 
the  brother  of  Nicolaus,  who  seemed  oue 
of  great  weight,  on  account  of  the  great 
trust  Herod  put  in  him,  he  having  been 
one  of  his  most  honoured  friends.  How- 
ever, Antipas  depended  chiefly  upon  Irse- 
neus,  the  orator;  upon  whose  authority 
he  had  rejected  such  as  advised  him  to 
yield  to  Archelaus,  because  he  was  his 
elder  brother,  and  because  the  second  tes- 
tament gave  the  kingdom  to  him.  The 
inclination  also  of  all  Archelaus's  kindred, 
who  hated  him,  were  removed  to  Antipas, 
when  they  came  to  Rome;  although  in 
the  first  place,  every  one  rather  desired 
to  live  under  their  own  laws  [without  a 


206 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


king],  and  to  be  under  a  Roman  governor; 
but  if  they  should  fail  in  that  point,  these 
desired  that  Antipas  might  be  their  king. 

Sabinus  did  also  afford  these  his  assist- 
ance to  the  same  purpose,  by  the  letters 
he  sent,  wherein  he  accused  Archelaus 
before  Caesar,  and  highly  commended  An- 
tipas.  Salome  also,  and  those  with  her, 
put  the  crimes  which  they  accused  Arche- 
laus of  in  order,  and  put  them  into  Caesar's 
hands;  and  after  they  had  done  that, 
Archelaus  wrote  down  the  reasons  of  his 
ilaim,  and,  by  Ptolemy,  sent  in  his  fa- 
ther's ring,  and  his  father's  accounts;  and 
when  Cfesar  had  maturely  weighed  by 
himself  what  both  had  to  allege  for  them- 
selves, as  also  had  considered  of  the  great- 
burden  of  the  kingdom,  and  largeness  of 
the  revenues,  and  withal  the  number  of 
the  children  Herod  had  left  behind  him, 
and  had  moreover  read  the  letters  he  had 
received  from  Varus  and  Sabinus  on  this 
occasion,  he  assembled  the  principal  per- 
sons among  the  Romans  together,  (in 
which  assembly  Caius,  the  son  of  Agrippa 
and  his  daughter  Julias,  but  by  himself 
adopted  for  his  own  son,  sat  in  the  first 
seat,)  and  gave  the  pleaders  leave  to  speak. 

Then  stood  up  Salome's  son,  An ti pater, 
(who  of  all  Archelaus's  antagonists,  was 
the  shrewdest  pleader,)  and  accused  him 
in  the  following  speech  : — That  Archelaus 
did  in  words  contend  for  the  kingdom,  but 
that  in  deeds  he  had  long  exercised  royal 
authority,  and  so  did  insult  Caesar  in  desir- 
ing to  be  now  heard  on  that  account,  since 
he  bad  not  stayed  for  his  determination 
about  the  succession,  and  since  lie  had 
suborned  certain  persons,  alter  Herod's 
death,  to  move  for  putting  the  diadem 
upon  his  head;  since  he  had  set  himself 
down  in  the  throne,  and  given  answers  as 
a  king,  and  altered  the  disposition  of  the 
army,  and  granted  to  some  higher  digni- 
ties :  that  he  had  also  complied  in  all 
things  with  the  people  in  the  requests 
they  had  made  to  him  as  to  their  king, 
and  had  also  dismissed  those  that  had 
been  put  into  bonds  by  his  father,  for 
most  important  reasons.  Now,  after  all 
this,  he  desires  the  shadow  of  that  royal 
authority,  whose  substance  lie  had  already 
seized  to  himself,  and  so  hath  made  Ca> 
sar  lord,  not  of  things,  but  of  words,  lie 
also  reproached  him  further,  that  his 
mourning  for  his  father  was  only  pre- 
tended, while  he  put  on  a  sad  countenance 
in  the  daytime,  but  drank  to  great  excess 
in  th«   night;  from  which  behaviour,  he 


said,  the  late  disturbances  among  the 
multitude  came,  while  they  had  an  indig- 
nation thereat;  and  indeed  the  purport  of 
his  whole  discourse  was  to  aggravate  Ar- 
chelaus's crime  in  .slaving  such  a  multitude 
about  the  temple,  which  multitude  came 
to  the  festival,  but  were  barbarously  slain 
in  the  midst  of  their  own  sacrifices;  and 
he  said  there  was  such  a  vast  number  of 
dead  bodies  heaped  together  in  the  tem- 
ple, as  even  a  foreign  war,  should  that 
come  upon  them  [suddenly]  before  it  was 
denounced,  could  not  have  heaped  toge- 
ther; and  he  added  that  it  was  the  fore- 
sight his  father  had  of  that  his  barbarity, 
which  made  him  never  give  him  any  hopes 
of  the  kingdom;  but  when  his  mind  was 
more  infirm  than  his  body,  and  he  was 
not  able  to  reason  soundly,  and  did  not 
well  know  what  was  the  character  of  that 
son  whom  in  bis  second  testament  he  made 
his  successor ;  and  this  was  done  by  him 
at  a  time  when  he  had  no  complaints  to 
make  of  him  whom  he  had  named  before, 
when  he  was  sound  in  body,  and  when  his 
mind  was  free  from  all  passion.  That,  how* 
ever,  if  any  one  should  suppose  Herod's 
judgment  when  he  was  sick  was  superior 
to  that  at  another  time,  yet  had  Archelaus 
forfeited  his  kingdom  b}T  his  own  beha- 
viour, and  those  his  actions  which  were 
contrary  to  the  law,  and  to  its  disadvan- 
tage. Or  what  sort  of  a  king  will  this 
man  be,  when  he  hath  obtained  the  go- 
vernment from  Caesar,  who  hath  slain  so 
many  before  he  hath  obtained  it! 

When  Antipater  had  spoken  largely  to 
this  purpose,  and  had  produced  a  great 
number  of  Archelaus's  kindred  as  wit- 
nesses to  prove  every  part  of  the  accusa- 
tion, he  ended  his  discourse.  Then  stood 
up  Nicolaus  to  plead  for  Archelaus.  He 
alleged  that  the  slaughter  in  the  temple 
could  not  be  avoided  ;  that  those  that  were 
slain  were  become  enemies,  not  to  Arche- 
laus's kingdom  only,  but  to  Caesar,  who 
was  to  determine  about  him.  He  also  de- 
monstrated, that  Archelaus's  accusers  had 
advised  him  to  perpetrate  other  things  of 
which  he  might  have  been  accused ;  but 
he  insisted  that  the  latter  testament 
should,  for  this  reason  above  all  others, 
be  esteemed  valid,  because  Herod  bad 
therein  appointed  Caesar  to  be  the  person 
who  should  confirm  the  succession;  for 
he  who  showed  such  prudence  as  to  recede 
from  his  own  power,  and  yield  it  up  to 
the  lord  of  the  world,  cannot  be  supposed 
mistaken  in  his  judgment  about  him  that 


Chaiv  III.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


207 


was  to  be  lii*  heir;  and  ho  that  so  well 
knew  whom  to  choose  for  arbitrator  of 
the  succession,  could  not  be  unacquainted 
with  him  whom  he  chose  for  his  successor. 
When  Nicolaus  had  gone  through  all 
he  had  to  say,  Archelaus  came  and  fell 
down  before  Caesar's  knees,  without  any 
noise; — upon  which  ho  raised  him  up, 
after  a  very  ohliging  manner,  and  de- 
clared that  truly  he  was  worthy  to  succeed 
his  father.  However,  he  still  made  no 
firm  determination  in  his  case;  but  when 
he  had  dismissed  those  assessors  that  had 
been  with  him  that  day,  he  deliberated  by 
himself  about  the  allegations  which  he 
had  heard,  whether  it  were  fit  to  consti- 
tute any  of  those  named  in  the  testaments 
for  Herod's  successor,  or  whether  the  go- 
vernment should  be  parted  among  all  his 
posterity;  and  this  because  of  the  num- 
ber of  those  that  seemed  to  stand  in  need 
of  support  therefrom. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Revolt  of  the  Jews. 
Now  before  Cfesar  had  determined  any 
thing  about  these  affairs,  Malthace,  Arche- 
laus's  mother,  fell  sick  and  died.  Letters 
also  were  brought  out  of  Syria  from  Va- 
rus, about  a  revolt  of  the  Jews.  This 
was  foreseen  by  Varus,  who  accordingly, 
after  Archelaus  was  sailed,  went  up  to 
Jerusalem  to  restrain  the  promoters  of 
the  sedition,  since  it  was  manifest  that  the 
nation  would  not  be  at  rest;  so  he  left  one 
of  those  legions  which  ho  brought  with 
him  out  of  Syria  in  the  city,  and  went 
himself  to  Antioch.  But  Sabinus  came, 
after  he  was  gone,  and  gave  them  an 
occasion  of  making  innovations;  for  he 
compelled  the  keepers  of  the  citadels  to 
deliver  them  up  to  him,  and  made  a  bitter 
search  after  the  kiug's  money,  as  depend- 
ing not  only  on  the  soldiers  who  wt  re  left 
by  Varus,  but  on  the  multitude  of  his  own 
servants,  all  whom  he  armed  and  used  as 
the  instruments  of  his  covetousness.  Now 
when  that  feast,  which  was  observed  after 
seven  weeks,  and  which  the  Jews  called 
Pentecost  (t.  e.  the  fiiftieth  day)  was  at 
hand,  its  name  being  taken  from  the  num- 
ber of  the  days  [after  the  Passover],  the 
people  got  together,  but  not  on  account  of 
the  accustomed  divine  worship,  but  of  the 
indignation  they  had  [at  the  present  state 
of  affairs].  Wherefore  an  immense  mul- 
titude ran  together,  out  of  Galilee,  and 
Iduinea,  and  Jericho,  and  Pcrea,  that  was 


beyond  Jordan  ;  but  the  people  that 
naturally  belonged  to  .India  itself  were 
above  the  rest  both  in  number  and  in  the 
alacrity  of  the  men.  So  they  distributed 
themselves  into  three  parts,  and  ]>i 
their  camps  in  three  places;  one  at  the 
north  side  of  the  temple,  another  at  the 
south  side,  by  the  hippodrome,  and  the 
third  part  were  at  the  palace  on  the  wist. 
So  they  lay  round  about  the  Romans  on 
every  side,  and  besieged  them. 

Now  Sabinus  was  affrighted,  both  at 
their  multitude  and  at  their  courage,  and 
sent  messengers  to  Varus  continually,  and 
besought  him  to  come  to  his  succour 
quickly,  for  that,  if  he  delayed,  his  legion 
would  be  cut  to  pieces.  As  for  Sabinus 
himself,  he  got  up  to  the  highest  tower 
of  the  fortress,  which  was  called  Pha- 
saelus;  it  is  of  the  same  name  with 
Herod's  brother  who  was  destroyed  by 
the  Parthians;  and  then  he  made  signs 
to  the  soldiers  of  that  legion  to  attack  the 
enemy  ;  for  his  astonishment  was  so  great, 
that  he  durst  not  go  down  to  his  own  men. 
Hereupon  the  soldiers  were  prevailed 
upon,  and  leaped  out  into  the  temple, 
and  fought  a  terrible  battle  with  the  Jews; 
in  which,  while  there  were  none  over  their 
heads  to  distress  them,  they  were  too  hard 
for  them,  by  their  skill,  and  the  others' 
want  of  skill  in  war;  but  when  once  many 
of  the  Jews  had  gotten  up  to  the  top  of 
the  cloisters,  and  threw  their  darts  down- 
ward upon  the  heads  of  the  Romans, 
there  were  a  great  many  of  them  destroyed. 
Nor  was  it  easy  to  avenge  themselves  upon 
those  that  threw  their  weapons  from  on 
high,  nor  was  it  more  easy  for  them  to 
sustain  those  who  came  to  tight  them 
hand  to  hand. 

Since,  therefore,  the  Romans  were 
sorely  afflicted  by  both  these  circumstances, 
they  set  fire  to  the  cloisters,  which  were 
works  to  be  admired,  both  on  account  of 
their  magnitude  and  costline.-s.  Where- 
upon those  that  were  above  them  were 
presently  encompassed  with  the  flame, 
and  many  of  them  perished  therein;  as 
many  of  them  also  were  destroyed  by  the 
enemy,  who  came  suddenly  upon  them  ; 
some  of  them  also  threw  themselves  down 
from  the  walls  backward,  and  some  there 
were,  who,  from  the  desperate  condition 
they  were  in,  prevented  the  fire,  by  killing 
themselves  with  their  own  swords;  but  so 
many  of  them  as  crept  out  from  the  walls, 
and  came  upon  the  Romans,  were  easily 
mastered    by  them,   by  reason    of  the  as 


=D 


208 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


tonishment  they  were  under;  until  at 
last,  some  of  the  Jews  being  destroyed, 
and  others  dispersed  by  the  terror  they 
were  in,  the  soldiers  fell  upon  the  treasure 
of  God,  which  was  now  deserted,  and 
plundered  about  400  talents,  of  which 
sum  Sabinus  got  together  all  that  was 
not  carried  away  by  the  soldiers. 

However,  this  destruction  of  the  works 
[about  the  temple],  and  of  the  men,  oc- 
casioned a  much  greater  number,  and 
those  of  a  more  warlike  sort,  to  get  toge- 
ther, to  oppose  the  Romans.  These  encom- 
passed the  palace  round,  and  threatened 
to  destroy  all  that  were  in  it,  unless  they 
went  their  ways  quickly ;  for  they  pro- 
mised that  Sabinus  should  come  to  no 
harm,  if  he  should  go  out  with  his  legion. 
There  were  also  a  great  many  of  the  king's 
party  who  deserted  the  Romans  and  as- 
sisted the  Jews ;  yet  did  the  most  warlike 
body  of  them  all,  who  were  3000  of  the 
men  of  Sebaste,  go  over  to  the  Romans. 
Rufus  also,  and  Gratus,  their  captains, 
did  the  same,  (Gratus  having  the  foot  of 
the  king's  party  under  him,  and  Rufus 
the  horse ;)  each  of  whom,  even  without 
the  forces  under  them,  were  of  great 
weight,  on  account  of  their  strength  and 
wisdom,  which  turn  the  scales  in  war. 
Now  the  Jews  persevered  in  the  siege, 
and  tried  to  break  down  the  walls  of  the 
fortress,  and  cried  out  to  Sabinus  and  his 
party  that  they  should  go  their  ways  and 
not  prove  a  hinderance  to  them,  now  they 
hoped,  after  a  long  time,  to  recover  that 
ancient  liberty  which  their  forefathers  had 
enjoyed.  Sabinus  indeed  was  well  con- 
tented to  get  out  of  the  danger  he  was  in ; 
but  he  distrusted  the  assurances  the  Jews 
gave  him,  and  suspected  such  gentle 
treatment  was  but  a  bait  laid  as  a  snare 
for  them  :  this  consideration,  together 
with  the  hopes  he  had  of  succour  from 
Varus,  made  him  bear  the  siege  still 
longer. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Herod's  veteran  soldiers  become  tumultuous — rob- 
beries of  Judas — Simon  and  Athrongeus  assume 
the  name  of  king. 

At  this  time  there  were  great  disturb- 
ances in  the  country,  and  that  in  many 
places;  and  the  opportunity  that  now 
offered  itself  induced  a  great  many  to  set 
up  for  kings;  and  indeed,  in  Idumea, 
2000  of  Herod's  veteran  soldiers  got  to- 
gether, and  armed  themselves,  and  fought 


[Book  II. 

against  those  of  the  king's  party ;  against 
whom  Achiabus,  the  king's  first  cousin, 
fought,  and  that  out  of  some  of  the  places 
that  were  the  most  strongly  fortified  ;  but 
so  as  to  avoid  a  direct  conflict  with  them 
in  the  plains.  In  Sepphoris  also,  a  city 
of  Galilee,  there  was  one  Judas,  (the  son 
of  that  archrobber  Hezekias,  who  for- 
merly overran  the  country,  and  had  been 
subdued  by  King  Herod;)  this  man  got 
no  small  multitude  together,  and  broke 
open  the  place  where  the  royal  armour 
was  laid  up,  and  armed  those  about  him, 
and  attacked  those  that  were  so  earnest  to 
gain  the  dominion. 

In  Perea,  also,  Simon,  one  of  the  ser- 
vants to  the  king,  relying  upon  the  hand- 
some appearance  and  tallness  of  his  body, 
put  a  diadem  upon  his  own  head  also ;  he 
also  went  about  with  a  company  of  rob- 
bers that  he  had  gotten  together,  and 
burnt  down  the  royal  palace  that  was  at 
Jericho,  and  many  other  costly  edifices 
besides,  and  procured  himself  very  easily 
spoils  by  rapine,  as  snatching  them  out  of 
the  fire ;  and  he  had  soon  burnt  down  all 
the  fine  edifices,  if  Gratus,  the  captain  of 
the  foot  of  the  king's  party,  had  not  taken 
the  Trachonite  archers,  and  the  most  war- 
like of  Sebaste,  and  met  the  man.  His 
footmen  were  slain. in  the  battle  in  abun- 
dance. Gratus  also  cut  to  pieces  Simon 
himself,  as  he  was  flying  along  a  straight 
valley,  when  he  gave  him  an  oblique  stroke 
upon  his  neck,  as  he  *-an  away,  and  broke 
it.  The  royal  palaces  that  were  near 
Jordan,  at  Betharamptha,  were  also  burnt 
down  by  some  other  of  the  seditious  that 
came  out  of  Perea. 

At  this  time  it  was  that  a  certain 
shepherd  ventured  to  set  himself  up  for  a 
king  :  he  was  called  Athronojeus.  It  was 
his  strength  of  body  that  made  him  ex- 
pect such  a  dignity,  as  well  as  his  soul, 
which  despised  death ;  and  besides  these 
qualifications,  he  had  four  brethren  like 
himself.  He  put  a  troop  of  armed  men 
under  each  of  these  his  brethren,  and 
made  use  of  them  as  his  generals  aud 
commanders,  when  he  made  his  incur- 
sions, while  he  did  himself  act  like  a 
king,  and  meddled  only  with  the  more 
important  affairs ;  and  at  this  time  he  put 
a  diadem  about  his  head,  and  continued 
after  that  to  overrun  the  country  for  no 
little  time  with  his  brethren,  and  became 
their  leader  in  killing  both  the  Romans 
and  those  of  the  king's  party ;  nor  did 
any  Jew  escape  him,  if  any  gain  could 


Chaiv  V.] 

accrue  to  him  thereby.  He  once  ventured 
to  encompass  a  whole  troop  of  Romans 
at  Emmaus,  who  were  carrying  corn  and 
weapons  to  their  legion  :  his  men  shot 
their  arrows  and  darts,  and  thereby  Blew 
their  centurion  Arius,  and  forty  of  the 
Btoutest  of  his  men,  while  the  rest  of 
them,  who  were  in  danger  of  the  same 
fate,  upon  the  coming  of  Gratus,  with 
those  of  Sebaste,  to  their  assistance,  es- 
caped ;  and  when  these  men  had  thus 
served  both  their  own  countrymen  ami 
foreigners,  and  that  through  this  whole 
war,  three  of  them  were  after  some  time 
subdued;  the  eldest  by  Archelaus,  the 
two  next  by  falling  into  the  hands  of 
Gratus  and  Ptolemeus ;  but  the  fourth 
delivered  himself  up  to  Archelaus,  upon 
his  giving  him  his  right  hand  for  this 
security.  However,  this  their  end  was 
not  till  afterward,  while  at  present  they 
filled  all  Judea  with  piratic  war. 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


•200 


CHAPTER  V. 

Varus  quells  the  tumults  in  Judea — crucifies  about 
two  thousand  of  the  seditious. 

UroN  Varus's  reception  of  the  letters 
that  were  written  by  Sabinus  and  the 
captains,  he  could  not  avoid  being  afraid 
for  the  whole  legion  [he  had  left  there]. 
So  he  made  haste  to  their  relief,  and  took 
with  him  the  other  two  legions,  with  the 
four  troops  of  horsemen  to  them  belonging, 
and  marched  to  Ptolemais,  having  given 
orders  for  the  auxiliaries  that  were  sent 
by  the  kings  and  governors  of  cities  to 
meet  him  there.  Moroever,  he  received 
from  the  people  of  Rerytus,  as  he  passed 
through  their  city,  1500  armed  men. 
Now  as  soon  as  the  other  body  of  aux- 
iliaries were  come  to  Ptolemais,  as  well 
as  Aretas  the  Arabian,  (who,  out  of  the 
hatred  he  bore  to  Herod,  brought  a  great 
army  of  horse  and  foot,)  Varus  sent  a 
part  of  his  army  presently  to  Galilee, 
which  lay  near  to  Ptolemais,  and  Caius, 
one  of  his  friends,  for  their  captain.  This 
Caius  put  those  that  met  him  to  flight, 
and  took  the  city  Sepphoris,  and  burnt  it, 
and  made  slaves  of  its  inhabitants.  Rut 
as  for  Varus  himself,  he  marched  to 
Samaria  with  his  whole  army,  where  he 
did  not  meddle  with  the  city  itself,  because 
he  found  that  it  had  made  no  commotion 
during  these  troubles,  but  pitched  his 
camp  about  a  certain  village  which  was 
called  Arius.  It  belonged  to  Ptolemy, 
and  on  that  account  was  nluudered  by  the 
Vol.  II.— 14 


Arabians,  wdio  were  very  angry  even  at 
Herod's  friends  also.  He  thence  marched 
on  to  the  village  Sampho,  another  fortified 
place,  which  they  plundered,  as  they  had 
done  the  other.  As  they  carried  off  all 
the  money  they  lighted  upon  belonging  to 
the  public  revenues,  all  was  now  full  of 
fire  and  bloodshed,  and  nothing  could  re- 
sist the  plunders  of  the  Arabians.  Em- 
maus was  also  burnt,  upon  the  flight  of 
its  inhabitants,  and  this  at  the  command 
of  Varus,  out  of  his  rage  at  the  slaughter 
of  those  that  were  about  Arius. 

Thence  he  marched  on  to  Jerusalem, 
and  as  soon  as  he  was  but  seen  by  the 
Jews,  he  made  their  camps  disperse  them- 
selves :  they  also  went  away,  and  fled  up 
and  down  the  country.  Rut  the  citizens 
received  him,  and  cleared  themselves  of 
having  any  hand  in  this  revolt,  and  said 
that  they  had  raised  no  commotions,  but 
had  only  been  forced  to  admit  the  mul- 
titude, because  of  the  festival,  and  that 
they  were  rather  besieged  together  with 
the  Romans,  than  assisted  those  that  had 
revolted.  There  had  before  this  met  him 
Joseph,  the  first  cousin  of  Archelaus,  and 
Gratus,  together  with  Rufus,  who  led 
those  of  Sebaste,  as  well  as  the  king's 
army :  there  also  met  him  those  of  the 
Roman  legion,  armed  after  their  accus- 
tomed manner;  for  as  to  Sabinus,  he 
durst  not  come  into  Varus's  sight,  but 
was  gone  out  of  the  city  before  this,  to 
the  seaside.  Rut  Varus  sent  a  part  of 
his  army  into  the  country,  against  those 
that  had  been  the  authors  of  this  com- 
motion, and  as  they  caught  great  numbers 
of  them,  those  that  appeared  to  have  been 
the  least  concerned  in  these  tumults  he 
put  into  custody,  but  such  as  were  the 
most  guilty  he  crucified :  these  were  in 
number  about  2000. 

He  was  also  informed  that  there  con- 
tinued in  Idumea  10,000  men  still  in 
arms ;  but  when  he  found  that  the  Arabians 
did  not  act  like  auxiliaries,  but  managed 
the  war  according  to  their  own  passions, 
and  did  mischief  to  the  country  otherwise 
than  he  intended,  and  this  out  of  their 
hatred  to  Herod,  he  sent  them  away,  but 
made  haste,  with  his  own  legions,  to 
march  against  those  that  had  revolted ; 
but  these,  by  the  advice  of  Aehiabus,  de- 
livered themselves  up  to  him  before  it 
came  to  a  battle.  Then  did  Varus  forgive 
the  multitude  their  offences,  but  sent  their 
captains  to  Caesar  to  be  examined  by  him. 
Now  Caesar   forgave  the  rest,  but  gave 


210 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


orders  that  certain  of  the  Icing's  relations 
(for  some  of  those  that  were  among  them 
were  Herod's  kinsmen)  should  be  put  to 
death,  because  they  had  engaged  in  a  war 
against  a  king  of  their  own  family.  When, 
therefore,  Varus  had  settled  matters  at 
Jerusalem  after  this  manner,  and  had  left 
the  former  legion  there  as  a  garrison,  he 
returned  to  Autioch. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Jews  complain  of  Archelaus,  and  desire  that 
they  may  be  made  subject  to  Roman  governors. 

But  now  came  another  accusation  from 
the  Jews  against  Archelaus  at  Rome, 
which  he  was  to  answer  to.  It  was  made 
by  those  ambassadors  who  before  the  re- 
volt had  come,  by  Varus's  permission,  to 
plead  for  the  liberty  of  their  country; 
those  that  came  were  fifty  in  number,  but 
there  were  more  than  8000  of  the  Jews 
at  Rome  who  supported  them  ;  and  when 
Cfesar  had  assembled  a  council  of  the  prin- 
cipal Romans  in  Apollo's*  temple,  that 
was  in  the  palace,  (this  was  what  he  had 
himself  built  and  adorned,  at  a  vast  ex- 
pense,) the  multitude  of  the  Jews  stood 
with  the  ambassadors,  and  on  the  other 
side  stood  Archelaus,  with  his  friends: 
but  as  for  the  kindred  of  Archelaus,  they 
stood  on  neither  side ;  for  to  stand  on 
Archelaus's  side,  their  hatred  to  him,  and 
envy  at  him,  would  not  give  them  leave, 
while  yet  they  were  afraid  to  be  seen  by 
Caesar  with  his  accusers.  Besides  these, 
there  was  present  Archelaus's  brother, 
Philip,  being  sent  thither  beforehand,  out 
of  kindness,  by  Varus,  for  two  reasons : 
the  one  was  this,  that  he  might  be  assist- 
ing to  Archelaus;  and  the  other  was  this, 
that  in  case  Caesar  should  make  a  distri- 
bution of  what  Herod  possessed  among  his 
posterity,  he  might  obtain  some  share  of  it. 

And  now,  upon  the  permission  that  was 
given  the  accusers  to  speak,  they,  in  the 
first  place,  went  over  Herod's  breaches 
of  their  law,  and  said  that  he  was  not  a 
king,  but  the  most  barbarous  of  all 
tyrants,  and  that  they  had  found  him  to 
be  such  by  the  sufferings  they  underwent 
from  him  :  that  when  a  very  great  number 
had  been  slain  by  him,  those  that  were 
left  had  endured  such  miseries  that  they 


*  This  holding  of  a  council  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo,  in  the  emperor's  palace  at  Rome,  by  Au- 
gustus, ami  even  the  building  of  this  temple  mag- 
nificently by  himself  in  that  palace,  are  exactly 
agreeable  to  Augustus  in  his  elder  years. 


called  those  that  were  dead  happy  men; 
that  he  had  not  only  tortured  the  bodies 
of  his  subjects,  but  entire  cities,  and  had 
done  much  harm  to  the  cities  of  his  own 
country  while  he  adorned  those  that  be- 
longed  to  foreigners;  and  shed  the  blood 
of  Jews  in  order  to  do  kindness  to  those 
people  who  were  out  of  their  bounds: 
that  he  had  filled  the  nation  full  of 
poverty,  and  of  the  greatest  iniquity,  in- 
stead of  that  happiness  and  those  laws 
which  they  had  anciently  enjoyed :  that, 
in  short,  the  Jews  had  borne  mure  calami- 
ties from  Herod,  in  few  years,  than  had 
their  forefathers  during  all  that  interval 
of  time  that  had  passed  since  they  had 
come  out  of  Babylon,  and  returned  home, 
in  the  reign  of  Xerxes  :*  that,  however, 
the  nation  was  come  to  so  low  a  condi- 
tion, by  being  inured  to  hardships,  that 
they  submitted  to  his  successor  of  their 
own  accord,  though  he  brought  them  into 
bitter  slavery;  that,  accordingly,  they 
readily  called  Archelaus,  though  he  was 
the  son  of  so  great  a  tyrant,  king,  after 
the  decease  of  his  father,  and  joined  with 
him  in  mourning  for  the  death  of  Herod, 
and  in  wishing  him  good  success  in  that 
his  succession;  while  yet  this  Archelaus, 
lest  he  should  be  in  danger  of  not  being 
thought  the  genuine  son  of  Herod,  began 
his  reign  with  the  murder  of  3000  citi- 
zens; as  if  he  had  a  mind  to  offer  so 
many  bloody  sacrifices  to  God  for  his  go- 
vernment, and  to  fill  the  temple  with  the 
like  number  of  dead  bodies  at  that  festi- 
val :  that,  however,  those  that  were  left 
after  so  many  miseries,  had' just  reason  to 
consider  now  at  last  the  calamities  they 
had  undergone,  and  to  oppose  themselves, 
like  soldiers  in  war,  to  receive  those 
stripes  upon  their  faces  [but  not  upon 
their  backs  as  hitherto].  Whereupon 
they  prayed  that  the  Romans  would  have 
compassion  upon  the  [poor]  remains  of 
Judea,  and  not  expose  what  was  left  of 
them  to  such  as  barbarously  tore  them  to 
pieces,  and  that  they  would  join  their 
country  to  Syria,  and  administer  the 
government  by  their  own  commanders, 
whereby  it  would  [soon]  be  demonstrated 
that  those  who  are  now  under  the  calumny 
of  seditious  persons,  and  lovers  of  war, 
know  how  to  bear  governors  that  are  set 


*  Here  we  have  a  strong  confirmation  that  it 
was  Xerxes,  and  not  Artaxerxes,  under  whom  the 
main  part  of  the  Jews  returned  out  of  the  Baby- 
lonian captivity;  i.  e.  in  the  days  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah. 


Chap.  VII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


211 


over  them,  if  they  be  but  tolerable  ones. 
So  the  Jews  concluded  their  accusations 
with  this  request.  Then  rose  up  Nico- 
laus,  and  confuted  the  accusations  that 
were  brought  against  the  kings,  and  him- 
self accused  the  Jewish  nation,  as  hard  to 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Ilistory  of  the  spurious  Alexander  -banishment  of 
Archelaus,  and  death  of  Qlaphyra. 

In  the  mean  time  there  was  a  man,  who 
was  by  birth  a  Jew,  but  brought  up  at 


be  ruled,  and  as  naturally  disobedient  to  {  Sidon  with  one  of  the  Roman  freedmen, 


kings.  He  also  reproached  all  those  kins- 
men of  Archelaus  who  had  left  him  and 
were  gone  over  to  his  accusers. 

So  Caesar,  after  he  had  heard  both  sides, 
dissolved  the  assembly  for  that  time  ;  but 
a    few   days  afterward  he  gave  the    one 


who  falsely  pretended,  on  account  of  the 
resemblance  of  their  countenances,   that 

he  was  that  Alexander  who  was  slain  by 
Herod.  This  man  came  to  Rome,  in 
hopes  of  not  being  defeated.  He  had  one 
who  was  his  assistant,  of  his  own  nation, 


half  of  Herod's  kingdom  to  Archelaus,  by  and  who  knew  all  the  affairs  of  the  king- 

the  name  of  ethnarch,  and  promised  to  dom,  and  instructed  him  to  say  how  those 

make  him  king  also  afterward,  if  he  ren-  that  were  sent  to  kill  him  and  Aristobu- 

dered  himself  worthy  of  that  dignity  ;  but  lus  had  pity  upon   them,  and  stole  them 

as  to  the  other  half,  he  divided  it  iuto  two  away,  by  putting  bodies   that  were    like 


tetrarchies,  and  gave  them  to  two  other 
sons  of  Herod,  the  one  of  them  to  Philip, 


theirs  in  their  places.      This  man  deceived 
the  Jews   that  were  at  Crete,  and  got   a 


and  the  other  to  that  An  tipas  who  contested  I  great  deal  of  money  of  them,  for  travel- 
the  kingdom  with  Archelaus.    Under  this  j  ling  in  splendour;  and    thence  sailed  to 


last  was  Perea  and  Galilee,  with  a  revenue 
of  200  talents;  but  Batanea,  and  Tracho- 
nitis,  and  Auranitis,  and  certain  parts  of 
Zeno's  house  about  Jamnia,  with  a  reve- 
nue of  100  talents,  were  made  subject  to 
Philip;  while  Idumea  and  all  Judea,  and 
Samaria,  were  parts  of  the  ethnarchy  of 
Archelaus,  although  Samaria  was  eased  of 
one-quarter  of  its  taxes,  out  of  regard  to 
their  not  having  revolted  with  the  rest  of 
the  nation.  He  also  made  subject  to  him 
the  following  cities,  viz.  Strato's  Tower, 
and  Sebaste,  and  Joppa,  and  Jerusalem  ; 
but  as  to  the  Grecian  cities,  Gaza,  and 
Gadara,  and  Hippos,  he  cut  them  off  from 
the  kingdom,  and  added  them  to  Syria. 
Now  the  revenue  of  the  country  that  was 
given  to  Archelaus  was  400  talents.  Sa- 
lome also,  besides  what  the  king  had  left 
her  in  his  testaments,  was  now  made  mis- 
tress of  Jamnia,  and  Ashdod,  and  Pha- 
saelis.  Caesar  did  moreover  bestow  upon 
her  the  royal  palace  of  Ascalon ;  by  all 
which  she  got  together  a  revenue  of  sixty 
talents;  but  he  put  her  house  under  the 
ethnarchy  of  Archelaus;  and  for  the  rest 
of  Herod's  offspring,  they  received  what 
was  bequeathed  to  them  in  his  testaments; 


Melos,  where  he  was  thought  so  certain- 
ly genuine,  that  he  got  a  great  deal  more 
money,  and  prevailed  with  those  who  hud 
treated  him  to  sail  along  with  him  to 
Rome.  So  he  landed  at  Dicearchia  [Pu- 
teoli],  and  got  very  large  presents  from 
the  Jews  who  dwelt  there,  and  was  con- 
ducted by  his  father's  friends  as  if  he 
were  a  king;  nay,  the  resemblance  in 
his  countenance  procured  him  so  much 
credit,  that  those  who  had  seen  Alexander, 
and  had  known  him  very  well,  would 
take  their  oaths  that  he  was  the  very  same 
person.  Accordingly,  the  whole  body  of 
the  Jews  that  were  at  Rome  ran  out  in 
crowds  to  see  him,  and  an  innumerable 
multitude  there  was  who  stood  in  the 
narrow  places  through  which  he  was  car- 
ried ;  for  those  of  Melos  were  so  far  dis- 
tracted, that  they  carried  him  in  a  sedan, 
and  maintained  a  royal  attendance  for 
him  at  their  own  proper  charges. 

But  Civjsar,  who  knew  perfectly  well 
the  lineaments  of  Alexander's  face,  be- 
cause he  had  been  accused  by  Herod  be- 
fore him,  discerned  the  fallacy  in  his 
countenance,  even  before  he  saw  the  man. 
However,  he   suffered  the  agreeable  fame 


but,  besides  that,  Caesar  granted  to  Herod's  ,  that  weut  of  him  to  have  some  weight 
two  virgin  daughters  500,000  [drachma)]  with  him,  and  sent  Celadus,  one  who  well 
of  silver,  and  gave  them  in  marriage  to  knew  Alexander,  and  ordered  him  to 
the  sons  cf  Phcroras:  but  after  this  family  bring  the  young  man  to  him.  But  when 
distribution,  he  gave  between  them  what  |  Ca>sar  saw  him,  he  immediately  discerned 
had  been  bequeathed  to  him  by  Herod,  a  difference  in  his  countenance;  and  when 
which  was  1000  talents,  reserving  to  him-  ,  he  had  discovered  that  his  whole  body 
self  only  some  inconsiderable  presents  in  was  of  a  more  robust  texture,  and  like 
honour  of  the  deceased.  I  that  of  a  slave,  he  understood  the  whole 


212 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


was  a  contrivance.  But  the  impudence 
of  what  he  said  greatly  provoked  him  to 
be  angry  at  him;  for  when  he  was  asked 
about  Aristobulus,  he  said  that  he  was 
also  preserved  alive^  and  was  left  on  pur- 
pose in  Cyprus,  for  fear  of  treachery,  be- 
cause it  would  be  harder  for  plotters  to 
get  them  both  into  their  power  while 
they  were  separate.  Then  did  Caesar 
take  him  by  himself  privately,  and  said 
to  him,  "  I  will  give  thee  thy  life,  if  thou 
wilt  discover  who  it  was  that  persuaded 
thee  to  forge  such  stories."  So  he  said 
that  he  would  discover  him,  and  followed 
Caesar,  and  pointed  to  that  Jew  who 
abused  the  resemblance  of  his  face  to  get 
money ;  for  that  he  had  received  more 
presents  in  every  city  than  ever  Alexander 
did  when  he  was  alive.  Ca3sar  laughed 
at  the  contrivance,  and  put  this  spurious 
Alexander  among  his  rowers,  on  account 
of  the  strength  of  his  body;  but  ordered 
him  that  persuaded  him  to  be  put  to 
death.  But  for  the  people  of  Melos,  they 
had  been  sufficiently  punished  for  their 
folly  by  the  expenses  they  had  been  at 
on  his  account. 

And  now  Archelaus  took  possession  of 
his  ethnarchy,  and  used  not  the  Jews 
only,  but  the  Samaritans  also,  barbarously; 
and  this  out  of  his  resentment  of  their 
old  quarrels  with  him.  Whereupon,  they 
both  of  them  sent  ambassadors  against 
him  to  Caesar;  and,  in  the  ninth  year  of 
his  government,  he  was  banished  to  Vi- 
enna, a  city  of  Gaul,  and  his  effects  were 
put  into  Caesar's  treasury.  But  the  re- 
port goes,  that  before  he  was  sent  for  by 
Cassar,  he  seemed  to  see  nine  ears  of  corn, 
full  and  large,  but  devoured  by  oxen. 
When,  therefore,  he  had  sent  for  the 
diviners,  and  some  of  the  Chaldeans,  and 
inquired  of  them  what  they  thought  it 
portended ;  and  when  one  of  them  had 
one  interpretation,  and  another  had  an- 
other, Simon,  one  of  the  sect  of  the 
Essenes,  said,  that  he  thought  the  ears  of 
corn  denoted  years;  and  the  oxen  denoted 
a  mutation  of  things,  because  by  their 
ploughing  they  made  an  alteration  of  the 
country.  That  therefore  he  should  reign 
as  many  years  as  there  were  ears  of  corn; 
and  after  he  had  passed  through  various 
alternations  of  fortune,  should  die.  Now 
five  days  after  Archelaus  had  heard  this 
interpretation,  he  was  called  to  his  trial. 

I  cannot  but  think  it  worthy  to  be  re- 
corded what  dream  Glaphyra,  the  daughter 
of  Archelaus,  king  of   Cappadocia,  had, 


who  had  at  first  been  wife  to  Alexander, 
who  was  the  brother  of  Archelaus,  con- 
cerning whom  we  have  been  discoursing. 
This  Alexander  was  the  son  of  Herod  the 
king,  by  whom  he  was  put  to  death,  as 
we  have  already  related.  This  Glaphyra 
was  married,  after  his  death,  to  Juba, 
king  of  Libya;  and,  after  his  death,  was 
returned  home,  and  lived  a  widow  with 
her  father.  Then  it  was  that  Archelaus, 
the  ethnarch,  saw  her,  and  fell  so  deeply 
in  love  with  her,  that  he  divorced  Ma- 
riamne,  who  was  then  his  wife,  and 
married  her.  When,  therefore,  she  was 
come  into  Judea,  and  had  been  there  for 
a  little  while,  she  thought  she  saw  Alex- 
ander stand  by  her,  and  that  he  said  to 
her,  "  Thy  marriage  with  the  king  of 
Libya  might  have  been  sufficient  for  thee; 
but  thou  wast  not  contented  with  him,  but 
art  returned  again  to  my  family,  to  a 
third  husband ;  and  him,  thou  impudent 
woman,  hast  thou  chosen  for  thine  hus- 
band, who  is  my  brother.  However,  I 
shall  not  overlook  the  injury  thou  hast 
offered  me;  I  shall  [soon]  have  thee 
again,  whether  thou  wilt  or  no."  Now 
Glaphyra  hardly  survived  the  narration 
of  this  dream  of  hers  two  days. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Archelaus's  ethnarchy  reduced  to  a  [Roman]  pro- 
vince— sedition  of  Judas  of  Galilee — the  three 
sects  of  the  Jews. 

And  now  Archelaus's  part  of  Judea 
was  reduced  into  a  province,  and  Copo- 
nius,  one  of  the  equestrian  order  among 
the  Romans,  was  sent  as  a  procurator, 
having  the  power  of  [life  and]  death  put 
into  his  hands  by  Cassar.  Under  his  ad- 
ministration it  was  that  a  certain  Gali- 
lean, whose  name  was  Judas,  prevailed 
with  his  countrymen  to  revolt;  and  said 
they  were  cowards  if  they  would  endure 
to  pay  a  tax  to  the  Romans,  and  would, 
after  God,  submit  to  mortal  men  as  their 
lords.  This  was  a  teacher  of  a  peculiar 
sect  of  his  own,  and  was  not  at  all  like  the 
rest  of  those  their  leaders. 

For  there  are  three  philosophical  sects 
among  the  Jews.  The  followers  of  the 
first  of  whom  are  the  Pharisees;  of  the 
second,  the  Sadducees;  and  the  third  sect, 
who  pretend  to  a  severer  discipline,  are 
called  Essenes.  These  last  are  Jews  by 
birth,  and  seem  to  have  a  greater  affection 
for  one  another  than  the  other  sects  have. 
These  Essenes  reject  pleasures  as  an  evih 


Chap.  VIII. ] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


'213 


; 


but  esteem  continence,  and  the  conquest 
over  our  passions,  to  be  virtue.  They 
neglect  wedlock,  but  choose  out  other  per- 
sons' children,  while  they  are  pliable,  and 
fit  for  learning ;  and  esteem  them  to  be 
of  their  kindred,  and  form  them  accord- 
ing to  their  own  manners.  They  do  not 
absolutely  deny  the  -fitness  of  marriage, 
and  the  succession  of  mankind  thereby 
continued;  but  they  guard  against  the 
lascivious  behaviour  of  women,  and  are 
persuaded  that  none  of  them  preserve 
their  fidelity  to  one  man. 

These  men  are  despisers  of  riches,  and 
so  very  communicative  as  raises  our  ad- 
miration. Nor  is  there  any  one  to  be 
found  among  them  who  hath  more  than 
another;  for  it  is  a  law  among  them,  that 
those  who  come  to  them  must  let  what 
they  have  be  common  to  the  whole  order — 
insomuch,  that  among  them  all  there  is 
no  appearance  of  poverty  or  excess  of 
riches,  but  every  one's  possessions  are  inter- 
mingled with  every  other's  possessions; 
and  so  there  is,  as  it  were,  one  patrimony 
among  all  the  brethren.  They  think  that 
oil  is  a  defilement;  and  if  any  one  be 
anointed  without  his  own  approbation,  it 
is  wiped  off  his  body ;  for  they  think  to 
be  sweaty  is  to  be  a  good  thing,  as  they 
do  also  to  be  clothed  in  white  garments. 
They  also  have  stewards  appointed  to  take 
care  of  their  common  affairs,  who  every 
one  of  them  have  no  separate  business  for 
any,  but  what  is  for  the  use  of  them  all. 

They  have  no  certain  city,  but  many 
of  them  dwell  in  every  city  ;  and  if  any 
of  their  sect  come  from  other  places,  what 
they  have  lies  open  for  them,  just  as  if  it 
were  their  own;  and  they  go  into  such  as 
they  never  knew  before,  as  if  they  had 
been  ever  so  long  acquainted  with  them. 
For  which  reason  they  carry  nothing  with 
them  when  they  travel  into  remote  parts, 
though  still  they  take  their  weapons  with 
them,  for  fear  of  thieves.  Accordingly 
there  is,  in  every  city  where  they  live, 
one  appointed  particularly  to  take  care  of 
strangers,  and  to  provide  garments  and 
other  necessaries  for  them.  But  the 
habit  and  management  of  their  bodies  is 
such  as  children  use  who  are  in  fear  of 
their  masters.  Nor  do  they  allow/>f  the 
change  of  garments,  or  of  shoes,  till  they 
be  first  entirely  torn  to  pieces,  or  worn 
out  by  time.  Nor  do  they  either  buy  or 
Bell  any  thing  to  one  another ;  but  every 
one  of  them  gives  what  he  hath  to  him 
that  wanteth  it,  and  receives  from  him 


again  in  lieu  of  it  what  may  be  convenient 
for  himself;  and  although  there  be  uc 
requital  made,  they  are  fully  allowed  to 
take  what  they  want  of  whomsoever  they 
please. 

And  as  for  their  piety  toward  God, 
it  is  very  extraordinary ;  for  before  sun- 
rising  they  speak  not  a  word  about  profane 
matters,  but  put  up  certain  prayers  which 
they  have  received  from  their  forefathers, 
as  if  they  made  a  supplication  for  its 
rising.  After  this  every  one  of  them  arc 
sent  away  by  their  curators,  to  exercise 
some  of  those  arts  wherein  they  are  skill- 
ed, in  which  they  labour  with  great  dili- 
gence till  the  fifth  hour.  After  which 
they  assemble  themselves  together  again 
into  one  place  ;  and  when  they  have 
clothed  themselves  in  white  veils,  they 
then  bathe  their  bodies  in  cold  water. 
And  after  this  purification  is  over,  they 
every  one  meet  together  in  an  apartment 
of  their  own,  into  which  it  is  not  per- 
mitted to  any  of  another  sect  to  enter; 
while  they  go,  after  a  pure  manner,  into 
the  dining-room,  as  into  a  certain  holy 
temple,  and  quietly  set  themselves  down; 
upon  which  the  baker  lays  them  loaves  in 
order;  the  cook  also  brings  a  single  plate 
of  one  sort  of  food,  and  sets  it  before 
every  one  of  them ;  but  a  priest  says 
grace  before  meat;  and  it  is  unlaw- 
ful for  any  one  to  taste  of  the  food  before 
grace  be  said.  The  same  priest,  when  he 
hath  dined,  says  grace  again  after  meat; 
and  when  they  begin,  and  when  they  end, 
they  praise  God,  as  he  that  bestows  their 
food  upon  them  ;  after  which  they  lay 
aside  their  [white]  garments,  and  betake 
themselves  to  their  labours  again  till  the 
evening;  then  they  return  home  to  sup- 
per, after  the  same  manner;  and  if  there 
be  any  strangers  there,  they  sit  down  with 
them.  Nor  is  there  ever  any  clamour  or 
disturbance  to  pollute  their  house,  but 
they  give  every  one  leave  to  speak  in  their 
turn;  which  silence  thus  kept  in  their 
house,  appears  to  foreigners  like  some 
tremendous  mystery;  the  cause  of  which 
is  that  perpetual  sobriety  they  exercise, 
and  the  same  settled  measure  of  meat  and 
drink  that  is  allotted  to  them,  and  that 
such  as  is  abundantly  slvmcient  for  them. 

And  truly,  as  for  other  things,  they  do 
nothing  but  according  to  the  injunctions 
of  their  curators;  only  these  two  things 
are  done  among  them  at  every  one's  own 
free  will,  which  are,  to  assist  those  that 
want  it,  and  to  show  mercy ;  for  they  are 


214 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


permitted  of  their  own  accord  to  afford 
succour  to  such  as  deserve  it,  when  they 
stand  in  need  of  it,  and  to  bestow  food 
on  those  that  are  in  distress  ;  but  they 
cannot  give  any  thing  to  their  kindred 
without  the  curators.  They  dispense  their 
anger  after  a  just  manner,  and  restrain 
their  passion.  They  are  eminent  for 
fidelity,  and  are  the  ministers  of  peace; 
whatsoever  they  say  also  is  firmer  than  an 
oath ;  but  swearing  is  avoided  by  them, 
and  they  esteem  it  worse  than  perjury; 
for  they  say,  that  he  who  cannot  be  be- 
lieved without  [swearing  by]  God,  is  al- 
ready condemned.  They  also  take  great 
pains  in  studying  the  writings  of  the  an- 
cients, and  choose  out  of  them  what  is 
most  for  the  advantage  of  their  soul  and 
body;  and  they  inquire  after  such  roots 
and  medicinal  stones  as  may  cure  their 
distempers. 

But  now,  if  any  one  hath  a  mind  to 
come  over  to  their  seel,  he  is  not  imme- 
diately admitted,  but  he  is  prescribed  the 
same  method  of  living  which  they  use, 
for  a  year,  while  he  continues  excluded  : 
and  they  give  him  a  small  hatchet,  and 
the  forementioned  girdle,  and  the  white 
garment.  And  when  he  hath  given  evi- 
dence, during  that  time,  that  he  can  ob- 
serve their  continence,  he  approaches 
nearer  to  their  way  of  living,  and  is  made 
a  partaker  of  the  waters  of  purification  ; 
yet  is  he  not  even  now  admitted  to  live 
with  them;  for  after  this  demonstration 
of  his  fortitude,  his  temper  is  tried  two 
more  years,  and  if  he  appear  to  be  worthy, 
they  then  admit  him  into  their  society. 
And  before  he  is  allowed  to  touch  their 
common  food,  he  is  obliged  to  take  tre- 
mendous oaths;  that,  in  the  first  place,  he 
will  exercise  piety  toward  God;  and  then, 
that  he  will  observe  justice  toward  men; 
ami  that  he  will  do  no  harm  to  any  one, 
either  of  his  own  accord,  or  by  the  com- 
mand of  others;  that  he  will  always  hate 
the  wicked,  and  be  assistant  to  the 
righteous ;  that  he  will  ever  show  fidelity 
to  all  men,  and  especially  to  those  in 
authority,  because  no  one  obtains  the 
government  without  God's  assistance ; 
and  that  if  he  be  in  authority,  he  will  at 
no  time  whatever  abuse  his  authority, 
nor  endeavour  to  outshine  his  subjects, 
either  in  his  garments,  or  any  other  finery; 
that  he  will  be  perpetually  a  lover  of 
truth,  and  propose  to  himself  to  reprove 
those  that  tell  lies;  that  he  will  keep  his 
bands  clear  from  theft,  and  his  soul  from 


unlawful  gains ;  and  that  he  will  neither 
conceal  any  thing  from  those  of  his  own 
sect,  nor  discover  any  of  their  doctrines 
to  others,  no,  not  though  any  one  should 
compel  him  so  to  do  at  the  hazard  of  his 
life.  Moreover,  he  swears  to  communicate 
their  doctrines  to  no  one  any  otherwise 
than  as  he  received  them  himself;  that 
he  will  abstain  from  robbery,  and  will 
equally  preserve  the  books  belonging  to 
their  sect,  and  the  names  of  the  angels  [or 
messeugers].  These  are  the  oaths  by 
which  they  secure  their  proselytes  to 
themselves. 

But  for  those  that  are  caught  in  any 
heinous  sins,  they  cast  them  out  of  their 
society;  and  he  who  is  thus  separated 
from  them,  does  often  die  after  a  miserable 
manner;  for  as  he  is  bound  by  the  oath 
he  hath  taken,  and  by  the  customs  he 
hath  been  engaged  in,  he  is  not  at  liberty 
to  partake  of  that  food  that  he  meets  with 
els'ewhere,  but  is  forced  to  eat  grass,  and 
to.  famish  his  body  with  hunger  till  he 
perish;  for  which  reason  they  receive 
many  of  them  again  when  they  are  at 
their  last  gasp,  out  of  compassion  to  them, 
as  thinking  the  miseries  they  have  endured 
till  they  came  to  the  very  brink  of  death, 
to  be  a  sufficient  punishment  for  the  sins 
they  have  been  guilty  of. 

But  in  the  judgments  they  exercise  they 
are  most  accurate  aud  just;  nor  do  they 
pass  sentence  by  the  votes  of  a  court  that 
is  fewer  than  100.  And  as  to  what  is 
once  determined  by  that  number,  it  is  un- 
alterable. What  they  most  of  all  honour, 
after  God  himself,  is  the'  name  of  their 
legislator  [Moses];  whom,  if  any  one 
blaspheme,  he  is  punished  capitally.  They 
also  think  it  a  good  thing  to  obey  their 
elders,  and  the  major  part.  Accordingly, 
if  ten  of  them  be  sitting  together,  no  one 
of  them  will  speak  while  the  other  nine 
are  against  it.  They  also  avoid  spitting 
in  the  midst  of  them,  or  on  the  right  side. 
Moreover,  they  are  stricter  than  any  other 
of  the  Jews  in  resting  from  their  labours 
on  the  seventh  day;  for  they  not  only  get 
their  food  ready  the  day  before,  that  they 
may  not  be  obliged  to  kindle  a  fire  on  that 
day,  but  they  will  not  remove  any  vessel 
out  of  its  place,  nor  go  to  stool  thereon. 
Nay,  on  the  other  days  they  dig  a  small 
pit,  a  foot  deep,  with  a  paddle,  (which 
kind  of  hatchet  is  given  them  when  they 
are  first  admitted  among  them;)  and 
covering  themselves  rouud  with  their  gar- 
ment, that  they  may  not  affront  the  divine 


Chap.  VIII.  ] 

rays  of  light,  they  ease  themselves  into 
that  pit,  after  which  they  put  the  earth 
that  was  dug  out  again  into  the  pit ;  and 
even  this  they  do  only  in  the  more  lonely 
places,  which  they  choose  out  for  this 
purpose;  and  although  this  easement  of 
the  body  be  natural,  yet  it  is  a  rule  with 
them  to  wash  themselves  after  it,  as  if  it 
were  a  defilement  to  them. 

Now  after  the  time  of  their  preparatory 
trial  is  over,  they  are  parted  into  four 
classes;  and  so  far  are  the  juniors  inferior 
to  the  seniors,  that  if  the  seniors  should 
be  touched  by  the  juniors,  they  must 
wash  themselves  as  if  they  had  inter- 
mixed themselves  with  the  company  of 
a  foreigner.  They  are  long  lived  also ; 
insomuch  that  many  of  them  live  above 
100  years,  by  means  of  the  simplicity  of 
their  diet;  nay,  as  I  think,  by  means  of 
the  regular  course  of  life  they  observe 
also.  They  contemn  the  miseries  of  life, 
and  are  above  pain,  by  the  generosity  of 
their  mind.  And  as  for  death,  if  it  will 
be  for  their  glory,  they  esteem  it  better 
than  living  always  ;  and  indeed  our  war 
with  the  Romans  gave  abundant  evidence 
what  great  souls  they  had  in  their  trials, 
wherein,  although  they  were  tortured  and 
distorted,  burnt  and  torn  to  pieces,  and 
went  through  all  kinds  of  instruments  of 
torment,  that  they  might  be  forced  either 
to  blaspheme  their  legislator,  or  to  eat 
what  was  forbidden  them,  yet  could  they 
not  be  made  to  do  either  of  them,  no,  nor 
once  to  flatter  their  tormentors,  or  to  shed 
a  tear ;  but  they  smiled  in  their  very 
pains,  and  laughed  those  to  scorn  who  in- 
flicted the  torments  upon  them,  and  re- 
signed up  their  souls  with  great  alacrity, 
as  expecting  to  receive  them  again. 

For  their  doctrine  is  this : — That  bodies 
are  corruptible,  and  that  the  matter  they 
are  made  of  is  not  permanent;  but  that 
the  souls  are  immortal,  and  coutinue  for 
ever;  and  that  they  come  out  of  the  most 
subtile  air,  and  are  united  to  their  bodies 
as  in  prisons,  into  which  they  are  drawn 
by  a  certain  natural  enticement;  but  that 
when  they  are  set  free  from  the  bonds  of 
the  flesh,  they  then,  as  released  from  a 
long  bondage,  rejoice  and  mount  upward. 
And  this  is  like  the  opinion  of  the  Greeks, 
that  good  souls  have  their  habitations 
beyond  the  ocean,  in  a  region  that  is 
neither  oppressed  with  storms  of  rain,  or 
snow,  or  with  intense  heat,  but  that  this 
place  is  such  as  is  refreshed  by  the  gentle 
breathing  of  a  west  wind,  that  is  per- 
2X 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


215 


^ 


petually  blowing  from  the  ocean ;  while 
they  allot  to  bad  souls  a  dark  and  tem- 
pestuous den,  full  of  never-ceasing  punish- 
ments. And  indeed  the  Greeks  seem  to 
me  to  have  followed  the  same  notion, 
when  they  allot  the  islands  of  the  blessed 
to  their  brave  men,  whom  they  call  heroes 
and  demigods;  and  to  the  souls  of  the 
wicked  the  region  of  the  ungodly,  in 
Hades,  where  their  fables  relate  that  cer- 
tain persons,  such  as  Sisyphus,  and  Tan- 
talus, and  Ixion,  and  Tityus,  are  punished  : 
which  is  built  on  this  first  supposition, 
that  souls  are  immortal;  and  thence  are 
those  exhortations  to  virtue,  and  dehor- 
tations  from  wickedness, collected;  where- 
by good  men  are  bettered  in  the  conduct 
of  their  life,  by  the  hope  they  have  of 
reward  after  their  death,  and  whereby  the 
vehement  inclinations  of  bad  men  to  vice 
are  restrained,  by  the  fear  and  expectation 
they  are  in,  that  although  they  should  lie 
concealed  in  this  life,  they  should  suffer 
immortal  punishment  after  their  death. 
These  are  the  divine  doctrines  of  the  Es- 
senes  about  the  soul,  which  lay  an  un- 
avoidable bait  for  such  as  have  once  had 
a  taste  of  their  philosophy. 

There  are  also  those  among  them  who 
undertake  to  fortell  things  to  come,  by 
reading  the  holy  books,  and  using  several 
sorts  of  purifications,  and  being  perpetu- 
ally conversant  in  the  prophets;  and  it  is 
but  seldom  that  they  miss  in  their  j ire- 
dictions. 

Moreover,  there  is  another  order  of  Es- 
senes,  who  agree  with  the  rest  as  to  their 
way  of  living,  and  customs,  and  laws, 
but  differ  from  them  in  the  point  of  mar- 
riage, as  thinking  that  by  not  marrying 
they  cut  off  the  principal  part  of  human 
life,  which  is  the  prospect  of  succession  ; 
nay  rather,  that  if  all  men  should  be  of 
the  same  opinion,  the  whole  race  of  man- 
kind would  fail.  However,  they  try  their 
spouses  for  three  years ;  and  if  they  find 
that  they  have  their  natural  purgations 
thrice,  as  trials  that  they  are  likely  to  be 
fruitful,  they  then  actually  marry  them. 
But  they  do  not  use  to  accompany  with 
their  wives  when  they  are  with  child,  as 
a  demonstration  that  they  do  not  marry 
out  of  regard  to  pleasure,  but  for  the  sake 
of  posterity.  Now  the  women  go  into  the 
baths  with  some  of  their  garments  on,  as 
the  men  do  with  somewhat  girded  about 
them.  And  these  are  the  customs  of  this 
order  of  Essenes. 

But  then  as  to  the  two  other  orders  at 


216 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


first  mentioned;  the  Pharisees  are  those 
who  are  esteemed  most  skilful  in  the 
exact  explication  of  their  laws,  and  intro- 
duce the  first  sect.  These  ascribe  all  to 
fate  [or  providence],  and  to  God,  and  yet 
allow,  that  to  act  what  is  right,  or  the 
contrary,  is  principally  in  the  power  of 
men,  although  fate  does  co-operate  in  every 
action.  They  say  that  all  souls  are  in- 
corruptible; but  that  the  souls  of  good 
men  are  only  removed  into  other  bodies, — 
but  that  the  souls  of  bad  men  are  subject 
to  eternal  punishment.  But  the  Sadducees 
are  those  that  compose  the  second  order, 
and  take  away  fate  entirely,  and  suppose 
that  God  is  not  concerned  in  our  doing  or 
not  doing  what  is  evil ;  and  they  say,  that 
to  act  what  is  good,  or  what  is  evil,  is  at 
men's  own  choice,  and  that  the  one  or  the 
other  belongs  so  to  every  one,  that  they 
may  act  as  they  please.  They  also  take 
away -the  belief  of  the  immortal  duration 
of  the  soul,  and  the  punishments  and 
rewards  in  Hades.  Moreover,  the  Pha- 
risees are  friendly  to  one  another,  and  are 
for  the  exercise  of  concord  and  regard  for 
the  public.  But  the  behaviour  of  the 
Sadducees  one  toward  another  is  in  some 
degree  wild  ;  and  their  conversation  with 
those  that  are  of  their  own  party  is  as 
barbarous  as  if  they  were  strangers  to 
them.  And  this  is  what  I  had  to  say 
concerning  the  philosophic  sects  among 
the  Jews. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Death  of  Salome — Pilate  occasions  disturbances — 
Tiberius  puts  Agrippa  into  bonds — Caius  frees 
him,  and  makes  him  king — Herod  Antipas 
banished. 

And  now,  as  the  ethnarchy  of  Archelaus 
was  fallen  into  a  Roman  province,  the 
other  sons  of  Herod,  Philip,  and  that 
Herod  who  was  called  Antipas,  each  of 
them  took  upon  them  the  administration 
of  their  own  tetrarchies;  for  when  Salome 
died,  she  bequeathed  to  Julia,  the  wife  of 
Augustus,  both  her  toparchy,  and  Jamnia, 
as  also  her  plantation  of  palm-trees  that 
were  in  Phasaelis.  But  when  the  Roman 
empire  was  translated  to  Tiberius,  the  sou 
of  Julia,  upon  the  death  of  Augustus,  who 
had  reigned  fifty-seven  years,  six  months, 
and  two  days,  both  Herod  and  Philip  con- 
tinued in  their  tetrarchies  ;  and  the  latter 
of  them  built  the  city  Cesarea,  at  the 
fountains  of  Jordan,  and  in  the  region  of 
Paneas;  as  also  the  city  Julias,  in  the 
Lower  Gaulonitis.    Herod  also  built  the 


city  Tiberias  in  Galilee,  and  in  Perea 
[beyond  Jordan]  another  that  was  also 
called  Julias. 

Now  Pilate,  who  was  sent  as  procurator 
into  Judea  by  Tiberius,  sent  by  night 
those  images  of  Ctesar  that  are  called 
ensigns,  into  Jerusalem.  This  excited  a 
very  great  tumult  among  the  Jews  when 
it  was  day  ;  for  those  that  were  near  them 
were  astonished  at  the  sight  of  them,  as 
indications  that  their  laws  were  trodden 
under  foot :  for  those  laws  do  not  permit 
any  sort  of  image  to  be  brought  into  the 
city.  Nay,  besides  the  indignation  which 
the  citizens  themselves  had  at  this  pro- 
cedure, a  vast  number  of  people  came 
running  out  .of  the  country.  These  came 
zealously  to  Pilate  to  Cesarea,  and  be- 
sought him  to  carry  those  ensigns  out  of 
Jerusalem,  and  to  preserve  them  their 
ancient  laws  inviolable;  but  upon  Pilate's 
denial  of  their  request,  they  fell  down 
prostrate  upon  the  ground,  and  continued 
immovable  in  that  posture  for  five  days 
and  as  many  nights. 

On  the  next  day  Pilate  sat  upon  his 
tribunal,  in  the  open  market-place,  and 
called  to  him  the  multitude,  as  desirous 
to  give  them  an  answer;  and  then  gave 
a  signal  to  the  soldiers  that  they  should 
all  by  agreement  at  once  encompass  the 
Jews  with  their  weapons;  so  the  band 
of  soldiers  stood  round  about  the  Jews  in 
three  ranks.  The  Jews  were  under  the 
utmost  consternation  at  the  unexpected 
sight.  Pilate  also  said  to  them,  that  they 
should  be  cut  in  pieces,  unless  they  would 
admit  of  Caesar's  images;  and  gave  inti- 
mation to  the  soldiers  to  draw  their  naked 
swords.  Hereupon  the  Jews,  as  it  were 
at  one  signal,  fell  down  in  vast  numbers 
together,  and  exposed  their  necks  bare, 
and  cried  out  that  they  were  sooner  ready 
to  be  slain,  than  that  their  law  should  be 
transgressed.  Hereupon  Pilate  was  greatly 
surprised  at  their  prodigious  superstition, 
and  gave  orders  that  the  ensigns  should 
be  presently  carried  out  of  Jerusalem. 

After  this  he  raised  another  disturbance 
by  expending  that  sacred  treasure  which 
is  called  corban*  upon  aqueducts,  whereby 
he  brought  water  from  the  distance  of  400 
furlongs.  At  this  the  multitude  had 
great  indignation ;  and  when  Pilate  was 
come  to  Jerusalem,  they  came  about  his 


*  This  use  of  corban,  or  oblation,  as  here  applied 
to  the  sacred  money  dedicated  to  God  in  the 
treasury  of  the  temple,  illustrates  the  words  of 
Christ,  Mark  vii.  11,  12. 


Chai\  X.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


217 


" 


tribunal,  and  made  a  clamour  at  it.  Now 
when  he  was  apprized  beforehand  of  this 
disturbance,  he  mixed  his  own  soldiers  in 
their  armour  with  the  multitude,  aud 
ordered  them  to  conceal  themselves  under 
the  habits  of  private  men,  and  not  indeed 
to  use  their  swords,  but  with  their  staves 
-beat  those  that  made  the  clamour.  He 
then  gave  the  signal  from  his  tribunal  [to 
do  as  he  had  bidden  them].  Now  the 
Jews  were  so  sadly  beaten,  that  many  of 
them  perished  by  the  stripes  they  received, 
and  many  of  them  perished  as  trodden  to 
death,  by  which  means  the  multitude  was 
astonished  at  the  calamity  of  those  that 
were  slain,  and  held  their  peace. 

In  the  mean  time,  Agrippa,  the  son  of 
that  Aristobulus  who  had  been  slain  by 
his  father  Herod,  came  to  Tiberius  to 
accuse  Herod  the  tetrarch;  who  not  ad- 
mitting of  his  accusation,  sta3'cd  at  Rome, 
and  cultivated  a  friendship  with  others  of 
the  men  of  note,  but  principally  with 
Caius,  the  son  of  Germanicus,  who  was 
then  but  a  private  person.  Now  this 
Agrippa,  at  a  certain  time,  feasted  Caius; 
and  as  he  was  very  complaisant  to  him  on 
several  other  accounts,  he  at  length 
stretched  out  his  hands,  and  openly  wish- 
ed that  Tiberius  might  die,  and  that  he 
mightcjuickly  see  him  emperor  of  the  world. 
This  was  told  to  Tiberius  by  one  of 
Agrippa's  domestics ;  who  thereupon  was 
very  angry,  and  ordered  Agrippa  to  be 
bound,  and  had  him  very  ill  treated  in 
the  prison  for  six  months,  until  Tiberius 
died,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-two 
years,  and  six  months,  and  three  days. 

But  when  Caius  was  made  Caesar,  he 
released  Agrippa  from  his  bonds,  and 
made  him  king  of  Philip's  tetrarchy,  who 
was  now  dead ;  but  when  Agrippa  had 
arrived  at  that  degree  of  dignity,  he  in- 
flamed the  ambitious  desires  of  Herod  the 
tetrarch,  who  was  chiefly  induced  to  hope 
for  the  royal  authority  by  his  wife  He- 
rodias,  who  reproached  him  for  his  sloth, 
and  told  him  that  it  was  only  because  he 
would  not  sail  to  Caesar  that  he  was 
destitute  of  that  great  dignity ;  for  since 
Caesar  had  made  Agrippa  a  king  from  a 
private  person,  much  more  would  he  ad- 
vance him  from  a  tetrarch  to  that  dignity. 
These  arguments  prevailed  with  Herod, 
so  that  he  came  to  Caius,  by  whom  he 
was  punished  for  his  ambition,  by  being 
banished  into  Spain  ;  for  Agrippa  followed 
him,  in  order  to  accuse  him  ;  to  whom  also 
Caius  gave  his  tetrarchy,  by  way  of  ad- 


dition.     So  Herod  died  in  Spain,  whither 
his  wife  had  followed  him. 


CHAPTER  X. 

Caius  commands  that  his  statue  should  bo  set  up  in 
the  temple. 

Now  Caius  Caesar  did  so  grossly  abuse 
the  fortune  he  had  arrived  at,  as  to  take 
himself  to  be  a  god,  and  to  desire  to  be 
so  called  also,  and  to  cut  off  those  of  the 
greatest  nobility  out  of  his  country.  He 
also  extended  his  impiety  as  far  as  the 
Jews.  Accordingly,  he  sent  Petronius 
with  an  army  to  Jerusalem,  to  place  his 
statues  in  the  temple,*  and  commands! 
him  that,  in  case  the  Jews  would  not  ad- 
mit of  them,  he  should  slay  those  that 
opposed  it,  and  carry  all  the  rest  of  the 
nation  into  captivity  :  but  God  concerned 
himself  with  these  commands.  However, 
Petronius  marched  out  of  Antioch  into 
Judea,  with  three  legions,  and  many 
Syrian  auxiliaries.  Now  as  to  the  Jews, 
some  of  them  could  not  believe  the  stories 
that  spake  of  a  war ;  but  those  that  did 
believe  them  were  in  the  utmost  distress 
how  to  defend  themselves,  and  the  terror 
diffused  itself  presently  through  them  all ; 
for  the  army  was  already  come  to  Pto- 
lemais. 

This  Ptolemais  is  a  maritime  city  of 
Galilee,  built  in  the  great  plain.  It  is 
encompassed  with  mountains  :  that  on  the 
east  side,  sixty  furlongs  off,  belongs  to 
Galilee  ;  but  that  on  the  south  belongs  to 
Carmel,  which  is  distant  from  it  120  fur- 
longs ;  and  that  on  the  north  is  the 
highest  of  them  all,  and  is  called  by  the 
people  of  the  country,  the  "  ladder"  of  the 
Tyrians,  which  is  at  the  distance  of  100 
furlongs.  The  very  small  river  Bclus 
runs  by  it,  at  the  distance  of  two  furlongs; 
near  which  there  is  Mcmnon's  monument, 
and  hath  near  it  a  place  no  larger  than 
100  cubits,  which  deserves  admiration; 
for  the  place  is  round  and  hollow,  and 
affords  such  sand  as  glass  is  made  of; 
which  place,  when  it  hath  been  emptied 
by  the  many  ships  there  loaded,  it  is  filled 
again  by  the  winds,  which  bring  into  it, 
as  it  were  on  purpose,  that  sand  which  lay 
remote,  and  was  no  more  than  bare  com- 
mon sand,  while  this  mine  presently  turns 
it  into  glassy  sand;  and,  what  is  to  me 

•  Tacitus  owns  that  Caius  commanded  the  Jews 

to  place  his  statue  in  their  temple,  though  he  is 
mistaken  when  he  adds  that  the  Jl'ws  thereupon 
took  arms. 


218 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


still  more  wonderful,  that  glassy  sand 
wbieh  is  superfluous,  and  is  once  removed 
out  of  the  place,  becomes  bare  common 
sand  again ;  and  this  is  the  nature  of  the 
place  we  are  speaking  of. 

But  now  the  Jews  got  together  in  great 
numbers,  with  their  wives  and  children, 
into  that  plain  that  was  by  Ptolemais,  and 
made  supplication  to  Petronius,  first  for 
their  laws,  and,  in  the  next  place,  for  them- 
selves. So  he  was  prevailed  upon  by  the 
multitude  of  the  supplicants,  and  by  their 
supplications,  and  left  his  army  and  statues 
at  Ptolemais,  and  then  went  forward  into 
Galilee,  and  called  together  the  multitude 
and  all  the  men  of  note  to  Tiberias,  and 
showed  them  the  power  of  the  Romans, 
and  the  threatenings  of  Caesar ;  and,  be- 
sides this,  proved  that  their  petition  was 
unreasonable,  because,  while  all  the  na- 
tions in  subjection  to  them  had  placed  the 
images  of  Caesar  in  their  several  cities, 
among  the  rest  of  their  gods, — for  them 
alone  to  oppose  it,  was  almost  like  the 
behaviour  of  revolters,  and  was  injurious 
to  Caesar. 

And  when  they  insisted  on  their  law,  and 
the  custom  of  their  country,  and  how  it 
was  not  only  not  permitted  them  to  make 
either  an  image  of  God,  or  indeed  of  a 
man,  and  to  put  it  in  any  despicable  part 
of  their  country,  much  less  in  the  temple 
itself,  Petronius  replied,  "  And  am  not  I 
also,"  said  he,  "  bound  to  keep  the  law  of 
my  own  lord?  For  if  I  transgress  it,  and 
spare  you,  it  is  but  just  that  I  perish ; 
while  he  that  sent  me,  and  not  I,  will 
commence  a  war  against  you ;  for  I  am 
under  command  as  well  as  you."  Here- 
upon the  whole  multitude  cried  out,  that 
they  were  ready  to  suffer  for  their  law. 
Petronius  then  quieted  them,  and  said  to 
them,  "  Will  you  then  make  war  against 
Caesar  ?"  The  Jews  said,  "  We  offer  sacri- 
fices twice  every  day  for  Caesar,  and  for 
the  Roman  people  ;"  but  that  if  he  would 
place  the  images  among  them,  he  must 
first  sacrifice  the  whole  Jewish  nation ; 
and  that  they  were  ready  to  expose  them- 
selves, together  with  their  children  and 
wives,  to  be  slain.  At  this  Petronius 
was  astonished,  and  pitied  them  on  account 
of  the  inexpressible  sense  of  religion  the 
men  were  under,  and  that  courage  of 
theirs  which  made  them  ready  to  die  for 
it;  so  they  were  dismissed  without  success. 

But  on  the  following  days,  he  got  to- 
gether the  men  of  power  privately,  and 
the  multitude  publicly,  and  sometimes  he 


used  persuasions  to  them,  and  sometimes 
he  gave  them  his  advice;  but  he  chiefly 
made  use  of  threatenings  to  them,  and  in- 
sisted upon  the  power  of  the  Romans,  and 
the  anger  of  Caius;  and  besides  upon  the 
necessity  he  was  himself  under  [to  do  as 
was  enjoined].  But  as  they  could  in  no 
way  be  prevailed  upon,  and  he  saw  that 
the  country  was  in  danger  of  lying  with- 
out tillage,  (for  it  was  about  seed  time 
that  the  multitude  continued  for  fifty  days 
together  idle,)  so  he  at  last  got  them  to- 
gether, and  told  them,  that  it  was  best  for 
him  to  run  some  hazard  himself;  "for 
either,  by  the  divine  assistance,  I  shall  pre- 
vail with  Caesar;  and  shall  myself  escape 
the  danger  as  well  as  you,  which  will  be 
matter  of  joy  to  us  both ;  or,  in  case  Cae- 
sar continue  in  his  rage,  I  will  be  ready 
to  expose  my  own  life  for  such  a  great 
number  as  you  are."  Whereupon  he  dis- 
missed the  multitude,  who  prayed  greatly 
for  his  prosperity ;  and  he  took  the.  army 
out  of  Ptolemais,  and  returned  to  An- 
tioch ;  from  whence  he  presently  sent  an 
epistle  to  Caesar,  and  informed  him  of  the 
irruption  he  had  made  into  Judea,  and  of 
the  supplications  of  the  nation ;  and  that 
unless  he  had  a  mind  to  lose  both  the 
country  and  the  men  in  it,  he  must  per- 
mit them  to  keep  their  law,  and  must 
countermand  his  former  injunction.  Caius 
answered  that  epistle  in  a  violent  way, 
and  threatened  to  have  Petronius  put  to 
death  for  his  being  so  tardy  in  the  exe- 
cution of  what  he  had  commanded.  But 
it  happened  that  those  who  brought  Caius's 
epistle  were  tossed  by  a  storm,  and  were 
detained  on  the  sea  for  three  months,  while 
others  that  brought  the  news  of  Caius's 
death  had  a  good  voyage.  Accordingly, 
Petronius  received  the  epistle  concerning 
Caius,  twenty-seven  days  before  he  re- 
ceived that  which  was  against  himself. 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  government  of   Claudius,    and   the  reign  of 
Agrippa — death  of  Agrippa  and  of  Herod. 

Now  when  Caius  had  reigned  three 
years  and  eight  months,  and  had  been 
slain  by  treachery,  Claudius  was  hurried 
away  by  the  armies  that  were  at  Rome  to 
take  the  government  upon  him ;  but  the 
senate,  upon  the  reference  of  the  consuls, 
Sentius  Saturninus,  and  Pomponius  Se- 
cundus,  gave  orders  to  the  three  regiments 
of  soldiers  that  stayed  with  them,  to  keep 


Chap.  XI. 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


the  city  quiet,  and  went  up  into  the  capitol 
in  great  numbers,  and  resolved  to  oppose 
Claudius  by  force,  on  account  of  the  bar- 
barous treatment  they  had  met  with  from 
Caius;  and  they  determined  either  to  set- 
tle the'  nation  under  an  aristocracy,  as  they 
had  of  old  been  governed,  or  at  least  to 
choose  by  vote  such  an  one  for  emperor 
as  might  be  worthy  of  it. 

Now  it  happened  that  at  this  time 
Agrippa  sojourned  at  Home,  and  that 
bo'th  the  senate  called  him  to  consult 
with  them,  and  at  the  same  time  Claudius 
sent  for  him  out  of  the  camp,  that  he 
might  be  serviceable  to  him,  as  he  should 
have  occasion  for  his  service.  So  he,  per- 
ceiving that  Claudius  was  in  effect  made 
Caesar*  already,  went  to  him,  who  sent 
him  as  an  ambassador  to  the  senate,  to  let 
them  know  what  his  intentions  were: 
that,  in  the  first  place,  it  was  without  his 
seeking  that  he  was  hurried  away  by  the 
soldiers  ;  moreover,  that  he  thought  it  was 
not  just  to  desert  those  soldiers  in  such 
their  zeal  for  him,  and  that  if  he  should 
do  so,  his  own  fortune  would  be  in  uncer- 
tainty ;  for  that  it  was  a  dangerous  case 
to  have  been  once  called  to  the  empire. 
He  added  further,  that  he  would  administer 
the  government  as  a  good  prince,  and  not 
like  a  tyrant;  for  that  he  would  be  satis- 
fied with  the  honour  of  being  called  em- 
peror, but  would,  in  every  one  of  his  ac- 
tions, permit  them  all  to  give  him  their 
advice;  for  that  although  he  had  not  been 
by  nature  for  moderation,  yet  would  the 
death  of  Caius  afford  him  a  sufficient  de- 
monstration how  soberly  he  ought  to  act 
in  that  station. 

This  message  was  delivered  by  Agrippa; 
to  which  the  senate  replied,  that  since 
they  had  an  army,  and  the  wisest  counsels 
on  their  side,  they  would  not  endure  a 
voluntary  slavery.  When  Claudius  heard 
what  answer  the  senate  had  made,  he 
sent  Agrippa  to  them  again,  with  the 
following  message  : — That  be  could  not 
bear  the  thoughts  of  betraying  them  that 
had  given  their  oaths  to  be  true  to  him ; 
and  that  he  saw  he  must  fight,  though 
unwillingly,  against  such  as  he  had  no 
mind  to  fight ;  that  however  [if  it  must 
come  to  that],  it  was  proper  to  choose  a 
place  without  the  city  for  the  war;  be- 
cause it  was  not  agreeable  to  piety  to 
pollute  the  temples  of  their  own  city  with 
the  blood  of  their  own  countrymen,  and 
this  only  on  occasion  of  their  imprudent 
conduct.     And  when  Agrippa  had  heard 


210 
he    delivered     it    to    the 


this   message 
senators. 

In  the  mean  time,  one  of  the  soldiers  be- 
longing to  the  senate  drew  his  sword,  and 
cried  out,  "  O  my  fellow-soldiers,  what  is 
the  meaning  of  this  choice  of  ours,  to  kill 
our  brethren,  and  to  use  violence  to  our 
kindred  that  are  with  Claudius  !  While 
we  may  have  him  for  our  emperor  whom 
no  one  can  blame,  and  who  hath  so 
many  just  reasons  [to  lay  claim  to  the 
government]  !  and  this  with  regard  to 
those  against  whom  we  are  going  to  fight !" 
When  he  had  said  this,  he  marched 
through  the  whole  senate,  and  carried 
all  the  soldiers  along  with  him.  Upon 
which  all  the  patricians  were  immediately 
in  a  great  fright  at  their  being  thus 
deserted.  But  still,  because  there  ap- 
peared no  other  way  whither  they  could 
turn  themselves  for  deliverance,  they 
made  haste  the  same  way  with  the 
soldiers,  and  went  to  Claudius.  But 
those  that  had  the  greatest  luck  in 
flattering  the  good  fortune  of  Clau- 
dius betimes,  met  them  before  the  walls 
with  their  naked  swords,  and  there  was 
reason  to  fear  that  those  that  came 
first  might  have  been  in  danger,  before 
Claudius  could  know  what  violence  the 
soldiers  were  going  to  offer  them,  had 
not  Agrippa  run  before,  and  told  him 
what  a  dangerous  thing  they  were  going 
about,  and  that  unless  be  restrained  the 
violence  of  these  men,  who  were  in  a  fit 
of  madness  against  the  patricians,  he 
would  lose  those  on  whose  account  it  was 
most  desirable  to  rule,  and  would  bo 
emperor  over  a  desert. 

When  Claudius  heard  this,  he  restrained 
the  violence  of  the  soldiery,  and  received 
the  senate  into  the  camp,  and  treated 
them  after  an  obliging  manner,  and  went 
out  with  them  presently,  to  offer  their 
thank-offerings  to  God,  which  were  pro- 
per upon  his  first  coming  to  the  empire. 
Moreover,  he  bestowed  on  Agrippa  his 
whole  paternal  kingdom  immediately,  and 
added  to  it,  besides  those  countries  that 
had  been  given  by  Augustus  to  Herod, 
Trachonitis  and  Auranitis,  and  still  be- 
sides these,  that  kingdom  which  was  call- 
ed the  kingdom  of  Lysanias.  This  gift 
he  declared  to  the  people  by  a  decree, 
but  ordered  the  magistrates  to  have  the 
donations  engraved  on  the  tables  of 
brass,  and  to  be  set  up  in  the  capitol. 
He  bestowed  on  his  brother  Herod,  who 
was   also    his    son-in-law,    by    marrying 


220 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


[his  daughter]  Bernice,  the  kingdom  of 
Chalcis. 

So  now  riches  flow?d  into  Agrippa  by 
his  enjoyment  of  so  large  a  dominion  ;  nor 
did  he  abuse  the  money  he  had  on  small 
matters,  but  he  began  to  encompass  Jeru- 
salem with  such  a  wall,  which,  had  it 
been  brought  to  perfection,  bad  made  it 
impractiacble  for  the  Romans  to  take  it  by 
siege;  but  his  death,  which  happened  at 
Cesarea,  before  he  had  raised  the  walls  to 
their  due  height,  prevented  him.  He 
had  then  reigned  three  years,  as  he  had 
governed  his  tetrarchies  three  other  years. 
He  left  behind  him  three  daughters,  born 
to  him  by  Cypros — Bernice,  Mariamne, 
and  Drusilla;  and  a  son  born  of  the  same 
mother,  whose  name  was  Agrippa :  he 
was  left  a  very  young  child,  so  that  Clau- 
dius made  the  country  a  Roman  province, 
and  sent  CuspiusFadustobe  its  procurator, 
and  after  him  Tiberius  Alexander,  who, 
making  no  alterations  of  the  ancient  laws, 
kept  the  nation  in  tranquillity.  Now  after 
this,  Herod  the  king  of  Chalcis  died,  and 
left  behind  him  two  sons,  born  to  him  of 
his  brother's  daughter  Bernice ;  their 
names  were  Bernicianus  and  Hyrcanus. 
[He  also  left  behind  him]  Aristobulus, 
whom  he  had  by  his  former  wife,  Mari- 
amne. There  was,  besides,  another  brother 
of  his  that  died  a  private  person, — his  name 
was  also  Aristobulus, — who  left  behind 
him  a  daughter,  whose  name  was  Jotape; 
and  these,  as  I  have  formerly  said,  were  the 
children  of  Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Herod; 
which  Aristobulus  and  Alexander  were 
born  to  Herod  by  Mariamne,  and  were 
slain  by  him.  But  as  for  Alexander's 
posterity,  they  reigned  in  Armenia. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Tumults  under  Cumanus — suppressed  by  Quadratus 
— Felix  procurator  of  Judca — Agrippa  advanced 
from  Chalcis  to  a  larger  kingdom. 

Now  after  the  death  of  Herod,  king  of 
Chalcis,  Claudius  set  Agrippa,  the  son  of 
Agrippa,  over  bis  uncle's  kingdom,  while 
Cumanus  took  upon  him  tbe  office  of  pro- 
curator of  the  rest,  which  was  a  Roman 
province,  and  therein  he  succeeded  Alex- 
ander; under  which  Cumanus  began  the 
troubles,  and  the  Jews'  ruin  came  on  ;  for 
when  the  multitude  were  come  together  to 
Jerusalem,  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
and  a  Roman  cohort  stood  over  the  clois- 
ters of  the  temple,  (for  they  always  were 
armed  and  kept  guard  at  the  festivals,  to 


prevent  any  innovation  which  the  mul- 
titude thus  gathered  together  might  make,) 
one  of  the  soldiers  pulled  back  his  gar- 
ment, and  cowering  down  after  an  indecent 
manner,  turned  his  breech  to  the  Jews, 
and  spake  such  words  as  you  might  expect 
upon  such  a  posture.  At  this  the  whole 
multitude  had  indignation,  and  made  a 
clamour  to  Cumanus  that  he  would  pu- 
nish the  soldier;  while  the  rasher  part  of 
the  youth,  and  such  as  were  naturally  the 
most  tumultuous,  fell  to  fighting,  and 
caught  up  stones,  and  threw  them  at  the 
soldiers.  Upon  which  Cumanus  was  afraid 
lest  all  the  people  should  make  an  assault, 
upon  him,  and  sent  to  call  for  more  armed 
men,  who,  when  they  came  in  great  num- 
bers into  the  cloisters,  the  Jews  were  in  a 
very  great  consternation  ;  and  being  beaten 
out  of  the  temple,  they  ran  into  the  city; 
and  the  violence  with  which  they  crowded 
to  get  out  was  so  great,  that  they  trod 
upon  each  other,  and  squeezed  one  an- 
other, till  10,000  of  them  were  killed, 
insomuch  that  this  feast  became  the  cause 
of  mourning  to  the  whole  nation,  and 
every  family  lamented  [their  own  rela- 
tions]. 

Now  there  followed  after  this  another 
calamity,  which  arose  from  a  tumult  made 
by  robbers  ;  for  at  the  public  road  of  Beth- 
horen,  one  Stephen,  a  servant  of  Caesar,  car- 
ried some  furniture,  which  the  robbers  fell 
upon  and  seized.  Upon  this  Cumanus  sent 
men  to  go  round  about  to  the  neighbouring 
villages,  and  to  bring  their  inhabitants  to 
him  bound,  as  laying  it  to  their  charge  that 
they  had  not  pursued  after  the  thieves, 
and  caught  them.  Now  here  it  was  that 
a  certain  soldier  finding  the  sacred  book 
of  the  law,  tore  it  to  pieces,  and  threw  it 
into  the  fire.*  Hereupon  the  Jews  were 
in  great  disorder,  as  if  their  whole  country 
were  in  a  flame,  and  assembled  themselves 
so  many  of  them  by  their  zeal  for  their 
religion,  as  by  an  engine;  and  ran  together 
with  united  clamour  to  Cesarea,  to  Cu- 
manus, and  made  supplication  to  him 
that  he  would  not  overlook  this  man,  who 
had  offered  such  an  affront  to  God  and  to 
his  law,  but  punish  him  for  what  he  had 
done.  Accordingly,  he  perceiving  that  the 
multitude  would  not  be  quiet  unless  they 
had  a  comfortable  answer  from  him,  gave 
order  that  the  soldier  should  be  brought, 


*  The  Talmud,  in  recounting  ten  sad  accidents 
for  which  the  Jews  ought  to  rend  their  garments, 
reckons  this  for  one ; — "  When  they  hear  that  the 
law  of  God  is  burnt." 


CiiAr.  XII.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


221 


and  drawn  through  those  that  required  to 
have  him  punished,  to  execution;  which 
being  done,  the  Jews  went,  their  ways. 

After  this  there  happened  a  fight  be- 
tween the  Galileans  and  the  Samaritans  : 
it  happened  at  a  village  called  Geman, 
which  is  situate  in  the  great  plain  of  Sa- 
maria; where,  as  a  great  number  of  Jews 
were  going  up  to  Jerusalem  to  the  feast 
[of  tabernacles],  a  certain  Galilean  was 
slain  ;  and  besides,  a  vast,  number  of  peo- 
ple ran  together  out  of  Galilee,  in  order 
to  fight  with  the  Samaritans.  But  the 
principal  men  among  them  came  to  Cu- 
manus,  and  besought  him  that,  before  the 
evil  became  incurable,  he  would  come  into 
Galilee,  and  bring  the  authors  of  this 
murder  to  punishment;  for  that  there 
was  no  other  way  to  make  the  multitude 
separate,  without  coming  to  blows.  How- 
ever, Cumanus  postponed  their  suppli- 
cations to  the  other  affairs  he  was  then 
about,  and  sent  the  petitioners  away  with- 
out success. 

But  when  the  affair  of  this  murder 
came  to  be  told  at  Jerusalem,  it  put  the 
multitude  into  disorder,  and  they  left  the 
feast ;  and  without  any  generals  to  conduct 
them,  they  marched  with  great  violence 
to  Samaria;  nor  would  they  be  ruled  by 
any  of  the  magistrates  that  were  set  over 
them  ;  but  they  were  managed  by  one 
Eleazar,  the  son  of  Dineas,  aud  by  Alex- 
ander, in  these  their  thievish  and  seditious 
attempts.  These  men  fell  upon  those 
that  were  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
Acrabatene  toparchy,  and  slew  them,  with- 
out sparing  any  age,  and  set  the  villages 
on  fire. 

But  Cumanus  took  one  troop  of  horse- 
men, called  the  Troop  of  Sebaste,  out  of 
Cesarea,  and  came  to  the  assistance  of  those 
that  were  spoiled ;  he  also  seized  upon  a 
great  number  of  those  that  followed  Elea- 
zar,  and  slew  more  of  them.  And  as  for 
the  rest  of  the  multitude  of  those  that 
went  so  zealously  to  fight  with  the  Sama- 
ritans, the  rulers  of  Jerusalem  ran  out, 
clothed  with  sackcloth,  and  having  ashes 
on  their  heads,  and  begged  of  them  to  go 
their  ways,  lest  by  their  attempt  to  re- 
veuge  themselves  upon  the  Samaritans, 
they  should  provoke  the  Romans  to  come 
against  Jerusalem — to  have  compassion 
upon  their  country  and  temple,  their  chil- 
dren and  their  wives,  and  not  bring  the 
utmost  dangers  of  destruction  upon  them, 
in  order  to  avenge  themselves  upon  one 
Galilean  only.     The  Jews  complied  with 


these  persuasions  of  theirs,  ami  dispersed 
themselves;  but  still  there  was  a  great 
number  who  betook  themselves  to  robbing, 
in  hopes  of  impunity  ;  and  rapines  and  in- 
surrections of  the  bolder  sort  happened 
over  the  whole  country.  And  the  men 
of  power  among  the  Samaritans  came  to 
Tyre,  to  Ummidius  Quadratus,  the  presi- 
dent of  Syria,  aud  desired  that  they  that 
had  laid  waste  the  country  might  be  pu- 
nished :  the  great  men  also  of  the  Jews, 
and  Jonathan  the  son  of  Ananus,  the 
high  priest,  came  thither,  and  said  that 
the  Samaritans  were  the  beginners  of 
the  "disturbance,  on  account  of  that  mur- 
der they  had  committed;  and  that  Cu- 
manus had  given  occasion  to  what  had 
happened,  by  his  unwillingness  to  punish 
the  original  authors  of  that  murder. 

But  Quadratus  put  both  parties  off  for 
that  time,  aud  told  them,  thr.t  when  he 
should  come  to  those  places  he  would 
make  a  diligent  inquiry  after  every  cir- 
cumstance. After  which  he  went  to  Ce- 
sarea, and  crucified  all  those  whom  Cuma- 
nus had  taken  alive ;  and  when  from  thence 
he  was  come  to  the  city  Lydda,  he  heard 
the  affair  of  the  Samaritans,  and  sent  for 
eighteen  of  the  Jews,  whom  he  had  learned 
to  have  been  concerned  in  that  fight,  and 
beheaded  them;  but  he  sent  two  others 
that  were  of  the  greatest  power  among 
them,  aud  both  Jonathan  and  Ananias, 
the  high  priests,  as  also  Ananus  the  son 
of  this  Ananias,  aud  certain  others  that 
were  eminent  among  the  Jews,  to  C*esar; 
as  he  did  in  like  manner  by  the  most  illus- 
trious of  the  Samaritans.  He  also  ordered 
that  Cumanus  [the  procurator]  and  Celer 
the  tribuue  should  sail  to  Rome,  in  order 
to  give  an  account  of  what  had  been  done 
to  Caesar.  When  he  had  finished  these 
matters,  he  went  up  from  Lydda  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  finding  the  multitude  celebrat- 
ing their  feast  of  unleavened  bread  with- 
out any  tumult,  he  returned  to  Antioch. 

Now  when  Csesar  at  Rome  had  heard 
what  Cumanus  and  the  Samaritaus  had  to 
say,  (where  it  was  done  in  the  hearing  of 
Agrippa,  who  zealously  espoused  the  cause 
of  the  Jews,  as  in  like  manner  many  of 
the  great  men  stood  by  Cumanus,)  he  con- 
demned the  Samaritans,  and  commanded 
that  three  of  the  most  powerful  men  among 
them  should  be  put  to  death  :  he  banished 
Cumanus,  and  sent  Celer  bound  to  Jeru- 
salem, to  be  delivered  over  to  the  Jews  to 
be  tormented — that  he  should  be  drawn 
round  the  city,  and  then  beheaded. 


222 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


TBook  II. 


After  this,  C:esar  sent  Felix,  the  brother 
of  Pallas,  to  be  procurator  of  Galilee,  and 
Samaria,  and  Perea,  and  removed  Agrippa 
from  Chalcis  unto  a  greater  kingdom ; 
for  he  gave  him  the  tetrarchy  which  had 
belonged  to  Philip,  which  contained  Ba- 
tanea,  Trachonitis,  and  Gaulonitis :  he 
added  to  it  the  kingdom  of  Lysanias,  and 
that  province  [Abilene]  which  Varus  had 
governed.  But  Claudius  himself,  when 
he  had  administered  the  government  thir- 
teen years,  eight  months,  and  twenty  days, 
died,  and  left  Nero  to  be  his  successor  in 
the  empire,  whom  he  had  adopted  by  his 
wife  Agrippina's  delusions,  in  order  to  be 
his  successor,  although  he  had  a  son  of  his 
own,  whose  name  was  Britannicus,  by  Mes- 
salina  his  former  wife,  and  a  daughter, 
whose  name  was  Octavia,  whom  he  had 
married  to  Nero :  he  had  also  another 
daughter,  by  Petina,  whose  name  was  An- 
tonia. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Nero  adds  four  cities  to  Agrippa's  kingdom — dis- 
turbances raised  by  tbe  Sicarii,  the  magicians, 
and  an  Egyptian  false  prophet. 

Now  as  to  the  many  things  in  which 
Nero  acted  like  a  madman,  out  of  the  ex- 
travagant degree  of  the  felicity  and  riches 
which  he  enjoyed,  and  by  that  means  used 
his  good  fortune  to  the  injury  of  others; 
and  after  what  manner  he  slew  his  brother, 
and  wife,  and  mother,  from  whom  his 
barbarity  spread  itself  to  others  that  were 
most  nearly  related  to  him ;  and  how,  at 
last,  he  was  so  distracted  that  he  became 
an  actor  in  the  scenes,  and  upon  the  thea- 
tre, I  omit  to  say  any  more  about  them, 
because  there  are  writers  enough  upon 
those  subjects  everywhere ;  but  I  shall 
turn  myself  to  those  actions  of  his  time 
in  which  the  Jews  were  concerned. 

Nero  therefore  bestowed  the  kingdom 
of  the  Lesser  Armenia  upon  Aristobulus, 
Herod's*  son,  and  he  added  to  Agrippa's 
kingdom  four  cities,  with  the  toparchies 
to  them  belonging:  I  mean  Abila,  and 
that  Julias  which  is  in  Perea,  Tarichea 
also,  and  Tiberias  of  Galilee ;  but  over 
the  rest  of  Judea  he  made  Felix  procura- 
tor. This  Felix  took  Eleazar  the  arch- 
robber,  and  many  that  were  with  him, 
alive,  when  they  had  ravaged  the  country 
for  twenty  years  together,  and  sent  them 
to  Rome  ;  but  as  to  the  number  of  the  rob- 


bers whom  he.  caused  to  be  crucified,  and 
who  were  caught  among  them,  and  those 
he  brought  to  punishment,  they  were  a 
multitude  not  to  be  enumerated. 

When  the  country  was  purged  of  these, 
there  sprang  up  another  sort  of  robbers 
in  Jerusalem,  which  were  called  Sicarii 
who  slew  men  in  the  daytime,  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  city  :  this  they  did  chiefly 
at  the  festivals,  when  they  mingled  them- 
selves among  the  multitude,  and  concealed 
daggers  under  their  garments,  with  which 
they  stabbed  those  that  were  their  ene- 
mies ;  and  when  any  fell  down  dead,  the 
murderers  became  a  part  of  those  that  had 
indignation  against  them  ;  by  which  means 
tbey  appeared  persons  of  such  reputation, 
that  they  could  by  no  means  be  discovered. 
The  first  man  who  was  slain  by  them  was 
Jonathan  the  high  priest,  after  whose 
death  many  were  slain  every  day,  while 
the  fear  men  were  in  of  being  so  served, 
was  more  afflicting  than  the  calamity  it- 
self; and  while  everybody  expected  death 
every  hour,  as  men  do  in  war,  so  men 
were  obliged  to  look  before  them,  and  to 
take  notice  of  their  enemies  at  a  great  dis- 
tance; nor,  if  their  friends  were  coming 
to  them,  durst  they  trust  them  any  longer; 
but,  in  the  midst  of  their  suspicions  a.nd 
guarding  of  themselves,  they  were  slain. 
Such  was  the  celerity  of  the  plotters 
against  them,  and  so  cunning  was  their 
contrivance. 

There  was  also  another  body  of  wicked 
men  gotten  together,  not  so  impure  in 
their  actions,  but  more  wicked  in  their  in- 
tentions, who  laid  waste  .the  happy  state 
of  the  city  no  less  than  did  these  murder- 
ers. These  were  such  men  as  deceived 
and  deluded  the  people  under  pretence  of 
diviue  inspiration,  but  were  for  procuring 
innovations  and  changes  of  the  govern- 
ment; and  these  prevailed  with  the  mul- 
titude to  act  like  madmen,  and  went  be- 
fore them  into  the  wilderness,  as  pretend- 
ing that  God  would  there  show  them  the 
signals  of  liberty;  but  Felix  thought  this 
procedure  was  to  be  the  beginning  of  a 
revolt;  so  he  sent  some  horsemen,  and 
footmen  both  armed,  who  destroyed  a 
great  number  of  them. 

But,  there  was  an  Egyptian  false  pro- 
phet that  did  the  Jews  more  mischief  than 
the  former ;  for  he  was  a  cheat,  and  pre- 
tended to  be  a  prophet  also,  and  got  toge- 
ther 30,000  men  that  were  deluded  by 
him  :  these  he  led  round  about  from  the 
wilderness  to  the  mount  which  was  called 


Chap  XIV.} 


WAKS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


223 


the  .Mount  of  Olives,  and  was  ready  to 
break  into  Jerusalem  by  force  from  that 
place  ;  and  if  he  could  but  once  conquer 
the  Roman  garrison  and  the  people,  he 
intended  to  domiueer  over  them  by  the 
assistance  of  those  guards  of  his  that  were 
to  break  into  the  city  with  him;  but  Fe- 
lix prevented  his  attempt,  and  met  him 
with  his  Roman  soldiers,  while  all  the 
people  assisted  him  in  his  attack  upon 
them,  insomuch  that  when  it  came  to  a 
battle,  the  Egyptian  rau  away,  with  a  few 
others,  while  the  greatest  part  of  those 
that  were  with  him  were  either  destroyed 
or  taken  alive ;  but  the  rest  of  the  multi- 
tude were  dispersed  every  one  to  their 
own  homes,  and  there  concealed  them- 
selves. 

Now,  when  these  were  quieted,  it  hap- 
pened, as  it  does  in  a  diseased  body,  that 
another  part  was  subject  to  an  inflamma- 
tion ;  for  a  company  of  deceivers  and  rob- 
bers got  together,  and  persuaded  the  Jews 
to  revolt,  and  exhorted  them  to  assert  their 
liberty,  inflicting  death  on  those  that  con- 
tinued in  obedience  to  the  Roman  govern- 
ment, and  saying,  that  such  as  willingly 
chose  slavery,  ought  to  be  forced  from 
such  their  desired  inclinations ;  for  they 
parted  themselves  into  different  bodies, 
and  lay  in  wait  up  and  down  the  country, 
and  plundered  the  houses  of  the  great 
men,  and  slew  the  men  themselves,  and 
set  the  villages  on  fire ;  and  this  till  all 
Judea  was  filled  with  the  effects  of  their 
madness.  And  thus  the  flame  was  every 
day  more  and  more  blown  up,  till  it  came 
to  a  direct  war. 

There  was  also  another  disturbance  at 
Cesarea — those  Jews  who  were  mixed 
with  the  Syrians  that  lived  there,  raising 
a  tumult  against  them.  The  Jews  pre- 
tended that  the  city  was  theirs,  and  said 
that  he  who  built  it  was  a  Jew;  meaning 
King  Herod.  The  Syrians  confessed  also 
that  its  builder  was  a  Jew;  but  they  still 
said,  however,  that  the  city  was  a  Grecian 
city  ;  for  that  he  who  set  up  statues  and 
temples  in  it  could  not  design  it  for  the 
Jews.  On  which  account  both  parties 
had  a  contest  with  one  another;  and  this 
contest  increased  so  much,  that  it  came  at 
last  to  arms,  and  the  bolder  sort  of  them 
marched  out  to  fight;  for  the  elders  of  the 
Jews  were  not  able  to  put  a  stop  to  their 
own  people  that  were  disposed  to  be  tu- 
multuous, and  the  Greeks  thought  it  a 
a  shame  for  them  to  be  overcome  by  the 
Jews       Now    these    Jews    exceeded    the 


Others  in  riches  and  strength  of  body; 
but  the  Grecian  part  had  the  advantage 
of  assistance  from  the  soldiery;  for  the 
greatest  part  of  the  Roman  garrison  was 
raised  out  of  Syria;  and  being  thus  re- 
lated to  the  Syrian  part,  they  were  ready 
to  assist  it.  However,  the  governors  of 
the  city  were  concerned  to  keep  all  quiet, 
and  whenever  they  caught  those  that  were 
most  for  fighting  on  either  side,  they  pu- 
nished them  with  stripes  and  bonds.  Yet 
did  not  the  sufferings  of  those  that  were 
caught  affright  the  remainder,  or  make 
them  desist;  but  they  were  still  more  and 
more  exasperated,  and  deeper  engaged  in 
the  sedition.  And  as  Felix  came  once 
into  the  market-place,  and  commanded  the 
Jews,  when  they  had  beaten  the  Syrians, 
to  go  their  ways,  and  threatened  them  if 
they  would  not,  and  they  would  not  obey 
him,  he  sent  his  soldiers  out  upon  them, 
and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  upon 
which  it  fell  out  that  what  they  had  was 
plundered.  And  as  the  sedition  still  con- 
tinued, he  chose  out  the  most  eminent 
men  on  both  sides  as  ambassadors  to  Nero, 
to  argue  about  their  several  privileges. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Festus,  Albinus,  and  Floras,  successively  procura- 
tors of  Judea — the  Jews  resist  the  cruelties  of 
Floras. 

Now  it  was  that  Festus  succeeded  Fe- 
lix as  procurator,  and  made  it  his  business 
to  correct  those  that  made  disturbances  in 
the  country.  So  he  caught  the  greatest 
part  of  the  robbers,  and  destroyed  a  great 
many  of  them.  But  then  Albinus,  who 
succeeded  Festus,  did  not  execute  his  office 
as  the  other  had  done;  nor  was  there  any 
sort  of  wickedness  that  could  be  named 
but  he  had  a  hand  in  it.  Accordingly, 
he  did  not  only,  in  his  political  capacity, 
steal  and  plunder  every  one's  substance, 
nor  did  he  only  burden  the  whole  nation 
with  taxes,  but  he  permitted  the  relations 
of  such  as  were  in  prison  for  robbery,  and 
had  been  laid  there,  either  by  the  senate 
of  every  city,  or  by  the  former  procura- 
tors, to  redeem  them  for  money;  and  no- 
body remained  in  the  prisons  as  a  male- 
factor but  he  who  gave  him  nothing.  At 
this  time  it  was  that  the  enterprises  of  the 
seditious  at  Jerusalem  were  very  formida- 
ble; the  principal  men  among  them  pur- 
chasing leave  of  Albinus  to  go  on  with 
their  seditious  practices;  while  that  part 
of   the   people   who  delighted   in   distur- 


224 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


bances  joined  themselves  to  such  as  had 
fellowship  with  Albinus ;  and  every  one 
of  these  wicked  wretches  were  encom- 
passed with  his  own  band  of  robbers, 
while  he  himself,  like  an  archrobber,  or 
a  tyrant,  made  a  figure  among  his  com- 
pany, and  abused  his  authority  over  those 
about  him,  in  order  to  plunder  those  that 
lived  quietly.  The  effect  of  which  was 
this,  that  those  who  lost  their  goods  were 
forced  to  hold  their  peace,  when  they  had 
reason  to  show  great  indignation  at  what 
they  had  suffered  ;  but  those  who  had  es- 
caped, were  forced  to  flatter  him  that  de- 
served to  be  punished,  out  of  the  fear 
they  were  in  of  suffering  equally  with  the 
others.  Upon  the  whole,  nobody  durst 
speak  their  minds,  for  tyranny  was  gene- 
rally tolerated;  and  at  this  time  were 
those  seeds  sown  which  brought  the  city 
to  destruction. 

And  although  such  was  the  character 
of  Albinus,  yet  did  Gessius  Florus,  who 
succeeded  him,  demonstrate  him  to  have 
been  a  most  excellent  person,  upon  the 
comparison  :  for  the  former  did  the  great- 
est part  of  his  rogueries  in  private,  and 
with  a  sort  of  dissimulation;  but  Gessius 
did  his  unjust  actions  to  the  harm  of  the 
nation  after  a  pompous  manner;  and  as 
though  he  had  been  sent  as  an  execu- 
tioner to  punish  condemned  malefactors, 
he  omitted  no  sort  of  rapine,  or  of  vexa- 
tion :  where  the  case  was  really  pitiable, 
he  was  mpst  barbarous;  and  in  things  of 
the  greatest  turpitude,  he  was  more  im- 
pudent; nor  could  any  one  outdo  him  in 
disguising  the  truth ;  nor  could  any  one 
contrive  more  subtle  ways  of  deceit  than 
he  did.  He  iudeed  thought  it  but  a  petty 
offence  to  get  money  out  of  single  per- 
sons ;  so  he  spoiled  whole  cities,  and  ruined 
entire  bodies  of  men  at  once,  and  did  al- 
most publicly  proclaim  it  all  the  country 
over,  that  they  had  liberty  given  them  to 
turn  robbers,  upon  this  conditiou,  that  he 
might  go  shares  with  them  in  the  spoils. 
Accordingly,  this  his  greediness  of  gain 
was  the  occasion  that  entire  toparchies 
were  brought  to  desolation,  and  a  great 
many  of  the  people  left  their  own  coun- 
try, and  fled  into  foreign  provinces. 

And  truly,  while  Cestius  Gallus  was 
presideut  of  the  province  of  Syria,  no- 
body durst  do  so  much  as  seud  an  embas- 
sage to  him  against  Florus;  but  when  he 
was  come  to  Jerusalem,  upon  the  approach 
of  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread,  the  peo- 
ple came  about  him  not  fewer  in  number 


than  3,000,000  :*  these  besought  him  to 
commiserate  the  calamities  of  their  nation, 
and  cried  out  upon  Florus  as  the  bane  of 
their  country.  But  as  he  was  present, 
and  stood  by  Cestius,  he  laughed  at  their 
words.  However,  Cestius,  when  he  had 
quieted  the  multitude,  and  had  assured 
them  that  he  would  take  care  that  Florus 
should  hereafter  treat  them  in  a  more 
gentle  manner,  returned  to  Antioch  :  Flo- 
rus also  conducted  him  as  far  as  Cesarea, 
and  deluded  him,«though  he  had  at  that 
very  time  the  purpose  of  showing  his  an- 
ger at  the  nation,  and  procuring  a  war 
upon  them,  by  which  means  alone  it  was 
that  he  supposed  he  might  conceal  his 
enormities;  for  he  expected  that,  if  the 
peace  continued,  he  should  have  the  Jews 
for  his  accusers  before  Caesar  :  but  that  if 
he  could  procure  them  to  make  a  revolt, 
he  should  divert  their  laying  lesser  crimes 
to  his  charge,  by  a  misery  that  was  so 
much  greater ;  he  therefore  did  every  day 
augmeut  their  calamities,  in  order  to  in- 
duce them  to  a  rebellion. 

Now  at  this  time  it  happened  that  the 
Grecians  at  Cesarea  had  been  too  hard 
for  the  Jews,  and  had  obtained  of  Nero 
the  government  of  the  city,  and  had 
brought  the  judicial  determination  :  at  the 
same  time  began  the  war,  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  the  reign  of  Nero,  and  the  seven- 
teenth of  the  reign  of  Agrippa,  in  the 
month  of  Artemissus  [Jyar].  Now  the 
occasion  of  this  war  was  by  no  means 
proportionable  to  those  heavy  calamities 
which  it  brought  upon  us;  for  the  Jews 
that  dwelt  at  Cesarea  had  a  synagogue 
near  the  place,  whose  owner  was  a  certain 
Cesarean  Greek :  the  Jews  had  endea- 
voured frequently  to  have  purchased  the 
possession  of  the  place,  and  had  offered 
many  times  its  value  for  its  price;  but  as 
the  owner  overlooked  their  offers,  so  did 
he  raise  other  buildings  upon  the  place, 
in  way  of  affront  to  them,  and  made  work- 
ing-shops of  them,  and  left  them  but  a 
narrow  passage,  and  such  as  was  very 
troublesome  for  them  to  go  along  to  their 
synagogue ;  whereupon  the  warmer  part 
of  the  Jewish  youth  went  hastily  to  the 
workmen,  and  forbade  them  to  build  there; 
but  as  Florus  would  not  permit  them  to 
use  force,  the  great  men  of  the  Jews,  with 


*  Three  millions  of  the  Jews  were  present  at  the 
passover,  A.  D.  65,  which  confirms  Josephus's  state- 
ment, that  at  a  passover  a  little  later,  they  counted 
256,500  paschal  lambs;  which,  at  twelve  persona 
to  each  lamb,  will  produce  3,078,000. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


225 


John  the  publican,  being  in  (be  utmost 
distress  what  to  do,  persuaded  Floras, 
with  the  offer  of  eight  talents,  to  hinder 
the  work.  He  then,  being  intent,  upon 
nothing  but  getting  money,  promised  he 
would  do  for  them  all  they  desired  of 
him,  and  then  went  away  from  Cesarea  to 
Sebaste,  and  left  the  sedition  to  take  its 
full  course,  as  if  he  had  sold  a  license  to 
the  Jews  to  fight  it  out. 

Now  on  the  next  day,  which  was  the 
seventh  day  of  the  week,  when  the  Jews 
were  crowding  apace  to  their  synagogue, 
a  certain  man  of  Cesarea,  of  a  seditious 
temper,  got  an  earthen  vessel,  and  set  it, 
with  the  bottom  upward,  at  the  entrance 
of  that  synagogue,  and  sacrificed  birds.* 
This  thing  provoked  the  Jews  to  an  in- 
curable degree,  because  their  laws  were 
affronted,   and    the    place   was   polluted ; 
whereupon  the  sober  and  moderate  part 
of  the  Jews  thought  it  proper  to  have  re- 
course to  their  governors  again,  while  the 
seditious  part,  and  such  as  were  in  the 
fervour  of  their  youth,  were  vehemently 
inflamed    to   fight.       The    seditious   also 
among  [the  Gentiles   of]    Cesarea   stood 
ready  for  the  same  purpose  ;  for  they  had, 
by  agreement,  sent  the  man  to  sacrifice 
beforehand  [as  ready  to  support  him]  ;  so 
that  it  soon  came  to  blows.     Hereupon 
Jucundus,  the  master  of  the  horse,  who 
was  ordered  to  prevent  the  fight,  came 
thither,  and  took  away  the  earthen  vessel, 
and  endeavoured  to  put  a  stop  to  the  se- 
dition ;  but  when  he  was  overcome  by  the 
violence  of   the  people   of    Cesarea,  the 
Jews  caught  up  their  books  of  the  law, 
and  retired  to  Narbata,  which  was  a  place 
to  them  belonging,  distant  from  Cesarea 
sixty  furlongs.     But  John,  and  twelve  of 
the  principal  men  with  him,  went  to  Flo- 
ras, to  Sebaste,  and  made  a  lamentable 
complaint  of  their  case,  and  besought  him 
to  help  them;  and  with  all  possible  de- 
cency, put  him  in  mind  of  the  eight  ta- 
lents they  had  given  him ;  but  he  had  the 
men  seized  upon,  and  put  in  prison,  aud 
accused  them  for  carrying  the  books  of 
the  law  out  of  Cesarea. 

Moreover,  as  to  the  citizens  of  Jerusa- 
lem, although  they  took  this  matter  very 


ill,  yet,  did  they  restrain    their  passion; 
bat  Floras  acted  he'rein  as  if  he  had  been 


*  "  By  this  action,  the  killing  of  a  bird  over  an 
earthen  vessel,  the  Jews  were  exposed  as  a  leprous 
people  ;  tor  that  was  to  be  done  by  the  law  in  the 
cleansing  of  a  leper.  (Lev.  ch.  xiv.)  It  is  also 
Vnown,  that  the  Gentiles  reproached  the  Jews  as 
subject  to  the  leprosy,  and  believed  that  they  were 
driv  m  out  of  Egypt  on  that  account." — Dr.  Hud- 
son. 

Voi..  II.— 15 


hired,  and  blew  up  the  war  into  a  flame, 
and  sent  some  to  take  seventeen  talents 
out  of  the  sacred  treasure,  and  pretended 
that  Csesar  wanted   them.      At  this  the 
people  were  in  confusion  immediately,  and 
ran  together  to  the   temple,  with   prodi- 
gious clamours,  and  called  upon  Caesar  by 
name,  and  besought,  him  to  free  them  from 
the   tyrannny  of  Florus.     Some  also  of 
the  seditious  cried  out  upon   Florus,  and 
cast  the  greatest  reproaches  upon  him,  and 
carried  a  basket  about,  and  begged  some 
spills  of  money  for  him,  as  for  one  that 
was  destitute  of  possessions,  and  in  a  mise- 
rable condition.     Yet  was  not  he  made 
ashamed  hereby  of  his  love  of  money,  but 
was  more  enraged,  and  provoked  to  get 
still  more;  and  instead  of  coming  to  Ce- 
sarea,  as  he    ought    to    have   done,   and 
quenching  the  flame  of  war,  which  was 
beginning  thence,  and  so  taking  away  the 
occasion   of   any  disturbances,  on  which 
account  it  was  that  he  had  received  a  re- 
ward [of  eight  talents],  he  marched  has- 
tily with  an  army  of  horsemen  and  foot- 
men against  Jerusalem,  that  he  might  gain 
his  will  by  the  arms  of  the  Romans,  and 
might  by  his  terror,  and  by  his  threaten- 
ings,  bring  the  city  into  subjection. 

But  the  people  were  desirous  of  making 
Florus  ashamed  of  his  attempt,  and  met 
his   soldiers  with   acclamations,  and   put 
themselves  in  order  to  receive  him  very 
submissively ;  but  he  sent  Capito,  a  cen- 
turion, beforehand,  with  fifty  soldiers,  to 
bid  them  go  back,  and  not  now  make  a 
show  of  receiving  him  in  an  obliging  man- 
ner, whom  they  had  so  foully  reproached 
before ;  and  said  that  it  was  incumbent  on 
them,  in   case  they  had  generous  souls, 
aud  were  free  speakers,  to  jest  upon  him 
to  his  face,  and  appear  to  be  lovers  of 
liberty,  not  only  in  words,  but  with  their 
weapons    also.     With   this   message  was 
the  multitude  amazed  ;  and  upon  the  corn- 
in  o-  of  Capito's  horsemen  into  the  midst 
oAheni,  they  were  dispersed  before  they 
could  salute  Florus,  or  manifest  their  sub- 
missive behaviour  to  him.     Accordingly, 
they  retired    to  their   own    houses,  and 
spent  that  night  in  fear  and  confusion  of 
face.  . 

Now  at  this  time  Florus  took  up  bis 
quarters  at  the  palace ;  and  on  the  next- 
day  he  had  his  tribunal  set  before  it,  and 
sat  upon  it,  when  the  high  priests,  and 
the  men  of  power,  and  those  of  the  great- 


226 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


est  eminence  in  the  city,  came  all  before 
that  tribunal;  upon  which  Florus  com- 
manded them  to  deliver  up  to  him  those 
that  had  reproached  him,  and  told  them 
that  they  should  themselves  partake  of 
the  vengeance  to  them  belonging,  if  they 
did  not  produce  the  criminals;  but  these 
demonstrated  that  the  people  were  peace- 
ably disposed,  and  they  begged  forgive- 
ness for  those  that  had  spoken  amiss;  for 
that  it  was  no  wonder  at  all  that  in  so 
great  a  multitude  there  should  be  some 
more  daring  than  they  ought  to  be,  and, 
by  reason  of  their  younger  age,  foolish 
also;  and  that  it  was  impossible  to  distin- 
guish those  that  offended  from  the  rest, 
while  every  one  was  sorry  for  what  he  had 
done,  and  denied  it  out  of  fear  of  what 
would  follow :  that  he  ought,  however,  to 
provide  for  the  peaee  of  the  nation,  and 
to  take  such  counsels  as  might  preserve 
the  city  for  the  Romans,  and  rather,  for 
the  sake  of  a  great  number  of  innocent 
people,  to  forgive  a  few  that  were  guilty, 
than  for  the  sake  of  a  few  of  the  wicked, 
to  put  so  large  and  good  a  body  of  men 
into  disorder. 

Florus  was  more  provoked  at  this,  and 
called  aloud  to  the  soldiers  to  plunder 
that  which  was  called  the  Upper  Market- 
place, and  to  slay  such  as  they  met  with. 
So  the  soldiers,  taking  this  exhortation 
of  their  commander  in  a  sense  agreeable 
to  their  desire  of  gain,  did  not  only  plun- 
der the  place  they  were  sent  to,  but 
forcing  themselves  into  every  house,  they 
slew  its  inhabitants;  so  the  citizens  fled 
along  the  narrow  lanes,  and  the  soldiers 
slew  those  that  they  caught,  and  no 
method  of  plunder  was  omitted;  they 
also  caught  many  of  the  quiet  people, 
and  brought  them  before  Florus,  whom  he 
first  chastised  with  stripes,  and  then  cru- 
cified. Accordingly,  the  whole  number 
of  those  that  were  destroyed  that  day, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  (for  they 
did  not,  spare  even  the  infants  themselves,) 
was  about  3600;  and  what  made  this 
calamity  the  heavier,  was  this  new  method 
of  Roman  barbarity;  for  Florus  ventured 
then  to  do  what  no  one  had  done  before, 
that  is,  to  have  men  of  the  equestrian  or- 
der whipped,*  and  nailed  to  the  cross 
before  his  tribunal;   who,  although  they 


*  Native  Jews,  who  were  of  the  equestrian  order 
among  the  Romans,  ought  never  to  have  been 
whipped  or  crucified,  according  to  the  Roman 
laws.  See  a  parallel  case  in  St.  Paul,  Acts  xxii. 
25-29. 


[Book  IL 

were    by  birth   Jews,  yet  were    they  of 
Roman  dignity  notwithstanding. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Bernice  petitions  Florus  to  spare  the  Jews — Cruel- 
ties and  avarice  of  Florus. 

About  this  very  time  King  Agrippa 
was  going  to  Alexandria,  to  congratulate 
Alexander  upon  his  having  obtained  the 
government  of  Egypt  from  Nero;  but  as 
his  sister  Bernice  was  come  to  Jerusalem, 
and  saw  the  wicked  practices  of  the  sol- 
diers, she  was  sorely  affected  at  it,  and 
frequently  sent  the  masters  of  her  horse 
and  her  guards  to  Florus,  and  begged  of 
him  to  leave  off  these  slaughters;  but  he 
would  not  comply  with  her  request,  nor 
have  any  regard  either  to  the  multitude 
of  those  already  slain,  or  to  the  nobility 
of  her  that  interceded,  but  only  to  the  ad- 
vantage he  should  make  by  his  plunder- 
ing; nay,  this  violence  of  the  soldiers 
broke  out  to  such  a  degree  of  madness, 
that  it  spent  itself  on  the  queen  herself; 
for  they  did  not  only  torment  and  destroy 
those  whom  they  had  caught  under  her 
very  eyes,  but  indeed  had  killed  herself 
also,  unless  she  had  prevented  them  by  fly- 
ing to  the  palace,  and  had  stayed  there  all 
night  with  her  guards,  which  she  had 
about  her  for  fear  of  an  insult  from  the 
soldiers.  Now  she  dwelt  then  at  Jeru- 
salem, in  order  to  perform  a  vow  which 
she  had  made  to  God;  for  it  is  usual  with 
those  that  had  been  either  afflicted  with  a 
distemper,  or  with  any  other  distresses, 
to  make  vows;  and  for  thirty  days  before 
they  are  to  offer  their  sacrifices,  to  abstain 
from  wine,  and  to  shave  the  hair  of  their 
head.  Which  things  Bernice  was  now 
performing,  and  stood  barefoot  before 
Florus's  tribunal,  and  besought  him  [to 
spare  the  Jews].  Yet  could  she  neither 
have  reverence  paid  to  her,  nor  could  she 
escape  without  some  danger  of  being 
slain  herself.* 

This  happened  upon  the  sixteenth  day 
of  the  month  Artemissus  [Jyar].  Now 
on  the  next  day,  the  multitude,  who  were 
in  a  great  agony,  ran  together  to  the  Up- 
per Market-place,  and  made  the  loudest 
lamentations  for  those  that  had  perished ; 
and  the  greatest  part  of   the  cries  were 


*  Juvenal,  in  his  sixth  satire,  alludes  to  this  re- 
markable penance  or  submission  of  Bernice  to 
Jewish  discipline,  and  jests  upon  her  for  it.  Taci- 
tus, Dio,  Suetonius,  and  Sextus  Aurelius  mention 
her  as  one  well  known  at  Rome. 


Chap  XV  .] 


WABS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


227 


such  as  reflected  on  Floras j  at  which  the 
men  of  power  were  affrighted,  together 
with  the  high  priests,  and  rent  their  gar- 
ments, and  fell  down  before  each  of  them, 
and  besought  them  to  leave  off,  and  not 
to  provoke  Floras  to  some  incurable  pro- 
cedure, besides  what  they  had  already 
suffered.  Accordingly,  the  multitude 
complied  immediately,  out  of  reverence 
to  those  that  had  desired  it  of  them,  and 
out  of  the  hope  they  had  that  Florus 
would  do  them  no  more  injuries. 

So  Florus  was  troubled  that  the  dis- 
turbances were  over,  and  endeavoured  to 
kindle  that  flame  again,  and  sent  for  the 
high  priests,  with  the  other  eminent  per- 
sons, and  said,  the  only  demonstration 
that  the  people  would  not  make  any  other 
innovations  should  be  this — that  they 
must  go  out  and  meet  the  soldiers  that 
were  ascending  from  Ccsarea,  whence  two 
cohorts  were  coming;  and  while  these 
men  were  exhorting  the  multitude  so  to 
do,  he  sent  beforehand,  and  gave  direc- 
tions to  the  centurions  of  the  cohorts, 
that  they  should  give  notice  to  those  that 
were  under  them,  not  to  return  the  Jews' 
salutations;  and  that  if  they  made  any 
reply  to  his  disadvantage,  they  should 
make  use  of  their  weapons.  Now  the 
high  priests  assembled  the  multitude  in 
the  temple,  and  desired  them  to  go  and 
meet  the  Romans,  and  to  salute  the  co- 
horts very  civilly,  before  their  miserable 
case  should  become  incurable.  Now  the 
seditious  part  would  not  comply  with 
these  persuasions;  but  the  consideration 
of  those  that  had  been  destroyed  made 
them  incline  to  those  that  were  the  boldest 
for  action. 

At  this  time  it  was  that  every  priest, 
and  every  servant  of  God,  brought  out 
the  holy  vessels,  and  the  ornamental  gar- 
ments wherein  they  used  to  minister  in 
sacred  things.  The  harpers  also,  and  the 
singers  of  hymns,  came  out  with  their  in- 
struments of  music,  and  fell  down  before 
the  multitude,  and  begged  of  them  that 
they  would  preserve  those  holy  ornaments 
to  them,  and  not  to  provoke  the  Romans 
to  carry  off  those  sacred  treasures.  You 
might  also  see  then  the  high  priests  them- 
selves, with  dust  sprinkled  in  great  plenty 
upon  their  heads,  with  bosoms  deprived 
of  any  covering  but  what  was  rent;  these 
besought  every  one  of  the  eminent  men 
by  name,  and  the  multitude  in  common, 
that  they  would  not  for  a  small  offence 
betray  their  country  to  those   that  were 


desirous  to  have  it  laid  waste;  saying, 
"What  benefit  will  it  bring  to  the  sol- 
diers to  have  a  salutation  from  the  Jews? 
or  what  amendment  of  your  affairs  will 
it  bring  you,  if  you  do  not  now  go  out  to 
meet  them?  and  that  if  they  saluted  them 
civilly,  all  handle  would  be  cut  off  from 
Florus  to  begin  a  war;  that  they  should 
thereby  gain  their  country,  and  freedom 
from  all  further  sufferings;  and  that,  be- 
sides, it  would  be  a  sign  of  great  want  of 
command  of  themselves,  if  they  should 
yield  to  a  few  seditious  persons,  while  it 
was  fitter  for  them,  who  were  so  great  a 
people,  to  force  the  others  to  act  soberly." 
By  these  persuasions,  which  they  used 
to  the  multitude  and  to  the  seditious, 
they  restrained  some  by  threatening<,  and 
others  by  the  reverence  that  was  paid 
them.  After  this  they  led  them  out,  and 
they  met  the  soldiers  quietly,  and  after  a 
composed  manner,  and  when  they  were 
come  up  with  them,  they  saluted  them; 
but  when  they  made  no  answer,  the  sedi- 
tious exclaimed  against  Florus,  which 
was  the  signal  given  for  falling  upon 
them.  The  soldiers  therefore  encom- 
passed them  presently,  and  struck  them 
with  their  clubs,  and  as  they  fled  away, 
the  horsemen  trampled  them  down;  so 
that  a  great  many  fell  down  dead  by  the 
strokes  of  the  Romans,  and  more  by  their 
own  violence,  in  crushing  one  another. 
Now  there  was  a  terrible  crowding  about 
the  gates,  and  while  everybody  was  mak- 
ing haste  to  get  before  another,  the  flight 
of  them  all  was  retarded,  and  a  terrible 
destruction  there  was  among  those  that 
fell  down,  for  they  wore  suffocated  and 
broken  to  pieces  by  the  multitude  of 
those  that  were  uppermost;  nor  could 
any  of  them  be  distinguished  by  his  re- 
lations, in  order  to  the  care  of  his  fune- 
ral; the  soldiers  also  who  beat  them,  fell 
upon  those  whom  they  overtook,  without 
showing  them  any  mercy,  and  thrust  the 
multitude  through  the  place  called  Beze- 
tba,*  as  they  forced  their  way,  in  order 
to  get  in  and  seize  upon  the  temple,  and 
the  tower  Antonia.  Florus  also,  being 
desirous  to  get  those  places  into  his  pos- 
session, brought  such  as  were  with  him 
out  of  the  king's  palace,  and  would  have 
compelled  them  to  get  as  far  as  the  citadel 
[Antonia];  but  his  attempt  failed,  for 
the  people  immediately  turned  back  upon 
him,  and  stopped   the  violence  of   his  at- 

•Perhaps  in  the  vicinity  (if  the  "pool  of   Betll- 
esda,"  mentioned  in  John  v.  1. 


228 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


tempt;  and  as  they  stood  upon  the  tops 
of  their  houses  they  threw  their  darts  at 
the  Romans,  who,  as  they  were  sorely 
galled  thereby,  because  those  weapons 
came,  from  above,  and  they  were  not  able 
to  make  a  passage  through  the  multitude, 
which  stopped  up  the  narrow  passages, 
they  retired  to  the  camp  which  was  at 
the  palace. 

Bu.t  for  the  seditious,  they  were  afraid 
lest  Florus  should  come  again,  and  get 
possession  of  the  temple,  through  Anto- 
nia;  so  they  got  immediately  upon  those 
cloisters  of  the  temple  that  joined  to  An- 
tonia,  and  cut  them  down.  This  cooled 
the  avarice  of  Florus;  for  whereas  he  was 
eager  to  obtain  the  treasures  of  God  [in 
the  temple],  and  on  that  account  was  de- 
sirous of  getting  into  Antonia,  as  soon  as 
the  cloisters  were  broken  down  he  left 
off  his  attempt;  he  then  sent  for  the  high 
priests  and  the  sanhedrim,  and  told  them 
that  he  was  indeed  himself  going  out  of 
the  city,  but  that  he  would  leave  them  as 
large  a  garrison  as  they  should  desire. 
Hereupon  they  promised  that  they  would 
make  no  innovations,  in  case  he  would 
leave  them  one  band  ;  but  not  that  which 
had  fought  with  the  Jews,  because  the 
multitude  bore  ill-will  against  that  band 
on  account  of  what  they  had  suffered  from 
it;  so  he  changed  the  baud  as  they  de- 
sired, and  with  the  rest  of  his  forces  re- 
turned to  Cesarea. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Florus  accuses  the  Jews  of  revolting  from  the  Ro- 
man government — Agrippa's  speech  to  the  Jews 
on  their  intended  war  against  the  Romans. 

However,  Florus  contrived  another 
way  to  oblige  the  Jews  to  begin  the  war, 
and  sent  to  Cestius  and  accused  the  Jews 
falsely  of  revolting  [from  the  Roman  go- 
vernment], and  imputed  the  beginning  of 
the  former  fight  to  them,  and  pretended 
they  had  been  the  authors  of  that  dis- 
turbance, wherein  they  were  only  the  suf- 
ferers. Yet  were  not  the  governors  of 
Jerusalem  silent  upon  this  occasion,  but 
did  themselves  write  to  Cestius,  as  did 
Bernice  also,  about  the  illegal  practices  of 
which  Florus  had  been  guilty  against  the 
city;  who,  upon  reading  both  accounts, 
consulted  with  his  captains  [what  he 
should  do].  Now  some  of  them  thought 
it  best  for  Cestius  to  go  up  with  his  army, 
either  to  punish  the  revolt,  if  it  was  real, 
or  to  settle  the  Roman  affairs  on  a  surer 


foundation,  if  the  Jews  continued  quiet 
under  them;  but  he  thought  it  best  him- 
self to  send  one  of  his  intimate  friends 
beforehand,  to  see  the  state  of  affairs,  and 
to  give  him  a  faithful  account  of  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Jews.  Accordingly,  he 
sent  one  of  his  tribunes,  whose  name  was 
Neopolitanus,  who  met  with  King  Agrippa, 
as  he  was  returning  from  Alexandria,  at 
Jamnia,  and  told  him  who  it  was  that 
sent  him,  and  on  what  errands  he  was 
sent. 

And  here  it  was  that  the  high  priests, 
and  men  of  power  among  the  Jews,  as 
well  as  the  sanhedrim,  came  to  congratu- 
late the  king  [upon  his  safe  return] ;  and 
after  they  had  paid  him  their  respects, 
they  lamented  their  own  calamities,  and 
related  to  him  what  barbarous  treatment 
they  had  met  with  from  Florus.  At 
which  barbarity  Agrippa  had  great  indig- 
nation, but  transferred  after  a  subtle 
manner,  his  anger  toward  those  Jews 
whom  he  really  pitied,  that  he  might  beat 
down  their  high  thoughts  of  themselves, 
and  would  have  them  believe  that  they 
had  not  been  so  unjustly  treated,  in  order 
to  dissuade  them  from  avenging  them- 
selves. So  these  great  men,  as  of  better 
understanding  than  the  rest,  and  desirous 
of  peace,  because  of  the  possessions  they 
had,  understood  that  this  rebuke  which 
the  king  gave  them  was  intended  for 
their  good;  but  as  to  the  people,  they 
came  sixty  furlongs  out  of  Jerusalem,  and 
congratulated  both  Agrippa  and  Neopoli- 
tanus; but  the  wives  of  those  that  had 
been  slain  came  running  first  of  all  and 
lamenting.  The  people  also,  when  they 
heard  their  mourning,  fell  into  lamenta- 
tions also,  and  besought  Agrippa  to  assist 
them;  they  also  cried  out  to  Neopolitanus, 
and  complained  of  the  many  miseries  they 
had  endured  under  Florus;  and  they 
showed  them,  when  they  were  come  into 
the  city,  how  the  market-place  was  made 
desolate,  and  the  houses  plundered.  They 
then  persuaded  Neopolitanus,  by  the 
means  of  Agrippa,  that  he  would  walk 
round  the  city,  with  only  one  servant,  as 
far  as  Siloam,  that  he  might  inform  him- 
self that  the  Jews  submitted  to  all  the 
rest  of  the  Romans,  and  were  only  dis- 
pleased at  Florus,  by  reason  of  his  ex- 
ceeding barbarity  to  them.  So  he  walked 
round,  and  had  sufficient  experience  of 
the  good  temper  the  people  were  in,  and 
then  went  up  to  the  temple,  where  he 
called  the  multitude  together  and  highly 


Chap.  XVI.] 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


ooo 


229 


commended  tbem  for  their  fidelity  to  the 
Romans,  and  earnestly  exhorted  them  to 
keep  the  peace;  and  having  performed 
such  parts  of  divine  worship  at  the  tem- 
ple as  he  was  allowed  to  do,  he  returned 
to  Cestius. 

But  as  for  the  multitude  of  the  Jews, 
they  addressed  themselves  to  the  king, 
and  to  the  high  priests,  and  desired  they 
might  have  leave  to  send  ambassadors  to 
Nero  against  Florus,  and  not  by  their  si-, 
lence  afford  a  suspicion  that  they  had  heen 
the  occasion  of  such  great  slaughters  as 
had  been  made,  and  were  disposed  to  re- 
volt, alleging  that  they  should  seem  to 
have  been  the  first  beginners  of  the  war, 
if  they  did  not  prevent  the  report  by 
showing  who  it  was  that  began  it;  and  it 
appeared  openly  that  they  would  not  be 
quiet,  if  anybody  should  hinder  them 
from  sending  such  an  embassage.  But 
Agrippa,  although  he  thought  it  too  dan- 
gerous a  thing  for  them  to  appoint  men 
to  go  as  the  accusers  of  Florus,  yet  did 
he  not  think  it  fit  for  him  to  overlook 
them,  as  they  were  in  a  disposition  for 
war.  He  therefore  called  the  multitude 
together  into  a  large  gallery,  and  placed 
his  sister  Bernice  in  the  house  of  the 
Asamoneans,  that  she  might  be  seen  by 
them,  (which  house  was  over  the  gallery, 
at  the  passage  to  the  upper  city,  where 
the  bridge  joined  the  temple  to  the  galle- 
ry,) and  spake  to  them  as  follows  : — 

*  "Had  I  perceived  that  you  were  all 
zealously  disposed  to  go  to  war  with  the 
Humans,  and  that  the  purer  and  more  sin- 
cere part  of  the  people  did  not  propose  to 
live  in  peace,  I  had  not  come  out  to  you, 
nor  been  so  bold  as  to  give  you  counsel ; 
for  all  discourses  that  tend  to  persuade 
men  to  do  what  they  ought  to  do  is  super- 
fluous, when  the  hearers  are  agreed  to  do 
the  contrary.  But  because  some  are  ear- 
nest to  go  to  war  because  they  are  young, 
and  without  experience  of  the  miseries  it 
brings ;  and  because  some  are  for  it,  out 
of  an  unreasonable  expectation  of  regain- 
ing their  liberty ;  and  because  others  hope 
to  get  by  it,  and  are  therefore  earnestly 
bent  upon  it,  that  in  the  confusion  of 
your  affairs  they  may  gain  what  belongs 
to  those  that  are  too  weak  to  resist  them — 


*  In  this  speech  of  King  Agrippa's  wo  have  an 
authentic  account  of  the  extent  and  strength  of 
the  Roman  empire  when  the  Jewish  war  began. 
He  is  the  same  Agrippa  who  said  to  Paul,  "Almost 
thou  persuades*  me  to  be  a  Christian,"  Acts  xxvi. 
2s  ;  and  of  whom  St.  Paul  said,  "He  was  expert 
in  all  the  customs  and  questions  of  the  Jews." 


I  have  thought  proper  to  get  you  all  *o- 
gether,  and  to  say  to  yon  what  I  think  to 
be  for  your  advantage  ;  that  so  the  Former 
may  grow  wiser,  and  change  their  minds, 
and  that  the  best  men  may  come  to  no 
harm  by  the  ill  conduct  of  some  others. 
And  let  not  any  one  be  tumultuous  against 
me,  in  case  what  they  hear  me  say  do  not 
please  them;  for,  as  to  those  that  admit 
of  no  cure,  but  are  resolved  upon  a  revolt, 
it  will  still  be  in  their  power  to  retain  the 
same  sentiments  after  my  exhortation  is 
over;  but  still  my  discourse  will  fall  to 
the  ground,  even  with  relation  to  those 
that  have  a  mind  to  hear  me,  unless  you 
will  all  keep  silence.  I  am  well  aware 
that  many  make  a  tragical  exclamation 
concerning  the  injuries  that  have  been 
offered  you  by  your  procurators,  and  con- 
cerning the  gl.orious  advantages  of  liber- 
ty; but  before  I  begin  the  inquiry,  who 
you  are  that  must  go  to  war,  and  who 
they  are  against  whom  you  must  light,  I 
shall  first  separate  those  pretences  that 
are  by  some  connected  together ;  for,  if 
you  aim  at  avenging  yourselves  on  those 
that  have  done  you  injury,  why  do  you 
pretend  this  to  be  a  war  for  recovering 
your  liberty  ?  but,  if  you  think  all  servi- 
tude intolerable,  to  what  purpose  serve 
ydur  complaints  against  your  particular 
governors  ?  for,  if  they  treated  you  with 
moderation,  it  would  still  be  equally  an 
unworthy  thing  to  be  in  servitude.  Con- 
sider now  the  several  cases  that  may  be 
supposed,  how  little  occasion  there  is  for 
your  going  to  war.  Your  first  occasion  is, 
the  accusations  you  have  to  make  against 
your  procurators;  nowhere  you  ought  to 
be  submissive  to  those  in  authority,  and 
not  give  them  any  provocation  ;  but  when 
you  reproach  men  greatly  for  small  of- 
fences, you  excite  those  whom  you  re- 
proach to  be  your  adversaries ;  for  this 
will  only  make  them  leave  off  hurting 
you  privately,  and  with  some'  degree  of 
modesty,  and  to  lay  what  you  have  waste 
openly.  Now,  nothing  so  much  damps 
the  force  of  strokes  as  bearing  them  with 
patience;  and  the  quietness  of  those  who 
are  injured  diverts  the  injurious  persons 
from  afflicting.  But  let  us  take  it  for 
granted,  that  the  Roman  ministers  are  in- 
jurious to  you,  and  arc  incurably  severe j 
yet  are  they  not  all  the  Romans  who  thus 
injure  you;  nor  hath  Caesar,  against 
whom  you  are  going  to  make  war,  injured 
you  ;  it  is  not  by  their  command  that  any 
wicked  governor  is  sent  to  you;  for  they 


230 


WARS    OF   THE  JEWS. 


[Book  II, 


who  are  in  the  west  cannot  see  those  that 
are  in  the  east;  nor,  indeed,  is  it  easy  for 
them  there  even  to  hear  what  is  done  in 
these  parts.     Now,  it  is  absurd  to  make 
war  with  a  great  many  for  the  sake  of 
one ;  to  do  so  with  such  mighty  people 
for  a  small  cause  ;  and  this  when  these 
people  are  not  able  to  know  of  what  you 
complain  :   nay,  such  crimes  as  we  com- 
plain of  may  soon   be  corrected,  for  the 
same  procurator  will  not  continue  for  ever ; 
and  probable  it  is  that  the  successors  will 
come    with    more    moderate  inclinations. 
But,  as  for  war,  if  it  be  once  begun,  it  is 
not   easily  laid  down    again,    nor  borne 
without  calamities    coming  therewith. — 
However,  as  to  the  desire  of  recovering 
your  liberty,  it  is  unseasonable  to  indulge 
it   so  late ;  whereas  you  ought  to   have 
laboured  earnestly  in  old  time  that  you 
might  never  have  lost  it;  for  the  first  ex- 
perience of  slavery  was   hard   to   be  en- 
dured, and  the  struggle  that  you  might 
never  have  been  subject  to  it  would  have 
been  just;  but  that  slave  who  hath  been 
once  brought  into    subjection,  and  then 
runs  away,   is  rather  a  refractory  slave 
than  a  lover  of  liberty ;   for  it  was  then 
the  proper  time  for  doing  all   that  was 
possible,  that  you  might  never  have  ad- 
mitted the  Romans  [into  your  city]  when 
Pompey  first  came  into  the  country.     But 
so  it  was,   that  our  ancestors   and   their 
kings,  who  were  in  much  better  circum- 
stances than  we  are,  both  as  to  money  and 
[strong]   bodies,  and   [valiant]  souls,  did 
not  bear  the  onset  of  a  small  body  of  the 
Roman  army.     And  yet  you,  who  have 
accustomed  yourselves  to  obedience  from 
one  generation  to  another,  and  who  are 
so  much  inferior  to  those  who  first  sub- 
mitted in  your  circumstances,  will  venture 
to  oppose  the  entire  empire  of  the  Ro- 
mans ;    while  those  Athenians,  who,  in 
order  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  Greece, 
did  once  set  fire  to  their  own  city — who 
pursued  Xerxes,  that  proud  prince,  when 
he  sailed  upon  the  sea,  and  could  not  be 
contained  by  the  seas,  but  conducted  such 
an  army  as  was  too  broad  for  Europe — 
and  made  him  run  away  like  a  fugitive  in 
a  single  ship,  and  brake  so  great  a  part 
of  Asia  as  the  Lesser  Salamis,  are  yet  at 
this  time  servants  to  the  Romans ;  and 
those    injunctions   which    are    sent  from 
Italy  become  laws  to  the  principal  govern- 
ing   city   of   Greece.     Those    Lacedemo- 
nians also,  who  got  the  great  victories  at 
Thermopylae  and  Platea,  and  had  Agesi- 


laus  [for  their  king],  and  searched  every 
corner  of  Asia,  are  contented    to    admit 
the  same  lords.     These  Macedonians  also/ 
who    still    fancy  what   great   men    their 
Philip  and  Alexander  were,  and  see  that 
the  latter  had  promised  them  the  empire 
over  the  world,  these  bear  so  great  a  change 
and  pay  their  obedience  to  those   whom 
fortune    hath    advanced    in    their   stead. 
Moreover,  10,000  other  nations  there  are 
who  had  greater  reason  than  we  to  claim 
their  entire  liberty,  and  yet  do  submit. 
You  are  the  only  people  who  think  it  a 
disgrace  to  be  servants  to  those  to  whom 
all  the  world  hath  submitted.     What  sort 
of  an  army  do  you  rely  on?     What  are 
the  arms  you  depend  on  ?     Where  is  your 
fleet  that  may  seize  upon  the  Roman  seas? 
and  where  are  those  treasures  which  may 
be  sufficient  for  your  undertakings  ?     Do 
you  suppose,  I  pray  you,  that  you  are  to 
make  war  with  the  Egyptians  and  with 
the  Arabians  ?     Will  you   not  carefully 
reflect  upon  the  Roman   empire  ?     Will 
you  not  estimate  your   own    weakness  ? 
Hath  not  your  army  been   often  beaten 
even  by  your  neighbouring  nations,  while 
the  power  of  the  Romans  is  invincible  in 
all    parts    of   the    habitable    earth  ?  nay, 
rather,  they  seek  for  somewhat  still  be- 
yond that ;  for  all  Euphrates  is  not  a  suf- 
ficient boundary  for  them  on  the  east  side, 
nor   the  Danube  on   the  north  ;  and  for 
their   southern   limit,   Libya    hath    been 
searched  over  by  them,  as  far  as  countries 
uninhabited,  as  is  Cadiz  their  limit  on  the 
west ;  nay,  indeed,  they  have  sought  for 
another  habitable  earth  beyond  the  ocean, 
and  have  carried  their  arms  as  far  as  such 
British  islands  as  were  never  known  before. 
What,  therefore,  do  you  pretend  to?     Are 
you  richer  than  the  Gauls,  stronger  than 
the  Germans,  wiser  than  the  Greeks,  more 
numerous  than   all  men  upon  the  habit- 
able earth  ?     What  confidence  is  it  that 
elevates  you  to  oppose  the  Romans  ?    Per- 
haps it  will  be  said,  It  is  hard  to  endure 
slavery.     Yes ;  but  how  much  harder  is 
it  to  the  Greeks,  who  were  esteemed  the 
noblest    of   all    people    under    the    sun ! 
These,  though  they  inhabit  a  large  coun- 
try, are  in  subjection  to  six  bundles  of 
Roman  rods.     It  is  the  same  case  with 
the  Macedonians,  who  have  juster  reason 
to   claim    their    liberty  than   you    have. 
What  is  the  case  of  500  cities  of  Asia  ? 
Do  they  not  submit  to  a  single  governor, 
and    to    the    consular    bundle    of   rods  ? 
What  need  I  speak  of  the  Heniochi  and 


Chap.  XVI  J 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


231 


Colchi,  and  the  nation  of  Tauri,  those  that 
inhabit  the  Bosphorus,  and  the  nations 
about  Pontus  and  Meotis,  who  formerly 
knew  not  so  much  as  a  lord  of  their  own, 
but  are  now  subject  to  3000  armed  men, 
and  where  forty  long  ships  keep  the  sea 
iu  peace,  which  before  was  not  navigable, 
and  very  tempestuous  ?  How  strong  a 
plea  may  Bithynia  and  Cappadocia,  and 
the  people  of  Pamphylia,  the  Lycians, 
and  Ciliciaus,  put  in  for  liberty  !  but  they 
are  made  tributary  without  an  army. 
"What  are  the  circumstances  of  the  Thra- 
ciaus,  whose  country  extends  in  breadth 
five  days'  journey,  and  in  length  seven, 
and  is  of  a  much  more  harsh  constitution, 
and  much  more  defensible  than  yours, 
and,  by  the  rigour  of  its  cold,  sufficient 
to  keep  off  armies  from  attacking  them  ? 
Do  not  they  submit  to  2000  men  of  the 
Roman  garrisons  ?  Are  not  the  Illyrians, 
who  inhabit  the  country  adjoiuiug,  as  far 
as  Dalmatia  and  the  Danube,  governed  by 
barely  two  legions?  by  which  also  they 
put  a  stop  to  the  incursions  of  the  Da- 
cians;  and  for  the  Dalmatians,  who  have 
made  such  frequent  insurrections,  in  order 
to  regain  their  liberty,  and  who  could 
never  before  be  so  thoroughly  subdued 
but  that  they  always  gathered  their  forces 
together  again,  and  revolted,  yet  are  they 
now  very  quiet  under  one  Roman  legion. 
Moreover,  if  great  advantages  might  pro- 
voke any  people  to  revolt,  the  Gauls 
might  do  it  best  of  all,  as  being  so  tho- 
roughly walled  round  by  nature;  on  the 
east  side  by  the  Alps,  on  the  north  by  the 
river  Rhine,  on  the  south  by  the  Pyre- 
nean  mountains,  and  on  the  west  by  the 
ocean.  Now,  although  these  Gauls  have 
such  obstacles  before  them  to  prevent  any 
attack  upon  them,  and  have  no  fewer  than 
305  nations  among  them,  nay  have,  as 
one  may  say,  the  fountains  of  domestic 
happiness  within  themselves,  and  send  out 
plentiful  streams  of  happiness  over  al- 
most the  whole  world,  these  bear  to  be  tri- 
butary to  the  Romans,  and  derive  their 
prosperous  condition  from  them ;  and 
they  undergo  this,  not  because  they  are 
of  effeminate  minds,  or  because  they  are 
of  an  ignoble  stock,  as  having  borne  a 
war  of  eighty  years,  in  order  to  preserve 
their  liberty  ;  but  by  reason  of  the  great 
regard  they  have  to  the  power  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  their  good  fortune,  which  is  of 
greater  efficacy  than  their  arms.  These 
Gauls,  therefore,  are  kept  in  servitude  by 
1200  soldiers,  who  are  hardly  so  many  as 
2  Y 


are  their  cities  ;  nor  hath  the  gold  dug 
out  of  the  mines  of  Spain  been  tufficient 
for  the  support  of  a  war  to  preserve  their 
liberty,  nor  could  their  vast  distance  from 
the  Romans  by  land  and  by  sea  do  it; 
nor  could  the  martial  tribes  of  the  Lusi- 
tanians  and  Spaniards  escape;  no  more 
could  the  ocean,  with  its  tide,  which  yet 
was  terrible  to  the  ancient  inhabitants. 
Nay,  the  Romans  have  extended  their 
arms  beyond  the  pillars  of  Hercules,  and 
have  walked  among  the  clouds,  upon  the 
Pyrcnean  mountains,  and  have  subdued 
these  nations ;  and  one  legion  is  a  sufficient 
guard  for  these  people,  although  they 
were  so  hard  to  be  conquered,  and  at  a 
distance  so  remote  from  Rome.  Who  is 
there  among  you  that  hath  not  heard  of 
the  great  number  of  the  Germans  ?  You 
have,  to  be  sure,  yourselves  seen  them  to  be 
strong  and  tall,  and  that  frequently,  since 
the  Romans  have  them  among  their  cap- 
tives everywhere  ;  yet  these  Germans,  who 
dwell  in  an  immense  country,  who  have 
miuds  greater  than  their  bodies,  and  a 
soul  that  despises  death,  and  who  are  in 
rage  more  fierce  than  wild  beasts,  have 
the  Rhine  for  the  boundary  of  their  en- 
terprises, and  are  tamed  by  eight  Roman 
legions.  Such  of  them  as  were  taken 
captives  became  their  servants;  and  the 
rest  of  the  entire  nations  were  obliged  to 
save  themselves  by  flight. 

"  Do  you  also,  who  depend  on  the  walls 
of  Jerusalem,  consider  what  a  wall  the 
Britons  had  :  for  the  Romans  sailed  away 
to  them,  and  subdued  them  while  they 
were  encompassed  by  the  ocean,  and  in- 
habited an  island  that  is  not  less  than 
[the  continent  of]  this  habitable  earth, 
and  four  legions  are  a  sufficient  guard  to 
so  large  an  island  :  ami  why  should  I  speak 
much  more  about  this  matter,  while  the 
Parthians,  that  most  warlike  body  of  men, 
and  lords  of  so  many  nations,  and  en- 
compassed with  such  mighty  forces,  send 
hostages  to  the  Romans ;  whereby  you 
may  see  if  you  please,  even  in  Italy,  the 
noblest  nation  of  the  east,  under  the  no- 
tion of  peace,  submitting  to  serve  them. 
Now,  when  almost  all  people  under  the  sun 
submit  to  the  Roman  arms,  will  you  be  the 
only  people  that  make  war  against  them  ? 
and  this  without  regarding  the  fate  of  the 
Carthagiuians,  who,  in  the  midst  of  their 
boasts  of  the  great  Hannibal,  and  the  no- 
bility of  their  Phoenician  original,  fell  by 
the  hand  of  Scipio.  Nor,  iudeed,  have 
the  Cyrenians,  derived  from  the  Lacede- 


232 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


monians,  nor  the  Marmaridae,  a  nation  ex- 
tended as  far  as  the  regions  uninhabitable 
for  want  of  water,  nor  have  the  Syrtes,  a 
place  terrible  to  such  as  barely  hear  it 
described,  the  Nasamons  and  Moors,  and 
the  immense  multitude  of  the  Numidians, 
been  able  to  put  a  stop  to  the  Roman 
valour ;  and  as  for  the  third  part  of  the 
habitable  earth  [Africa],  whose  nations 
are  so  many  that  it  is  not  easy  to  number 
them,  and  which  is  bounded  by  the  Atlan- 
tic sea  and  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  and 
feeds  an  innumerable  multitude  of  Ethio- 
pians, as  far  as  the  Had  sea,  these  have 
the  Romans  subdued  entirely.  And  be- 
sides the  annual  fruits  of  the  earth,  which 
maintain  the  multitude  of  the  Romans 
for  eight  months  in  the  year,  this,  over 
and  above,  pays  all  sorts  of  tribute,  and 
affords  revenues  suitable  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  government.  Nor  do  they, 
like  you,  esteem  such  injunctions  a  dis- 
grace to  them,  although  they  have  but  one 
Roman  legion  that  abides  among  them; 
and  indeed  what  occasion  is  there  for 
showing  you  the  power  of  the  Romans 
over  remote  countries,  when  it  is  so  easy 
to  learn  it  from  Egypt,  in  your  neighbour- 
hood ?  This  country  is  extended  as  far 
as  the  Ethiopians,  and  Arabia  the  Happy, 
and  borders  upon  India ;  it  hath  7,500,000 
men,  besides  the  inhabitants  of  Alexan- 
dria, as  may  be  learned  from  the  revenue 
of  the  poll-tax ;  yet  it  is  not  ashamed  to 
submit  to  the  Roman  government,  al- 
though it  hath  Alexandria  as  a  grand 
temptation  to  a  revolt,  by  reason  it  is  so 
full  of  people  and  of  riches,  and  is  be- 
sides exceeding  large,  its  length  being 
thirty  furlongs,  and  its  breadth  no  less 
than  ten ;  and  it  pays  more  tribute  to  the 
Romans  in  one  month  than  you  do  in  a 
year  :  nay,  besides  what  it  pays  in  money, 
it  sends  corn  to  Rome  that  supports  it  for 
four  months  [in  the  year]  :  it  is  also 
walled  round  on  all  sides,  either  by  almost 
impassable  deserts,  or  seas  that  have  no 
havens,  or  by  rivers,  or  by  lakes ;  yet 
have  none  of  these  things  been  found  too 
strong  for  the  Roman  good  fortune;  how- 
ever, two  legions  that  lie  in  that  city  are 
a  bridle  both  for  the  remoter  parts  of 
Egypt,  and  for  the  parts  inhabited  by  the 
more  noble  Macedonians.  Where  then 
arc  those  people  whom  you  are  to  have 
for  your  auxiliaries?  Must  they  come 
from  the  parts  of  the  world  that  are  un- 
inhabited '(  for  all  that  are  in  the  habita- 
ble earth  are  [under  the]  Romans.  Unless 


any  of  you  extend  his  hopes  as  far  as  be- 
yond the  Euphrates,  and  suppose  that 
those  of  your  own  nation  that  dwell  in 
Adiabene  will  come  to  your  assistance  ; 
(but  certainly  these  will  not  embarrass 
themselves  with  an  unjustifiable  war,  nor, 
if  they  should  follow  such  ill  advice,  will 
the  Parthians  permit  them  so  to  do;)  for 
it  is  their  concern  to  maintain  the  truce 
that  is  between  them  and  the  Romans, 
and  they  will  be  supposed  to  break  the 
covenants  between  them,  if  any  under 
their  government  march  against  the  Ro- 
mans. What  remains,  therefore,  is  this, 
that  you  have  recourse  to  divine  assist- 
ance ;  but  this  is  already  on  the  side  of 
the  Romans;  for  it  is  impossible  that  so 
vast  an  empire  should  be  settled  without 
God's  providence.  Reflect  upon  it,  how 
impossible  it  is  your  zealous  observation 
of  your  religious  customs  should  be  here 
preserved,  which  are  hard  to  be  observed, 
even  when  you  fight  with  those  whom 
you  are  able  to  conquer;  and  how  can  you 
then  most  of  all  hope  for  God's  assistance, 
when,  by  being  forced  to  transgress  his 
law,  you  will  make  him  turn  his  face 
from  you  ?  and  if  you  do  observe  the 
custom  of  the  Sabbath-days,  and  will  not 
be  prevailed  on  to  do  any  thing  thereon, 
you  will  easily  be  taken,  as  were  your  fore- 
fathers by  Pompey,  who  was  the  busiest 
in  his  siege  on  those  days  on  which  the 
besieged  rested ;  but  if  in  time  of  war 
you  transgress  the  law  of  your  country,  I 
cannot  tell  on  whose  account  you  will 
afterward  go  to  war ;  for  your  concern  is 
but  one,  that  you  do  nothing  against  any 
of  your  forefathers;  and  how  will  you  call 
upon  God  to  assist  you,  when  you  are 
voluntarily  transgressing  against  his  reli- 
gion ?  Now,  all  men  that  go  to  war,  do 
it  either  as  depending  on  divine  or  ou  hu- 
man assistance  ;  but  since  your  going  to 
war  will  cut  off  both  those  assistances, 
those  that  are  for  going  to  war  choose  evi- 
dent destruction.  What  hinders  you  from 
slaying  your  children  and  wives  with  your 
own  hands,  and  burning  this  most  excel- 
lent native  city  of  yours  ?  for  by  this  mad 
prank  you  will,  however,  escape  the  re- 
proach of  being  beaten  ;  but  it  were  best, 
O  my  friends,  it  were  best,  while  the  ves- 
sel is  still  in  the  haven,  to  foresee  the  im- 
pending storm,  aud  not  to  set  sail  out  of 
the  port  into  the  middle  of  the  hurricanes ; 
for  we  justly  pity  those  who  fall  into 
great  misfortunes  without  foreseeing  them; 
but  for   him  who  rushes   into   manifest 


Chap.  XVII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


2 


ruin,  he  gains  reproaches  [instead  of  com- 
miseration].  But  certainly  no  one  can 
imagine  that  you  can  enter  into  a  war  as  by 
an  agreement,  or  that  when  the  Romans 
have  got  you  under  their  power,  they  will 
use  you  with  moderation,  or  will  not 
rather,  for  an  example  to  other  nations, 
burn  your  holy  city,  and  utterly  destroy 
your  whole  nation ;  for  those  of  you  who 
shall  survive  the  war  will  not  be  able  to 
find  a  place  whither  to  flee,  since  all  men 
have  the  Romans  for  their  lords  alrea- 
dy, or  afraid  they  shall  have  hereafter. 
Nay,  indeed,  the  danger  concerns  not 
those  Jews  that  dwell  here  onlv,  but  those 
of  them  who  dwell  in  other  cities  also  ; 
for  there  is  no  people  upon  the  habitable 
earth  which  have  not  some  portion  of  you 
among  them,  whom  your  enemies  will 
slay,  in  case  you  go  to  war,  and  on  that 
account  also;  and  so  every  city  which 
hath  Jews  in  it  will  be  filled  with  slaugh- 
ter for  the  sake  only  of  a  few  men,  and 
they  who  slay  them  will  be  pardoned; 
but  if  that  slaughter  be  not  made  by 
them,  consider  how  wicked  a  thing  it  is 
to  take  arms  against  those  that  are  so 
kind  to  you.  Have  pity,  therefore,  if 
not  on  your  children  and  wives,  yet  upon 
this  your  metropolis,  and  its  sacred  walls; 
spare  the  temple,  and  preserve  the  holy 
house,  with  its  holy  furniture,  for  your- 
selves; for  if  the  Romans  get  you  under 
their  power,  they  will  no  longer  abstain 
from  them,  when  their  former  abstinence 
shall  have  been  so  ungratefully  requited.  I 
call  to  witness  your  sanctuary,  and  the 
holy  angels  of  God,  and  this  country, 
common  to  us  all,  that  I  have  not  kept 
hack  any  thing  that  is  for  your  preserva- 
tion ;  and  if  you  will  follow  that  advice 
which  you  ought  to  do,  you  will  have  that 
peace  which  will  be  common  to  you  and 
to  me ;  but  if  you  indulge  your  passions, 
you  will  run  those  hazards  which  I  shall 
be  free  from." 

When  Agrippa  had  spoken  thus,  both 
he  and  his  sister  wept,  and  by  their  tears 
repressed  a  great  deal  of  the  violence  of 
the  people  ;  but  still  they  cried  out,  that 
they  would  not  fight  against  the  Romans 
but  against  Florus,  ou  account  of  what 
they  had  suffered  by  his  means.  To  which 
Agrippa  replied,  that  what  they  had  al- 
ready done  was  like  such  as  make  war 
against  the  Romans;  "for  you  have  not 
paid  the  tribute  which  is  due  to  Cassar;* 

a  Julius  Caesar  had  decreed  that  the  Jews  of  Je- 


and  you  have  cut  off  the  cloisters  [of  th^ 
temple]  from  joining  to  the  tower  Anto- 
nia.  You  will  therefore  prevent  any  oc« 
easion  of  revolt,  if  you  will  but  join 
these  together  again,  and  if  you  will  but 
pay  your  tribute  ;  for  the  citadel  does  D  - 
now  belong  to  Florus,  nor  are  you  to  pay 
the  tribute-money  to  Florus." 


CHAPTER  XVIT. 

Commencement  of  the  Jewish  war  with  the  Ro- 
mans— Manahem  heads  the  Jewish  insurgents, 
who  are  defeated  with  great  slaughter. 

Tins  advice  the  people  hearkened  to,' 
and  went  up  into  the  temple  with  the  king 
and  Bernice,  and  began  to  rebuild  the 
cloisters  :  the  rulers  also  and  senators  di- 
vided themselves  into  the  villages,  and 
collected  the  tributes,  and  soon  got  toge- 
ther forty  talents,  which  was  the  sum  that 
was  deficient.  And  thus  did  Agrippa  then 
put  a  stop  to  that  war  which  was  threaten- 
ed. Moreover,  he  attempted  to  persuade 
the  multitude  to  obey  Florus,  until  Ca> 
sar  should  send  one  to  succeed  him;  but 
they  were  hereby  more  provoked,  and 
cast  reproaches  upon  the  king,  and  got 
him  excluded  out  of  the  city;  nay,  some 
of  the  seditious  had  the  impudence  to 
throw  stones  at  him.  So  when  the  king 
saw  that  the  violence  of  those  that  were 
for  innovations  was  not  to  be  restrained, 
and  being  very  angry  at  the  contumelies 
he  had  received,  he  sent  their  rulers,  to- 
gether with  their  men  of  power,  to  Florus, 
to  Cesarea,  that  he  might  appoint  whom 
he  thought  fit  to  collect  the  tribute  iu  the 
country,  while  he  retired  into  his  own 
kingdom. 

And  at  this  time  it  was  that  some  of 
those  that  principally  excited  the  people 
to  go  to  war,  made  an  assault  upon  a  cer- 
tain fortress  called  Masada.  They  took 
it  by  treachery,  and  slew  the  Romans  that 
were  there,  and  put  others  of  their  own 
party  to  keep  it.  At  the  same  time  Ele- 
azar,  the  son  of  Ananias  the  high  priest, 
a  very  bold  youth,  who  was  at  that  time 
governor  of  the  temple,  persuaded  those 
that  officiated  in  the  divine  service  to  re- 
ceive no  gift  or  sacrifice  for  any  foreigner. 
And  this  was  the  true  beginning  of  our 
war  with  the  Romans;  for  they  rejected 
the  sacrifice  of  Caesar  on  this  accouut : 
and  when  many  of  the  high  priests  and 


rusalem  should  pay  an  annual  tribute  to  the  Ro- 
mans, excepting  the  city  of  Joppa,  and  for  the 
sabbatical  year. 


234 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


principal  men  besought  them  not  to  omit 
the  sacrifice,  which  it  was  customary  for 
them  to  offer  for  their  princes,  they  would 
not  be  prevailed  upon.  These  relied 
much  upon  their  multitude,  for  the  most 
flourishing  part  of  the  innovators  assisted 
them ;  but  they  had  the  chief  regard  to 
Eleazar,  the  governor  of  the  temple. 

Hereupon  the  men  of  power  got  to- 
gether, and  conferred  with  the  high 
priests,  as  did  also  the  principal  of  the 
Pharisees;  and  thinking  all  was  at  stake, 
and  that  their  calamities  were  becoming 
'■incurable,  took  counsel  what  was  to  be 
done.  Accordingly,  they  determined  to 
try  what  they  could  do  with  the  seditious 
by  words,  and  assembled  the  people  before 
the  brazen  gate,  which  was  that  gate  of 
the  inner  temple  [court  of  the  priests] 
which  looked  toward  the  sunrising.  And, 
in  the  first  place,  they  showed  the  great 
indignation  they  had  at  this  attempt  for  a 
revolt,  and  for  their  bringing  so  great  a 
war  upon  their  country  :  after  which  they 
confuted  their  pretence  as  unjustifiable, 
and  told  them,  that  their  forefathers  had 
adorned  their  temple  in  great  part  with 
donations  bestowed  on  them  by  foreigners, 
and  had  always  received  what  had  been 
presented  to  them  from  foreign  nations; 
and  that  they  had  been  so  far  from  reject- 
ing any  person's  sacrifice,  (which  would 
be  the  highest  instance  of  impiety,)  that 
they  had  themselves  placed  those  dona- 
tions about  the  temple,  which  were  still 
visible,  and  had  remained  there  so  long  a 
time :  that  they  did  now  irritate  the  Ro- 
mans to  take  arms  against  them,  and 
invited  them  to  make  war  upon  them,  and 
brought  up  novel  rules  of  strange  divine 
worship,  and  determined  to  run  the  hazard 
of  having  their  city  condemned  for  im- 
piety, while  they  would  not  allow  any  fo- 
reigner, but  Jews  only,  either  to  sacrifice 
or  to  worship  therein.  And  if  such  a 
law  should  ever  be  introduced  in  the  case 
of  a  single  person  only,  he  would  have 
indignation  at  it  as  an  instance  of  inhu- 
manity determined  against  him  ;  while 
they  have  no  regard  to  the  Romans  or  to 
Caesar,  and  forbade  even  their  oblations 
to  be  received  also  :  that  however  they 
cannot  but  fear,  lest  by  thus  rejecting  their 
sacrifices,  they  shall  not  be  allowed  to 
offer  their  own ;  and  that  this  city  will  lose 
its  principality,  unless  they  grow  wiser 
quickly,  and  restore  the  sacrifices  as  for- 
merly ;  and,  indeed,  amend  the  iujury 
[they  have  offered  to  foreigners]  before 


the  report  of  it  comes  to  the  ears  of  those 
that  have  been  injured. 

And  as  they  said  these  things,  they  pro- 
duced those  priests  that  were  skilful  in  the 
customs  of  their  country,  who  made  the 
report,  that  all  their  forefathers  had  re- 
ceived the  sacrifices  from  foreign  nations. 
But  still  not  one  of  the  innovators  would 
hearken  to  what  was  said  ;  nay,  those  that 
ministered  about  the  temple  would  not 
attend  their  divine  service,  but  were  pre- 
paring matters  for  beginning  the  war.  So 
the  men  of  power,  perceiving  that  the  se- 
dition was  too  hard  for  them  to  subdue, 
and  that  the  danger  which  would  arise 
from  the  Romans  would  come  upon  them 
first  of  all,  endeavoured  to  save  themselves, 
and  sent  ambassadors;  some  to  Florus,  the 
chief  of  whom  was  Simon  the  son  of  Ana- 
nias ;  and  others  to  Agrippa,  among  whom 
the  most  eminent  were  Saul,  and  Antipas, 
and  Costobarus,  who  were  of  the  king's 
kindred;  and  they  desired  of  them  both 
that  they  would  come  with  an  army  to  the 
city,  and  cut  off  the  sedition  before  it 
should  be  too  hard  to  be  subdued.  Now 
this  terrible  message  was  good  news  to 
Florus ;  and  because  his  design  was  to 
have  a  war  kindled,  he  gave  the  ambas- 
sadors no  answer  at  all.  But  Agrippa 
was  equally  solicitous  for  those  that  were 
revolting,  and  for  those  against  whom  the 
war  was  to  be  made,  and  was  desirous  to 
preserve  the  Jews  for  the  Romans,  and 
the  temple  and  metropolis  for  the  Jews; 
he  was  also  sensible  that  it  was  not  for  his 
own  advantage  that  the  disturbances  should 
proceed ;  so  he  sent  3000  horsemen  to  the 
assistance  of  the  people,  out  of  Auranitis, 
and  Batanea,  and  Trachonitis,  and  these 
under  Darius,  the  master  of  his  horse, 
and  Philip,  the  son  of  Jaciinus,  the  gene- 
ral of  his  army. 

Upon  this  the  men  of  power,  with  the 
high  priests,  as  also  all  the  part  of  the 
multitude  that  were  desirous  of  peace, 
took  courage,  and  seized  upon  the  upper 
city  [Mount  Sion];  for  the  seditious  part 
had  the  lower  city  and  the  temple  in  their 
power:  so  they  made  use  of  stones  and 
slings  perpetually  against  one  another, 
and  threw  darts  continually  on  both  sides; 
and  sometimes  it  happened  that  they 
made  excursions  by  troops,  and  fought  it 
out  hand  to  hand,  while  the  seditious 
were  superior  in  boldness,  but  the  king's 
soldiers  in  skill.  These  last  strove  chiefly 
to  gain  the  temple,  and  to  drive  those  out 
of  it  who  profaned  it;  as  did  the  seditious, 


Chap.  XVII.] 


WARS   OF    THE    JEWS. 


235 


with  Eleazar,  (besides  what  they  had  al- 
ready,) labour  to  gain  the  upper  city. 
Thus  were  there  perpetual  slaughters  on 
both  sides  for  seven  days'  time;  but  nei- 
ther side  would  yield  up  the  parts  they 
had  seized  upon. 

Now  the  next  day  was  the^  festival  of 
Xyiophory ;  upon  which  the  custom  was 
for  every  one  to  bring  wood  for  the  altar, 
(that  there  might  never  be  a  want  of  fuel 
for  that  fire  which  was  unquenchable  and 
always   burning.)     Upon    that    day  they 
excluded  the  opposite  party  from  the  ob- 
servation of  this  part  of  religion.     And 
when  they  had  joined  to  themselves  many 
of  the  sicarii,  who  crowded  in  among  the 
weaker   people,   (that  was  the  name  for 
such  robbers  as  had  under  their  bosoms 
swords   called    sicae,)  they  grew    bolder, 
and  carried    their  undertakings    further; 
insomuch    that   the  king's  soldiers  were 
overpowered  by  their  multitude  and  bold- 
ness ;    and    so  they  gave  way,  and  were 
driven    out    of   the   upper  city  by  force. 
The  others  then  set  fire  to  the  house  of 
Ananias    the     high    priest,    and    to    the 
palaces  of   Agrippa   and    Bernice;    after 
which   they  carried  the  fire  to  the  place 
where   the   archives  were   deposited,  and 
made  haste  to  burn  the  contracts  belong- 
ing to  their  creditors,  and  thereby  dissolve 
their  obligations  for  paying  their  debts ; 
and  this  was  done  in   order  to  gain  the 
multitude  of  those  who  had  been  debtors, 
and  that  they  might  persuade  the  poorer 
sort  to    join    in    their   insurrection   with 
safety  against  the   more  wealthy;  so  the 
keepers  of  the  records  fled  away,  and  the 
rest  set  fire  to  them.     And  when  they  had 
thus  burnt  down  the  nerves  of  the  city, 
they  fell  upon  their  enemies  ;  at  which  time 
some  of  the   men  of  power,  and  of  the 
high  priests,  went  into  the  vaults  under 
ground,  and   concealed  themselves,  while 
others  fled  with  the  king's  soldiers  to  the 
upper  palace,  and  shut  the  gates  immedi- 
ately :    among  whom  were  Ananias   the 
high  priest,  and  the  ambassadors  that  had 
been  sent  to  Agrippa.     And  now  the  se- 
ditious were   contented   with    the  victory 
they  had  gotten,  and  the  buildings  they 
had  burnt  down,  and  proceeded  no  further. 
But   on  the   next  day,  which  was  the 
fifteenth  of  the  month  Louis  [Ab],  they 
made  an   assault  upon  Antonia,  and  be- 
sieged  the  garrisou  which   was  in  it  two 
days,   and   then    took    the    garrison,   and 
slew  thein,  and   set  the  citadel   on    fire; 
after  which  they  marohed   to  the  palace, 


whither  the  king's  soldiers  were  fled,  and 
parted  themselves  into  four  bodies,  and 
made  an  attack  upon  the  walls.  As  for 
those  that  were  within  it,  no  one  had  the 
courage  to  sally  out,  because  those  that 
assaulted  them  were  so  numerous;  but 
they  distributed  themselves  into  the  breast- 
works and  turrets,  and  shut  at  the  be- 
siegers, whereby  many  of  the  robbers  fell 
under  the  walls;  nor  did  they  cease  to 
fight  one  with  another,  either  by  night  or 
by  day;  while  the  seditious  supposed  that 
those  within  would  grow  weary  for  want 
of  food;  and  those  without,  supposed  the 
others  would  do  the  like  by  the  tedious- 
ness  of  the  siege. 

In  the  mean  time,  one  Manahem,  the 
son  of  Judas,  that  was  called  the  Galilean, 
(who  was  .a  very  cunning  sophister,  and 
had  formerly  reproached  the  Jews  under 
Cyrenius,  that  after  God  they  were  subject 
to  the  Romans,)  took  some  of  the  men  of 
note  with  him,  and  retired  to   Massada, 
where  he  broke  open   King  Herod's  ar- 
moury, and  gave  arms  not  only  to  his  own 
people,  but  to  other  robbers  also.     These 
he  made  use  of  for  a  guard,  and  returned 
in  the  state  of  a  king  to  Jerusalem ;  he 
became   the  leader  of   the  sedition,   and 
gave  orders  for  continuing  the  siege;  but 
they  wanted  proper    instruments,  and  it 
was  not  practicable  to  undermine  the  wall, 
because  the  darts  came   down  upon  them 
from  above.     But  still  they  dug  a  mine, 
from  a  great  distance,  under  one  of  the 
towers,  and  made  it  totter;    and  having 
done  that,  they  set  on  fire  what  was  com- 
bustible, and  left  it;  and  when  the  found- 
ations were   burnt  below,  the  tower  fell 
down  suddenly.     Yet  did  they  then  meet 
with   another  wall    that    had  been    built 
within,  for  the  besieged  were  sensible  be- 
forehand of  what  they  were   doing,  and 
probably  the  tower  shook  as  it  was  under- 
mining;  so  they  provided  themselves  of 
another   fortification;    which,    when    the 
besiegers   unexpectedly  saw,  while    they 
thought  they  had  already  gained  the  place, 
they    were    under    some     consternation. 
However,  those  that  were  within  sent  to 
iManahem,  and  to  the  other  leaders  of  the 
sedition,  and  desired   they  might  go  out 
upon  a  capitulation;  this  was  granted  to 
the  king's  soldiers  and  their  own   coun- 
trymen only,  who  went  out  accordingly; 
but  the  Romans  that  were  left  alone  were 
greatly  dejected,  for  they  were  not  able 
m  force  their  way  through  such  a  multi- 
tude;   aud  to  desire  them  to  give  them 


236 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


their  right  hand  for  their  security,  they 
thought  would  be  a  reproach  to  them;  and 
besides,  if  they  should  give  it  them,  they 
durst  not  depend  upon  it;  so  they  de- 
serted their  camp,  as  easil}'  taken,  and 
ran  a.vay  to  the  royal  towers — that  called 
Hippicus,  that  called  Phasaelus,  and  that 
culled  Mariamne.  But  Manahem  and  his 
party  fell  upon  the  place  whence  the  sol- 
diers were  fled,  and  slew  as  many  of  them 
as  they  could  catch,  before  they  got  up  to 
the  towers,  and  plundered  what  they  left 
behind  them,  and  set  fire  to  their  camp 
This  was  executed  on  the  sixth  day  of  the 
month  Gorpieus  [Elul]. 

But  on  the  next  day  the  high  priest 
was  caught,  where  he  had  concealed  him- 
self in  an  aqueduct;  he  was  slain,  together 
with  Hezekiah,  his  brother,  by  the  rob- 
bers :  hereupon  the  seditious  besieged  the 
towers,  and  kept  them  guarded,  lest  any 
one  of  the  soldiers  should  escape.  Now 
the  overthrow  of  the  places  of  strength, 
and  the  death  of  the  high  priest  Ananias, 
so  puifed  up  Manahem,  that  he  became 
barbarously  cruel;  and,  as  he  thought  he 
hail  no  antagonist  to  dispute  the  manage- 
ment of  affairs  with  him,  he  was  no  better 
than  an  insupportable  tyrant :  but  Eleazar 
and  his  party,  when  words  had  passed  be- 
tween  them,  how  it  was  not  proper,  when 
they  revolted  from  the  Romans  out  of 
the  desire  of  liberty,  to  betray  that  liberty 
to  any  of  their  own  people,  and  to  bear  a 
Lord,  who,  though  he  should  be  guilty  of 
no  violence,  was  yet  meaner  than  them- 
selves ;  as  also,  that,  in  case  they  were 
obliged  to  set  some  one  over  their  public 
affairs,  it  was  fitter  they  should  give  that 
privilege  to  any  one  rather  than  to  him, 
they  made  an  assault  upon  him  in  the 
temple;  for  he  went  up  thither  to  wor- 
ship in  a  pompous  manner,  and  adorned 
with  royal  garments,  and  had  his  followers 
with  him  in  their  armour.  But  Eleazar 
and  his  party  fell  violently  upon  him,  as 
did  also  the  rest  of  the  people,  and  taking 
up  stones  to  attack  him  withal,  they 
threw  them  at  the  sophister,  and  thought 
that  if  he  were  once  ruined,  the  entire  se- 
dition would  fall  to  the  ground.  Now 
Manahem  and  his  party  made  resistance 
for  a  while;  but  when  they  perceived  that 
the  whole  multitude  were  falling  upon 
them,  they  fled  which  way  every  one  was 
able:  those  that  were  caught  were  slain, 
and  those  that  hid  themselves  were 
si  arched  for.  A  few  there  were  of  them 
woo  privately  escaped  to  Massada,  among 


whom  was  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Jarius,  who 
was  kin  to  Manahem,  and  acted  the  part 
of  a  tyrant  at  Massada  afterward.  As  for 
Manahem  himself,  he  ran  away  to  the 
place  called  Ophla,  and  there  lay  skulking 
in  private;  but  they  took  him  alive,  and 
drew  him  out  before  them  all;  they  then 
tortured  him  with  many  sorts  of  tor- 
ments, and  after  all  slew  him,  as  they  did 
by  those  that  were  captains  under  him 
also,  and  particularly  by  the  principal  in- 
strument of  his  tyranny,  whose  name  was 
Apsalom. 

And,  as  I  said,  so  far  truly  the  people 
assisted  them,  while  they  hoped  this 
might  afford  some  amendment  to  the  se- 
ditious practices;  but  the  others  were  not 
in  haste  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  but 
hoped  to  prosecute  it  with  less  danger, 
now  they  had  slain  Manahem.  It  is  true, 
that  when  the  people  earnestly  desired 
that  they  would  leave  off  besieging  the 
soldiers,  they  were  the  more  earnest  in 
pressing  it  forward,  and  this  till  Metilius, 
who  was  the  Roman  general,  sent  to  Elea- 
zar, and  desired  that  they  would  give 
them  security  to  spare  their  lives  only ; 
but  agreed  to  deliver  up  their  aims,  and 
what  else  they  had  with  them.  The  others 
readily  complied  with  their  petition,  aud 
sent  to  them  Gorion,  the  son  of  Nicode- 
mus,  and  Ananias,  the  son  of  Sadduk, 
and  Judas,  the  son  of  Jonathan,  that  they 
might  give  the  security  of  their  right  hands, 
and  of  their  oaths  :  after  which  Metilius 
brought  down  his  soldiers;  which  sol- 
diers, while  they  were  in  arms,  were  not 
meddled  with  by  any  of  the  seditious,  nor 
was  there  any  appearance  of  treachery  : 
but  as  soon  as,  according  to  the  articles  of 
capitulation,  they  had  all  laid  down  their 
shields  and  their  swords,  and  were  under 
no  further  suspicion  of  any  harm,  but 
were  going  away,  Eleazar's  men  attacked 
them  after  a  violent  manner,  and  encom- 
passed them  round,  and  slew  them,  while 
they  neither  defended  themselves  nor  en- 
treated for  mercy,  but  only  cried  out  upon 
the  breach  of  their  articles  of  capitulation 
and  their  oaths.  And  thus  were  all  these 
men  barbarously  murdered,  excepting  Me- 
tilius; for  when  he  entreated  for  mercy, 
and  promised  that  he  would  turn  Jew, 
and  be  circumcised,  they  saved  him  alive, 
but  none  else.  This  loss  to  the  Romans 
was  but  light,  there  being  no  more  than 
a  few  slain  out  of  an  immense  army;  but 
still  it  appeared  to  be  a  prelude  to  the 
Jews'  own   destruction,  while  men  mada 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


237 


public  lamentation  when  tney  saw  that 
such  occasions  were  afforded  for  a  war  as 
were  incurable;  that  the  city  was  all  over 
polluted  with  such  abominations,  from 
which  it  was  but  reasonable  to  expect 
some  vengeance,  even  though  they  should 
escape  revenge  from  the  Romans;  so  that 
the  city  was  filled  with  sadness,  and  every 
one  of  the  moderate  men  in  it  were  under 
great  disturbance,  as  likely  themselves  to 
undergo  punishment  for  the  wickedness 
of  the  seditious;  for  indeed  it  so  happened 
that  this  murder  was  perpetrated  on  the 
Sabbath-day,  on  which  day  the  Jews  have 
a  respite  from  their  works  on  account  of 
divine  worship. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Dreadful  slaughters  aud  sufferings  of  tho  Jews. 

Now  the  people  of  Cesarea  had  slain 
the  Jews  that  were  among  them  on  the 
very  same  day  and  hour  [when  the  soldiers 
were  slain],  wbich  one  would  think  must 
have  come  to  pass  by  the  direction  of 
Providence;  insomuch  that  in  one  hour's 
time  above  20,000  Jews  were  killed,  and 
all  Cesarea  was  emptied  of  its  Jewish  in- 
habitants ;  for  Florus  caught  such  as  ran 
away,  and  sent  them  in  bonds  to  the 
galleys.  Upon  which  stroke  that  the 
Jews  received  at  Cesarea,  the  whole  nation 
was  greatly  enraged;  so  they  divided 
themselves  into  several  parties,  and  laid 
waste  the  villages  of  the  Syrians,  and 
their  neighbouring  cities,  Philadelphia, 
and  Sebonitis,  audGerasa,  and  Pella,  and 
Seythopolis,  and  after  them  Gadara,  and 
Hippos  ;  and  falling  upon  Gaulonitis, 
some  cities  they  destroyed  there,  aud 
some  they  set  on  fire,  and  then  they  went 
to  Kedasa,  belonging  to  the  Tyrians,  aud 
to  Ptolemais,  and  to  Gaba,  and  to  Ce- 
sarea; nor  was  either  Sebaste  (Samaria) 
or  Askelon  able  to  oppose  the  violence 
with  which  they  were  attacked;  and  when 
tluy  had  burned  these  to  the  ground, 
they  entirely  demolished  Anthedon  and 
Gaza  ;  many  also  of  the  villages  that 
were  about  every  one  of  those  cities  were 
plundered,  and  an  immense  slaughter  was 
made  of  the  men  who  were  caught  in 
them. 

However,  the  Syrians  were  even  with 
the  Jews  in  the  multitude  of  the  men 
whom  thy  slew;  for  they  killed  those 
whom  they  caught  in  their  cities,  and 
that  not  only  out  of  the  hatred  they  bare 
them,   as    formerly,    but    to  p. 'event   the 


danger  under  which  they  were  from  them; 
so  that   the   disorders  in  all  Syria  were 

terrible,  and  every  city  was  divided  into 
two  armies  encamped  one  against  another, 
and  the  preservation  of  the  one  part\  was 
in  the  destruction  of  the  other ;    so  the 

daytime  was  spent   in  shedding  of  hi 1, 

and  the  night  in  fear — which  was  of  the 
two  the  more  terrible;  for  when  the 
Syrians  thought  they  had  ruined  the  dews, 
they  had  the  Judaizers  in  suspicion  also; 
and  as  each  side  did  not  care  to  slay  those 
whom  they  only  suspected  on  the  oiler, 
so  did  they  greatly  fear  them  when  they 
were  mingled  with  the  other,  as  if  they 
were  certainly  foreigners.  Moreover, 
greediness  of  gain  was  a  provocation  to 
kill  the  opposite  party,  even  to  such  as 
had  of  old  appeared  very  mild  and  gentle 
toward  them;  for  they  without  fear 
plundered  the  effects  of  the  slain,  and 
carried  off  the  spoils  of  those  whom  they 
slew  to  their  own  houses,  as  if  they  had 
been  gained  in  a  set  battle;  and  he  was 
esteemed  a  man  of  honour  who  got  the 
greatest  share,  as  having  prevailed  over 
the  greatest  number  of  his  enemies.  It 
was  then  common  to  see  cities  filled  with 
dead  bodies,  still  lying  unburied,  aud 
those  of  old  men,  mixed  with  infants,  all 
dead,  and  scattered  about  together;  women 
also  lay  among  them,  without  any  co- 
vering for  their  nakedness  :  you  might 
then  see  the  whole  province  full  of  inex- 
pressible calamities,  while  the  dread  of 
still  more  barbarous  practices  which  were 
threatened,  was  everywhere  greater  than 
what  had  been  already  perpetrated. 

And  thus  far  the  conflict  had  been 
between  Jews  and  foreigners ;  but  when 
they  made  excursions  to  Seythopolis,  they 
found  Jews  that  acted  as  enemies;  for  as 
they  stood  in  battle-array  with  those  of 
Seythopolis,  and  preferred  their  own  safe- 
ty before  their  relation  to  us,  they  fought 
against  their  own  countrymen;  nay,  their 
alacrity  was  so  very  great,  that  those  of 
Seythopolis  suspected  them.  These  were 
afraid,  therefore,  lest  they  should  make  an 
assault  upon  the  city  in  the  night-time, 
aud  to  their  great  misfortune,  should 
thereby  make  an  apology  for  themselves 
to  their  own  people  for  their  revolt  from 
them.  So  they  commanded  them,  that  in 
case  they  would  confirm  their  agreement, 
aud  demonstrate  their  fidelity  to  them, 
who  were  of  a  different  nation,  they  should 
go  out  of  the  city,  with  their  families,  tc 
a   neighbouring   grove  :    and  when    Uiey 


238 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


had  done  as  they  were  commanded,  with- 
out suspecting  any  tiling,  the  people  of 
Scylhopolis  lay  still  for  the  interval  of 
two  days,  to  tempt  them  to  be  secure  ; 
but  on  the  third  night  they  watched  their 
opportunity,  and  cut  all  their  throats, 
some  of  them  as  they  lay  unguarded,  and 
some  as  they  lay  asleep.  The  number 
that  was  slain  was  above  13,000;  and  then 
they  plundered  them  of  all  that  they 
had. 

It  will  deserve  our  relation  what  befell 
Simon :  he  was  the  son  of  one  Saul,  a 
man  of  reputation  among  the  Jews.  This 
man  was  distinguished  from  the  rest  by 
the  strength  of  his  body  and  the  bold- 
ness of  his  conduct,  although  he  abused 
them  both  to  the  mischief  of  his  country- 
men ;  for  he  came  every  day  and  slew  a 
great  many  of  the  Jews  of  Scythopolis, 
and  he  frequently  put  them  to  flight,  and 
became  himself  alone  the  cause  of  his 
army's  conquering.  But  a  just  punish- 
ment overtook  him  for  the  murders  he 
had  committed  upon  those  of  the  same 
nation  with  him  ;  for  when  the  people  of 
Scythopolis  threw  their  darts  at  them  in 
the  grove,  he  drew  his  sword,  but  did  not 
attack  any  of  the  enemy  ;  for  he  saw  that 
he  could  do  nothing  against  such  a  mul- 
titude; but  he  cried  out,  after  a  very 
moving  manner,  and  said — "0  you  people 
of  Scythopolis,  I  deservedly  suffer  for 
what  I  have  done  with  relation  to  you, 
when  I  gave  you  such  security  of  my 
fidelity  to  you,  by  slaying  so  many  of 
those  that  were  related  to  me.  Wherefore 
we  very  justly  experience  the  perfidious- 
ness  of  foreigners,  while  we  acted  after  a 
most  wicked  manner  against  our  own 
nation.  I  will  therefore  die,  polluted 
wretch  as  I  am,  by  mine  own  hands ;  for 
it  is  not  fit  I  should  die  by  the  hand  of 
our  enemies ;  and  let  the  same  action  be 
to  me  both  a  punishment  for  my  great 
crimes,  and  a  testimony  of  my  courage  to 
my  commendation,  that  so  no  one  of  our 
enemies  may  have  it  to  boast  of,  that  he 
it  was  that  slew  me;  and  no  one  may  in- 
sult upon  me  as  I  fall."  Now  when  he 
had  said  this,  he  looked  round  about  him 
upon  his  family  with  eyes  of  commise- 
ration and  of  rage;  (that  family  consisted 
of  a  wife  and  children,  and  his  aged 
parents;)  so,  in  the  first  place,  he  caught 
his  father  by  his  gray  hairs,  and  ran  his 
sword  through  him;  and  after  him  he 
did  the  same  to  his  mother,  who  willingly 
received  it;    and  after  til  em   he  did  the 


like  to  his  wife  and  children,  every  one 
almost  offering  themselves  to  his  sword, 
as  desirous  to  prevent  being  slain  by  their 
enemies;  so  when  he  had  gone  over  all  his 
family,  he  stood  upon  their  bodies  to  be 
seen  by  all,  and  stretching  out  his  right 
hand,  that  his  action  might  be  observed 
by  all,  he  sheathed  his  entire  sword  into 
his  own  bowels.  This  young  man  was  to 
be  pitied,  on  account  of  the  strength  of 
his  body  and  the  courage  of  his  soul ;  but 
since  he  had  assured  foreigners  of  his 
fidelity  [against  his  own  countrymen],  he 
suffered  deservedly. 

Besides  this  murder  at  Scythopolis,  the 
other  cities  rose  up  against  the  Jews  that 
were  among  them  :  those  of  Askelon 
slew  2500,  and  those  of  Ptolemais,  2000, 
and  put  now  a  few  into  bonds;  those  of 
Tyre  also  put  a  great  number  to  death, 
but  kept  a  greater  number  in  prison ; 
moreover,  those  of  Hippos  and  those  of  Ga- 
dara  did  the  like,  while  they  put  to  death 
the  boldest  of  the  Jews,  but  kept  those  of 
whom  they  were  most  afraid  in  custody ; 
as  did  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  Syria,  ac- 
cording as  they  every  one  either  hated 
them  or  were  afraid  of  them ;  onby  the 
Antiochians,  theSidonians,  and  Apamiaus, 
spared  those  that  dwelt  with  them,  and 
they  would  not  endure  either  to  kill  any 
of  the  Jews  or  to  put  them  in  bonds. 
And  perhaps  they  spared  them,  because 
their  own  number  was  so  great  that  they 
despised  their  attempts.  But  I  think 
that  the  greatest  part  of  this  favour  was 
owing  to  their  commiseration  of  those 
whom  they  saw  to  make  no  innovations. 
As  for  the  Gerasens,  they  did  no  harm  to 
those  that  abode  with  them  ;  and  for 
those  who  had  a  mind  to  go  away,  they 
conducted  them  as  far  as  their  borders 
reached. 

There  was  also  a  plot  laid  against  the 
Jews  in  Agrippa's  kingdom  ;  for  he  was 
himself  gone  to  Ccstius  Gallus,  to  An- 
tioch,  but  had  left  One  of  his  companions, 
whose  name  was  Noarus,  to  take  care  of  the 
public  affairs  ;  which  Noarus  was  of  kin 
to  King  Sohemus.  Now  there  came  cer- 
tain men,  seventy  in  number,  out  of 
Batanea,  who  were  the  most  considerable 
for  their  families  and  prudence  of  the 
rest  of  the  people ;  these  desired  to  have 
an  army  put  into  their  hands,  that  if  any 
tumult  should  happen,  they  might  have 
about  them  a  guard  sufficient  to  restrain 
such  as  might  rise  up  against  them.  This 
Noarus  sent  out  some  of  the  kino's  armed 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


WARS  OF    TIIE   JEWS. 


239 


men  by  night,  ana  slow  at  those  [seventy] 
men  ;  which  bold  action  re  ventured  upon 
without  the  consent  of  Agrippa,  and  was 
Buch  a  lover  of  money,  that  he  chose  to 
be  so  wicked  to  his  own  countrymen, 
although  lie  brought  ruin  on  the  kingdom 
thereby;  and  thus  cruelly  did  he  treat 
that  nation,  and  this  contrary  to  the  laws 
also,  until  Agrippa  was  informed  of  it, 
who  did  not  indeed  dare  to  put  him  to 
death,  out  of  regard  to  Sohemus  ;  but 
still  he  put  an  end  to  his  procuratorship 
immediately.  But  as  to  the  seditious, 
they  took  the  citadel  which  was  called 
Cypres,  and  was  above  Jericho,  and  cut 
the  throats  of  the  garrison,  and  utterly 
demolished  the  fortifications.  This  was 
about  the  same  time  that,  the  multitude 
of  the  Jews  that  were  at  Macherus  per- 
suaded the  Romans  who  were  in  garrison 
to  leave  the  place,  and  deliver  it  up  to 
them.  These  Romans  being  in  great 
fear  lest  the  place  should  be  taken  by 
force,  made  an  agreement  with  them  to 
depart  upon  certain  conditions ;  and  when 
they  had  obtained  the  security  they  de- 
sired, they  delivered  up  the  citadel,  into 
which  the  people  of  Macherus  put  a  gar- 
rison for  their  own  security,  and  held  it 
in  their  own  power. 

But  for  Alexandria,  the  sedition  of  the 
people  of  the  place  against  the  Jews  was 
perpetual,  and  this  from  that  very  time 
when  Alexander  [the  Great],  upon  finding 
the  readiness  of  the  Jews  in  assisting  him 
against  the  Egyptians,  and  as  a  reward 
for  such  their  assistance,  gave  them  equal 
privileges  in  this  city  with  the  Grecians 
themselves  ; — which  honorary  reward  con- 
tinued among  them  under  his  successors, 
who  also  set  apart  for  them  a  particular 
place,  that  they  might  live  without  being 
polluted  [by  the  Gentiles],  and  were 
thereby  not  so  much  intermixed  with 
foreigners  as  before  :  they  also  gave  them 
this  further  privilege,  that  they  should  be 
called  Macedonians.  Nay,  when  the  Ro- 
mans got  possession  of  Egypt,  neither  the 
first  Caesar,  nor  any  one  that  came  after 
him,  thought  of  diminishing  the  honours 
which  Alexander  had  bestowed  on  the 
Jews.  But  still  conflicts  perpetually  arose 
with  the  Grecians;  and  although  the  go- 
vernors did  every  day  punish  many  of 
them,  yet  did  the  sedition  grow  worse; 
but  at  this  time  especially,  when  there 
were  tumults  in  other  places  also,  the  dis 


once  a  public  assembly,  to  deliberate 
about  an  embassage  they  were  sending  to 
Nero,  a  great  number  of  Jews  came  iloeking 
to  the  theatre;  but  when  their  adversaries 
saw  them,  they  immediately  cried  out,  and 
called  them  their  enemies,  and  said  they 
came  as  spies  upon  them  ;  upon  which 
they  rushed  out  and  laid  violent  hands 
upon  them;  and  as  for  the  rest,  they 
were  slain  as  they  ran  away;  but  there 
were  three  men  whom  they  caught,  and 
hauled  them  along,  in  ordef  to  have  them 
burnt  alive  ;  but  all  the  Jews  came  in  a 
body  to  defend  them,  who  at  first  threw 
stones  at  the  Grecians ;  but  after  that 
they  took  lamps,  and  rushed  with  violence 
into  the  theatre,  and  threatened  that  they 
would  burn  the  people  to  a  man  ;  and  this 
they  had  soon  done,  unless  Tiberius 
Alexander,  the  governor  of  the  city,  had 
restrained  their  passions.  However,  this 
man  did  not  begin  to  teach  them  wisdom 
by  arms,  but  sent  among  them  privately 
some  of  the  principal  men,  and  thereby 
entreated  them  to  be  quiet,  and  not  pro- 
voke the  Roman  army  against  them  ;  but 
the  seditious  made  a  jest  of  the  entreaties 
of  Tiberius,  and  reproached  him  for  so 
doing. 

Now,  when  he  perceived  that  those 
who  were  for  innovations  would  not  bo 
pacified  till  some  great  calamity  should 
overtake  them,  he  sent  out  upon  them 
those  two  Roman  legions  that  were  in  the 
city,  and,  together  with  them,  5000 
other  soldiers,  who,  by  chance,  were  come 
together  out  of  Lybia,  to  the  ruin  of  the 
Jews  They  were  also  permitted  not  only 
to  kill  them,  but  to  plunder  them  of  what 
they  had,  and  set  fire  to  their  houses. 
These  soldiers  rushed  violently  into  that 
part  of  the  city  which  was  called  Delta, 
where  the  Jewish  people  lived  together, 
and  did  as  they  were  bidden,  though  not 
without  bloodshed  on  their  own  side  also  ; 
for  the  Jews  got  together,  and  set  those 
that  were  the  best  armed  among  them  in 
the  forefront,  and  made  resistance  for  a 
great  while;  but  when  once  they  gave 
back  they  were  destroyed  unmercifully  ; 
and  this  their  destruction  was  complete, 
some  being  caught  in  the  open  field,  and 
others  forced  into  their  houses,  which 
houses  were  first  plundered  id'  what  was 
in  them,  and  then  set  on  fire  by  the  Ro- 
mans.; wherein  no  mercy  was  shown  to 
the  infants,  and   no   regard    had    to   the 


orders  among  them  were  put  into  a  greater  I  aged  ;   but  they  wcut  on   to  the  sl;n:_ 
flame;    fur  when    the  Alexandrians   had  I  of  persons  of  every  >ge,  till  all  the  place 


240 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


was  ovei flowed  with  blood,  and  50,000 
of  them  lay  dead  upon  heaps ;  nor  had 
the  remainder  been  preserved,  had  they 
not  betaken  themselves  to  supplication. 
So  Alexander  commiserated  their  condi- 
tion, and  gave  orders  to  the  Romans  to 
retire  :  accordingly  these,  being  accus- 
tomed to  obey  orders,  left  off  killing  at 
the  first  intimation  ;  but  the  populace  of 
Alexandria  bore  so  very  great  hatred  to 
the  Jews,  that  it  was  difficult  to  recall 
them ;  and  it'was  a  hard  thing  to  make 
them  leave  their  dead  bodies. 

And  this  was  the  miserable  calamity 
which  at  this  time  befell  the  Jews  at 
Alexandria.  Hereupon  Cestius  thought 
fit  no  longer  to  lie  still,  while  the  Jews 
were  everywhere  up  in  arms ;  so  he  took 
out  of  Antioch  the  twelfth  legion  entire, 
and  out  of  each  of  the  rest  he  selected 
2000,  with  six  cohorts  of  footmen,  and 
four  troops  of  horsemen,  besides  those 
auxiliaries  which  were  sent  by  the  kings, 
of  which  Antiochus  sent  2000  horsemen, 
and  3000  footmen,  with  as  many  archers ; 
and  Agrippa  sent  the  same  number  of 
footmen,  and  1000  horsemen;  Sohemus 
also  followed  with  4000,  a  third  part 
whereof  were  horsemen,  but  most  part 
were  archers,  and  thus  did  he  march  to 
Ptolemais.  There  were  also  great  num- 
bers of  auxiliaries  gathered  together  from 
the  [free]  cities,  who,  indeed,  had  not  the 
same  skill  in  martial  affairs,  but  made  up 
in  their  alacrity  and  in  their  hatred  to  the 
Jews  what  they  wanted  in  skill.  There 
came  also  along  with  Cestius  Agrippa 
himself,  both  as  a  guide  in  his  march 
over  the  country  and  a  director  of  what 
was  fit  to  be  done ;  so  Cestius  took  part 
of  his  forces  and  marched  hastily  to  Za- 
bulon,  a  strong  city  of  Galilee,  which  was 
called  the  City  of  Men,  and  divides  the 
country  of  Ptolemais  from  our  nation; 
this  he  found  deserted  by  its  men,  the 
multitude  having  fled  to  the  mountains, 
but  full  of  all  sorts  of  good  things ;  those 
he  gave  leave  to  the  soldiers  to  plunder, 
and  set  fire  to  the  city,  although  it  was 
of  admirable  beaut}',  and  had  its  houses 
built  like  those  in  Tyre,  and  Sidon,  and 
Berytus.  After  this  he  overran  all  the 
country,  and  seized  upon  whatsoever  came 
in  his  way,  and  set  fire  to  the  villages  that 
were  round  about  them,  and  then  returned 
to  Ptolemais.  But  when  the  Syrians, 
and  especially  those  of  Berytus,  were  busy 
in  plundering,  the  Jews  plucked  up  their 
courage  again,  for  they  knew  that  Cestius 


was  retired,  and  fell  upon  those  that  were 
left  behind  unexpectedly,  and  destroyed 
about  2000  of  them. 

And  now  Cestius  himself  marched  from  i 
Ptolemais,  and  came  to  Cesarea;  but  he 
sent  part  of  his  army  before  him  to  Jop- 
pa,  and  gave  orders  that  if  they  could 
take  that  city  [by  surprise]  they  should 
keep  it;  but  that  in  case  the  citizens 
should  perceive  they  were  coming  to  at- 
tack them,  they  then  should  stay  for  him, 
and  for  the  rest  of  the  army.  So  some 
of  them  made  a  brisk  march  by  the  sea- 
side, and  some  by  land,  and  so  coming 
upon  them  on  both  sides,  they  took  the 
city  with  ease ;  and,  as  the  inhabitants 
had  made  no  provision  beforehand  for  a 
flight,  nor  had  gotten  any  thing  ready  for 
fighting,  the  soldiers  fell  upon  them,  and 
slew  them  all,  with  their  families,  and 
then  plundered  and  burnt  the  city.  The 
number  of  the  slain  was  8400.  In  like 
manner,  Cestius  sent  also  a  considerable 
body  of  horsemen  to  the  toparchy  of  Nar- 
batene,  that  adjoined  to  Cesarea,  who  de- 
stroyed the  country,  and  slew  a  great 
multitude  of  its  people ;  they  also  plun- 
dered what  they  had,  and  burnt  their  vil- 
lages. 

But  Cestius  sent  Gallus,  the  commander 
of  the  twelfth  legion,  into  Galilee,  and 
delivered  to  him  as  many  of  his  forces  as 
he  supposed  sufficient  to  subdue  that  na- 
tion. He  was  received  by  the  strongest 
city  of  Galilee,  which  was  Sepphoris,  with 
acclamations  of  joy ;  which  wise  conduct 
of  that  city  occasioned  the  rest  of  the 
cities  to  be  in  quiet ;  while  the  seditious 
part  and  the  robbers  ran  away  to  that 
mountain  which  lies  in  the  very  middle 
of  Galilee,  and  is  situated  over  agaiust 
Sepphoris;  it  is  called  Asamon.  So  Gal- 
lus brought  his  forces  against  them;  but. 
while  those  men  were  in  the  superior  parts 
above  the  Romans,  they  easily  threw  their 
darts  upon  the  Romans,  as  they  made 
their  approaches,  and  slew  about  200  of 
them ;  but  when  the  Romans  had  gone 
round  the  mountains,  and  were  gotten  into 
the  parts  above  their  enemies,  the  others 
were  soon  beaten;  nor  could  they  who 
had  only  light  armour  on  sustain  the  force 
of  them  that  fought  them  armed  all  over ; 
nor  when  they  were  beaten  could  they 
escape  the  enemy's  horsemen;  insomuch 
that  only  some  few  concealed  themselves 
in  certain  places  hard  to  be  come  at, 
among  the  mountains,  while  the  rest, 
above  2000  in  number,  were  slain. 


Chap.  XIX.] 


AVARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


241 


CHAPTER  XIX. 
besieges  Jerusalem-  -retreats  from  the  citj 
— Tin'  Jews  pursue  him,  and  defeat  him  with 
groat  slaughter. 

And  now  Gallus,  seeing  nothing  more 
that  looked  toward  an  innovation  in  Gali- 
lee, returned  with  his  army  to  Cesarea; 
but  Cestius  removed  with  his  whole  army 
and  marched  to  Autipatris  ;  and  when  he 
was  informed  that  there  was  a  great  body 
of  Jewish  forces  gotten  together  in  a  cer- 
tain tower  called  Aphek,  he  sent  a  party 
before  to  fight  them  ;  but  this  party  dis- 
persed the  Jews  by  affrighting  them  before 
it  came  to  a  battle  :  so  they  came,  and, 
finding  their  camp  deserted,  they  burnt 
it,  as  well  as  the  villages  that  lay  about 
it.  But  when  Cestius  had  marched  from 
Autipatris  to  Lydda,  he  found  the  city 
empty  of  its  men,  for  the  whole  multi- 
tude* were  gone  up  to  Jerusalem  to  the 
Feast  of  Tabernacles  j  yet  did  he  destroy 
fifty  of  those  that  showed  themselves,  and 
burnt  the  city,  and  so  marched  forward ; 
and  ascending  by  Bethoron,  he  pitched 
his  camp  at  a  certain  place  called  Gabao, 
fifty  furlongs  distant  from  Jerusalem. 

But  as  to  the  Jews,  when  they  saw  the 
war  approaching  to  their  metropolis,  they 
left  the  feast,  and  betook  themselves  to 
their  arms;  and  taking  courage  greatly 
from  their  multitude,  went  in  a  sudden 
and  disorderly  manner  to  the  fight,  with 
a  great  noise,  and  without  any  considera- 
tion had  of  the  rest  of  the  seventh  day, 
although  the  Sabbath  was  the  day  to 
which  they  had  the  greatest  regard,  but 
that  rage  which  made  them  forget  the  re- 
ligious observation  [of  the  Sabbath]  made 
them  too  hard  for  their  enemies  in  the 
fight :  with  suvch  violence,  therefore,  did 
they  fall  upon  the  Romans,  as  to  break 
into  their  ranks,  and  to  march  through 
the  midst  of  them,  making  a  great  slaugh- 
ter as  they  went,  insomuch  that  unless 
the  horsemen,  and  such  part  of  the  foot- 
men as  were  not  yet  tired  in  the  action, 
had  wheeled  round,  and  succoured  that 
part  of  the  army  which  was  not  yet 
broken,  Cestius,  with  his  whole  army, 
had  been  in  danger;  however,  515  of  the 
Romans  were  slain,  of  which  number  400 
were  footmen,  and  the  rest  horsemen, 
while  the  Jews  lost  only  twenty-two,  of 
whom  the  most  valliant  were   the   kins- 


*  An  Hebraism.  "All,"  or  "the  whole  multi- 
tude," meaning  the  greater  part  of  the  male  popu- 
lation. 

Vol.  II.— 16 


men    of   Monobazus,  king  of  Adiabent  , 

and  their  names  were  Monobazus  and 
Kenedeus  ;  and  next,  to  them  were  Niger 

of  Perea,  ami  Silas  el'  Babylon,  who  had 
deserted  from  King  Agrippa  to  the  Jews; 
for  he  had  formerly  served  in  his  tinny. 
When  the  front  of  the  Jewish  army  bad 
been  cut  off,  the  Jews  retired  into  the 
city;  but  still  Simon,  the  son  of  Giora, 
fell  upon  the  backs  of  the  Romans  as  they 
were  ascending  up  Bethoron,  and  put  the 
hindmost  of  the  army  into  disorder,  and 
carried  off  many  of  the  beasts  that  car- 
ried the  weapons  of  war,  and  led  them 
into  the  city;  but,  as  Cestius  tarried  there 
three  days,  the  Jews  seized  upon  the  ele- 
vated parts  of  the  city,  and  set  watches 
at  the  entrances  into  the  city,  and  ap- 
peared openly  resolved  not  to  rest  when 
once  the  Romans  should  begin  to  march. 

And  now  when  Agrippa  observed  that 
even  the  affairs  of  the  R,omans  were  likely 
to  be  in  danger,  while  such  an  immense 
multitude  of  their  enemies  had  seized 
upon  the  mountains  round  about,  he  de- 
termined to  try  what  the  Jews  would 
agree  to  by  words,  as  thinking  that  he 
should  either  persuade  them  all  to  desist 
from  fighting,  or,  however,  that  he  should 
cause  the  sober  part  of  them  to  separate 
themselves  from  the  opposite  party.  So 
he  sent  Borceus  and  Phebus,  the  persons 
of  his  party  that  were  the  best  known  to 
them,  and  promised  them  that  Cestius 
should  give  them  his  right  hand,  to  secure 
them  of  the  Romans'  entire  forgiveness 
of  what  they  had  done  amiss,  if  they 
would  throw  away  their  arms  and  come 
over  to  them;  but  the  seditions,  fearing 
lest  the  whole  multitude,  in  Impes  of  se- 
curity to  themselves,  should  go  over  to 
Agrippa,  resolved  immediately  to  fall  upon 
and  kill  the  ambassadors :  accordingly, 
they  slew  Phebus  before  he  said  a  word ; 
but  Borceus  was  only  wounded,  and  so 
preveuted  his  fate  by  flying  away.  And 
when  the  people  were  very  angry  at  this, 
they  had  the  seditious  beaten  with  stones 
and  clubs,  and  drove  them  before  them 
into  the  city. 

But  now  Cestius,  observing  that  the 
disturbances  that  were  begun  among  the 
Jews  afforded  him  a  proper  opportunity 
to  attack  them,  took  his  whole  army  along 
with  him,  and  put  the  Jews  to  flight,  and 
pursued  them  to  Jerusalem.  He  then 
pitched  his  camp  upon  the  elevation  called 
Scopus  [or  watch-tower],  which  was  dis- 
tant  seven  furlongs  from  the   city ;  yet 


242 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


did  be  not  assault  them  in  three  days' 
time,  out  of  expectation  that  those  within 
might  perhaps  yield  a  little  ;  and  in  the 
mean  time  he  sent  out  a  great  many  of  his 
soldiers  into  the  neighbouring  villages,  to 
seize  upon  their  corn  ;  and  on  the  fourth 
day,  which  was  the  thirtieth  of  the  month 
Hyperbereteus  [Tisri],  when  he  put  his 
army  in  array,  ho  brought  it  into  the 
city.  Now,  for  the  people,  they  were 
kept  under  by  the  seditious ;  but  the  se- 
ditious themselves  were  greatly  affrighted 
at  the  good  order  of  the  Romans,  and 
retired  from  the  suburbs,  and  retreated 
into  the  inner  part  of  the  city,  and  into 
the  temple.  But  when. Cestius  was  come 
into  the  city,  he  set  the  part  called  Beze- 
tha,  which  is  also  called  Cenopolis  [or  the 
new  city],  on  fire;  as  he  did  also  to  the 
timber-market :  after  which  he  came  into 
the  upper  city,  and  pitched  his  camp  over 
against  the  royal  palace ;  and  had  he  but 
at  this  very  time  attempted  to  get  within 
the  walls  bjT  force,  he  had  won  the  city 
presently,  and  the  war  had  beeu  put  an 
end  to  at  once;  but  Tyrannus  Priscus,  the 
muster-master  of  the  army,  and  a  great 
number  of  the  officers  of  the  horse,  had 
been  corrupted  by  Florus,  and  diverted 
him  from  that  his  attempt ;  and  that  was 
the  occasion  that  this  war  lasted  so  very 
long,  and  thereby  the  Jews  were  involved 
in  such  incurable  calamities. 

In  the  mean  time,  many  of  the  princi- 
pal men  of  the  city  were  persuaded  by 
Ananus,  the  son  of  Jonathan,  and  invited 
Cestius  into  the  city,  and  were  about  to 
open  the  gates  for  him  ;  but  he  overlooked 
this  offer,  partly  out  of  his  anger  at  the 
Jews,  and  partly  because  he  did  not  tho- 
roughly believe  they  were  in  earnest ; 
whence  it  was  that  he  delayed  the  matter 
so  long,  that  the  seditious  perceived  the 
treachery,  and  threw  Ananus  and  those 
of  his  party  down  from  the  wall,  and, 
pelting  them  with  stones,  drove  them  into 
their  houses;  but  they  stood  themselves 
at  proper  distances  in  the  towers,  and 
threw  their  darts  at  those  that  were  get- 
ting over  the  wall.  Thus  did  the  Bo- 
mans  make  their  attack  against  the  wall 
for  five  days,  but  to  no  purpose.  But, 
on  the  next  day,  Cestius  took  a  great 
many  of  his  choicest  men,  and  with  them 
the  archers,  and  attempted  to  break  into 
the  temple  at  the  northern  quarter  of  it; 
but  the  Jews  beat  them  off  from  the 
cloisters,  and  repulsed  them  several  times 
when    they  were  gotten   near  to  the  wall, 


till  at  length  the  multitude  of  darts  cut 
them  off,  and  made  them  retire  :  but  the 
first  rank  of  the  Romans  rested  their 
shields  upon  the  wall,  and  so  did  those 
that  were  behind  them,  and  the  like  did 
those  that  were  still  more  backward,  and 
guarded  themselves  with  what  they  call 
testudo,  [the  back  of]  a  tortoise,  upon 
which  the  darts  that  were  thown  fell,  and 
slided  off  without  doing  them  any  harm  ; 
so  the  soldiers  undermined  the  wall,  with- 
out being  themselves  hurt,  and  got  all 
things  ready  for  setting  fire  to  the  gate  of 
the  temple. 

And  now  it  was  that  a  horrible  fear 
seized  upon  the  seditious,  insomuch  that 
many  of  them  ran  out  of  the  city,  as 
though  it  were  to  be  taken  immediately; 
but  the  people  upon  this  took  courage, 
and  where  the  wicked  part  of  the  city 
gave  ground,  thither  did  they  come,  in 
order  to  set  upon  the  gates,  and  to  admit 
Cestius  as  their  benefactor,  who,  had  he 
but-  continued  the  siege  a  little  longer, 
had  certainly  taken  the  city  ;  but  it  was,  I 
suppose,  owing  to  the  aversion  God  had 
already  at  the  city  and  the  sanctuary,  that 
he  was  hindered  from  putting  an  end  to 
the  war  that  very  day. 

It  then  happened  that  Cestius  was  not 
conscious  either  how  the  besieged  despaired 
of  success,  nor  how  coui'ageous  the  people 
were  for  him ;  and  so  he  recalled  his  sol- 
diers from  the  place,  and,  by  despairing 
of  any  expectation  of  taking  it,  without 
having  received  any  disgrace,  he  retired 
from  the  city,  without  any  reason  in  the 
world.  That  when  the  robbers  perceived 
this  unexpected  retreat  of  his,  they  re- 
sumed their  courage,  and  ran  after  the 
hinder  parts  of  his  army,  and  destroyed  a 
considerable  number  of  both  their  horse- 
men and  footmen ;  and  now  Cestius  lay 
all  night  at  the  camp,  which  was  at  Sco- 
pus ;  and  as  he  went  off  farther  next  day, 
he  thereby  invited  the  enemy  to  follow 
him,  who  still  fell  upon  the  hindmost,  and 
destroyed  them  ;  they  also  fell  upon  the 
flank  on  each  side  of  the  army,  and  threw 
darts  upon  them  obliquely,  nor  durst 
those  that  were  hindmost  turn  back  upon 
those  who  wounded  them  behind,  as 
imagining  that  the  multitude  of  those 
that  pursued  them  was  immense;  nor 
did  they  venture  to  drive  away  those  that 
pressed  upon  them  on  each  side,  because 
they  were  heavy  with  their  arms,  and 
were  afraid  of  breaking  their  ranks  to 
pieces,   and    because  they  saw  the  Jews 


Chap.  XIX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


243 


were  light  and  ready  for  making  incur- 
sions upon  thctn.  And  this  was  the  rea- 
son why  the  Iloiuans  suffered  greatly, 
without  bein<r  able  to  revenge  themselves 
upon  their  enemies;  so  they  were  galled 
all  the  way,  and  their  ranks  were  put  into 
disorder,  and  those  that  were  thus  put  out  of 
their  ranks  were  slain;  among  whom  were 
l'riscus,  the  commander  of  the  sixth  le- 
gion, and  Longinus,  the  tribune,  and  Emi- 
lius  Secundus,  the  commander  of  a  troop 
of  horsemen.  So  it  was  not  without  dif- 
ficulty that  they  got  to  Gabao,  their  former 
camp,  aud  that  not  without  the  loss  of  a 
great  part  of  their  baggage.  There  it  was 
that  Cestius  stayed  two  days;  aud  was  in 
great  distress  to  know  what  he  should  do  in 
these  circumstances;  but  when,  on  the 
third  day,  he  saw  a  still  greater  number 
of  enemies,  and  all  the  parts  round  about 
him  full  of  Jews,  he  understood  that  his 
delay  was  to  his  own  detriment,  and  if  he 
stayed  any  longer  there,  he  should  have 
still  more  enemies  upoii  him. 

That  therefore  he  might  fly  the  faster, 
he  gave  orders  to  cast  away  what  might 
hinder  his  army's  march;  so  they  killed 
the  mules  and  other  creatures,  excepting 
those  that  carried  their  darts  and  ma- 
chines, which  they  retained  for  their  own 
use,  and  this  principally  because  they 
were  afraid  lest  the  Jews  should  seize  upon 
them.  He  then  made  his  army  march  on 
as  far  as  Bethoron.  Now  the  Jews  did 
not  so  much  press  upon  them  when  they 
were  in  large,  open  places;  but  when  they 
were  penned  up  in  their  descent  through 
narrow  passages,  then  did  some  of  them 
get  before,  and  hindered  them  from  get- 
ting out  of  them ;  and  others  of  them 
thrust  the  hindermost  down  into  the 
lower  places;  and  the  whole  multitude 
extended  themselves  over  against  the  neck 
of  the  passage,  and  covered  the  Roman 
army  with  their  darts.  In  which  circum- 
stances, as  the  footmen  knew  not  how  to 
defend  themselves,  so  the  danger  pressed 
the  horsemen  still  more,  for  they  were  so 
pelted,  that  they  could  not  march  along 
the  road  in  their  ranks,  and  the  ascents 
were  so  high  that  the  cavalry  were  not 
able  to  march  against  the  enemy ;  the 
precipices,  also,  and  valleys,  into  which 
they  frequently  fell,  and  tumbled  down, 
were  such  on  each  side  of  them,  that 
there  was  neither  place  for  their  flight, 
Dor  any  contrivance  could  be  thought  of 


for  their  defence,  till  the  distress  they 
were  at  last  in  was  so  great,  thai  they  be- 
took themselves  to  lamentations,  and  to 
such  mournful  cries,  as  men  use  in  the 
utmost  despair:  the  joyful  acclamations 
of  the  Jews  also,  as  they  encouraged  one 
another,  echoed  the  sounds  back  again. 
these  last  composing  a  noise  of  those  that 
at  once  rejoiced  and  were  in  a  rage.  In- 
deed these  things  were  come  to  such  a 
pass,  that  the  Jews  had  almost  taken 
Cestius's  entire  army  prisoners,  had  not 
the  night  come  on,  when  the  Romans  fled 
to  Bethoron,  and  the  Jews  Beized  upon 
all  the  places  round  about  them,  and 
watched  for  their  coming  out  [in  the 
morning], 

Aud  then  it  was  that  Cestius,  despair- 
ing of  obtaining  room  for  a  public  march, 
contrived  how  he  might  best  run  away; 
and  when  he  had  selected  400  of  the  most 
courageous  of  his  soldiers,  he  placed  them 
at  the  strongest  of  their  fortifications,  and 
gave  order,  that  when  they  went  up  to  the 
morning  guard,  they  should  erect  their 
ensigns,  that  the  Jews  might  be  made  to 
believe  that  the  entire  army  was  there 
still,  while  he  himself  took  the  rest  of 
his  forces  with  him,  and  marched,  with- 
out any  noise,  thirty  furlongs.  But  when 
the  Jews  perceived,  in  the  morning,  that 
the  camp  was  empty,  they  ran  upon  those 
400  who  had  deluded  them,  and  immedi- 
ately threw  their  darts  at  them,  and  slew 
them ;  and  then  pursued  after  Cestius. 
But  he  had  already  made  use  of  a  great 
part  of  the  night  in  his  flight,  and  still 
marched  quicker  when  it  was  day ;  inso- 
much, that  the  soldiers,  through  the  as- 
tonishment and  fear  they  were  in,  left  be- 
hind them  their  engines  for  sieges,  aud  for 
throwing  of  stones,  and  a  great  part  of 
the  instruments  of  war.  So  the  Jews 
went  on  pursuing  the  Romans  as  far  as 
Antipatris  ;  after  which,  seeing  they  could 
not  overtake  them,  they  came  back  and 
took  theeugines,  and  spoiled  the  dead  bo- 
dies ;  and  gathered  the  prey  together 
which  the  Bomaus  had  left  behind  them, 
aud  came  back  running  and  singing  to 
their  metropolis;  while  they  had  them- 
selves lost  a  few  only,  but  had  slain  of 
the  Bomans  5300  footmen,  aivl  380 
horsemen.  This  defeat  happened  on  the 
eighth  day  of  the  month  l)ius  [Marhes- 
van],  in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Nero. 


244 


AVARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


CHAPTER  XX. 


Cestius  sends  ambassadors  to  Nero — the  Damas- 
cenes destroy  the. Jews  in  their  cities — Jerusalem 
put  in  a  state  of  defence  —  Josephus  made  a 
general  of  the  Jewish  forces. 

After  this  calamity  had  befallen  Ces- 
tius, many  of  the  most  eminent  of  the  Jews 
swam  away  from  the  city,  as  from  a  ship 
when  it  was  going  to  sink  :  Costobarus, 
therefore,  and  Saul,  who  were  brethren, 
together  with  Philip,  the  son  of  Jacimus, 
who  was  the  commander  of  King  Agrippa's 
forces,  ran  away  from  the  city  and  went  to 
Cestius.  But  then  how  Antipas,  who 
had  been  besieged  with  them  in  the  king's 
palace,  but  would  not  fly  away  with  them, 
was  afterward  slain  by  the  seditious,  we 
shall  relate  hereafter.  However,  Cestius 
sent  Saul  and  his  friends,  at  their  own 
desire,  to  Achia,  to  Nero,  to  inform  him 
of  the  great  distress  they  were  in  ;  and  to 
lay  the  blame  of  their  kindling  the  war 
upon  Florus,  as  hoping  to  alleviate  his 
own  danger,  by  provoking  his  indignation 
against  Florus. 

In  the  mean  time  the  people  of  Damas- 
cus, when  they  were  informed  of  the  de- 
struction of  the  Romans,  set  about  the 
slaughter  of  those  Jews  that  were  among 
them  ;  and  as  they  had  them  already 
cooped  up  together  in  the  place  of  public 
exercises,  wliich  they  had  done,  out  of 
the  suspicion  they  had  of  them,  they 
thought  they  should  meet  with  no  diffi- 
culty in  the  attempt;  yet  did  they  dis- 
trust their  own  wives,  who  were  almost 
all  of  them  addicted  to  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion ;  on  which  account  it  was  that  their 
greatest  concern  was  how  they  might  con- 
ceal these  things  from  them  ;  so  they  came 
upon  the  Jews,  and  cut  their  throats,  as 
being  in  a  narrow  place,  in  number  10,000, 
and  all  of  them  unarmed,  and  this  in  one 
hour's  time,  without  anybody  to  disturb 
them. 

But  as  to  those  who  had  pursued  after 
Cestius,  when  they  were  returned  back 
to  Jerusalem,  they  overbore  some  of  those 
that  favoured  the  Unmans  by  violence, 
and  some  they  persuaded  [by  entreaties] 
to  join  with  them,  and  got  together  in 
great  numbers  in  the  temple,  and  appoint- 
ed a  great  many  generals  for  the  war. 
Joseph  also,  the  son  of  Gorion,  and 
Ananas,  the  high  priest,  were  chosen  as 
governors  of  all  affairs  within  the  city, 
and  with  a  particular  charge  to  repair 
the  walls  of  the  city ;  for  they  did  not  or- 
dain   Eleazar,  the   sou  of  Simon,  to  that 


[Book  II 

office,  although  he  had  gotten  into  his  pos- 
session the  prey  they  had  taken  from  the 
Romans,  and  the  money  they  had  taken 
from  Cestius,  together  with  a  great  part 
of  the  public  treasures,  because  they  saw 
he  was  of  a  tyrannical  temper ;  and  that 
his  followers  were,  in  their  behaviour, 
like  guards  about  him.  However,  the 
want  they  were  in  of  Eleazar's  money, 
and  the  subtle  tricks  used  by  him,  brought 
all  so  about,  that  the  people  were  circura 
vented,  and  submitted  themselves  to  his 
authority  in  all  public  affairs. 

They  also  chose  other  generals  for  Idu- 
raea;  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sapphias,  one  of 
the  high  priests  ;  and  Eleazar,  the  sou  of 
Ananias,  the  high  priest;  they  also  en- 
joined Niger,  the  then  governor  of  Idu- 
mea,*  (who  was  of  a  family  that  belonged 
to  Perea,  beyond  Jordan,  and  was  thence 
called  the  Peraite,)  that  he  should  be 
obedient  to  those  forenamed  commanders. 
Nor  did  they  neglect  the  care  of  other 
parts  of  the  country ;  but  Joseph,  the  son 
of  Simon,  was  sent  as  general  to  Jericho, 
as  was  Manasseh  to  Perea,  and  John,  the 
Essene,  to  the  toparchy  of  Thamma; 
Lydda  was  also  added  to  his  portion,  and 
Joppa  and  Emmaus.  But  John,  the  son 
of  Matthias,  was  made  the  governor  of 
the  toparchies  of  Gophnitica  and  Acrabas- 
tene;  as  was  Josephus,  the  son  of  Mat- 
thias, of  both  the  Galilees.  Gamala  also, 
which  was  the  strongest  city  in  those  parts, 
was  put  under  his  command. 

So  every  one  of  the  other  commanders 
administered  the  affairs  of  his  portion 
with  that  alacrity  and  prudence  they  were 
masters  of;  but  as  to  Josephus,  when  he 
came  into  Galilee,  his  first  care  was  to  gain 
the  goodwill  of  the  people  of  that  coun- 
try, as  sensible  that  he  should  thereby 
have  in  general  good  success,  although  he 
should  fail  in  other  points.  And  being 
conscious  to  himself  that  if  he  communi- 
cated part  of  his  power  to  the  great  men, 
he  should  make  them  his  fast  friends; 
and  that  he  should  gain  the  same  favour 
from  the  multitude,  if  he  executed  his 
commands  by  persons  of  their  own  coun- 
try, and  with  whom  they  were  well  ac- 
quainted ;  he   chose  out  seventyf  of  the 

*  The  Idumeans,  having  been  proselytes  of  jus- 
tice since  the  days  of  John  Hyrcanus,  during  about 
195  years,  were  now  esteemed  as  part  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation,  and  provided  with  a  Jewish  commander 
accordingly. 

f  Josephus  imitated  Moses,  as  well  as  the  Ro- 
mans, in  the  number  and  distribution  of  the  sub- 
altern officers  of  his  army,  (Exod.  xviii.  25;  Deufc 


CiiAr.  XX.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


•J!:, 


most  prudent  men,  and  those  elders  in 
age,  and  appointed  them  to  be  rulers  of 
all  Galilee,  as  he  chose  seven  judges  in 
every    city  to  hear  the    lesser    quarrels; 

for  as  to  the  greater  causes,  and  those 
wherein  life  and  death  were  concerned, 
he  enjoined  they  should  be  brought  to 
him  and  the  seventy  elders. 

Josephus  also,  when  he  had  settled 
these  rules  for  determining  causes  by  the 
law,  with  regard  to  the  people's  dealings 
one  with  another,  betook  himself  to  make 
provisions  for  their  safety  against  external 
violence  ;  and  as  he  knew  the  Romans 
would  fall  upon  Galilee,  he  built  walls  in 
proper  places  about  Jotapata,  and  Ber- 
sabee,  and  Salamis;  and  besides  these 
al'  !it  Caphareccho,  and  Japha,  and  Sigo, 
and  what  they  call  Mount  Tabor,  and 
Tarichese,  and  Tiberias.  Moreover,  he 
built  walls  about  the  caves  near  the  lake 
of  Gennessar,  which  places  lay  in  the 
Lower  Galilee;  the  same  as  he  did  to  the 
places  of  Upper  Galilee,  as  well  as  to  the 
rock  called  the  Rock  of  the  Achabari, 
and  to  Seph,  and  Jamnith,  and  Meroth  ; 
and  in  Gaulanitis  he  fortified  Seleucia,  and 
Sogane,  and  Gamala;  but  as  to  those  of 
Sepphoris,  they  were  the  only  people  to 
whom  he  gave  leave  to  build  their  own 
walls,  and  this  because  he  pemived  they 
were  rich  and  wealthy,  and  ready  to  go 
to  war,  without  standing  in  need  of  any 
injunctions  for  that  purpose.  The  case 
was  the  same  with  Gischala,  which  had  a 
wall  built  about  it  by  John,  the  son  of 
Levi,  himself,  but  with  the  consent  of 
Josephus;  but  for  the  building  of  the 
rest  of  the  fortresses,  he  laboured  together 
with  all  the  other  builders,  and  was  present 
to  give  all  the  necessary  orders  for  that 
purpose.  He  also  got  together  an  army 
out  of  Galilee,  of  more  than  100,000 
young  men,  all  of  whom  he  armed  with 
the  old  weapons  which  he  had  collected 
together  and  prepared  for  them. 

And  when  he  had  considered  that  the 
Roman  power  became  invincible  chiefly  by 
their  readiness  in  obeying  orders,  aud  the 
constant  exercise  of  their  arms,  he  de- 
spaired of  teaching  these  his  men  the  use 
of  their  arms,  which  was  to  be  obtained 
by  experience ;  but  observing  that  their 
readiness  in  obeying  orders  was  owing  to 
the  multitude  of  their  officers,  he  made 
his  partitions  in  his  army  more  after  the 


ii.  15;/  and  in  his  charge  against  the  offences  com- 
mon among  soldiers.  (i)eut.  xxiii.  9.) 


Roman  manner,  and  appointed  a  great 
many  subalterns,    lie  also  distributed  the 

soldiers  into  various  classes,  whom  he  put 
under  captains  of  tens,  and  captains  of 
hundreds,  aud  then  under  captains  of 
thousands  ;  ami  besides  these  he  had 
commanders  of  larger  bodies  of  men.  lie 
also  taught  them  to  give  the  signals  one 
to  another,  and  to  call  and  recall  the  boI- 
diers  by  the  trumpets,  how  to  expand  the 
wings  of  an  army,  and  make  them  wheel 
about;  and  when  one  wing  had  had  suc- 
cess, to  turn  again  and  assist  those  that 
were  hard  set,  and  to  join  in  the  defence 
of  what  had  most  suffered.  He  also  con- 
tinually instructed  them  in  what  concerned 
the  courage  of  the  soul,  aud  the  hardiness 
of  the  body ;  and,  above  all,  he  exercised 
them  for  war,  by  declaring  to  them  dis- 
tinctly the  good  order  of  the  Romans, 
and  that  they  were  to  fight  with  men 
who,  both  by  the  strength  of  their  bodies 
and  courage  of  their  souls,  had  conquered 
in  a  manner  the  whole  habitable  earth. 
He  told  them  that  he  should  make  trial 
of  the  good  order  they  would  observe  iu 
war,  even  before  it  came  to  any  battle,  in 
case  they  would  abstain  from  the  crimes 
they  used  to  indulge  themselves  in,  such 
as  theft,  and  robbery,  and  rapine,  and 
from  defrauding  their  own  countrymen, 
and  never  to  esteem  the  harm  done  to 
those  that  were  so  near  of  kin  to  them  to 
be  any  advantage  to  themselves;  for  that 
wars  are  then  managed  the  best  when  the 
warriors  preserve  a  good  conscience;  but 
that  such  as  are  ill  men  in  private  life, 
will  not  only  have  those  for  enemies 
which  attack  them,  but  God  himself  also 
for  their  antagonist. 

And  thus  did  he  continue  to  admonish 
them.  Now  he  chose  for  the  war  such  an 
army  as  was  sufficient,  i.  e.  60,000  foot- 
men, and  250  horsemen  ;*  and  besides 
these,  on  which  he  put  the  greatest  trust, 
there  were  about  4500  mercenaries  :  he 
had  also  600  men  as  guards  of  his  body. 
Now  the  cities  easily  maintained  the  rest 
of  his  army,  excepting  the  mercenaries : 
for  every  one  of  the  cities  enumerated 
before  sent  out  half  their  men  to  their 
army,  and  retained  the  other  half  at  home, 
in  order  to  get  provisions  for  them ;  in- 
somuch that  the  one  part  went  to  the  war, 
and  the  other  part  to  their  work  :  and  so 
those  that  sent  out  their  corn  were  paid 

*  A  very  small  body  of  cavalry  to  so  large  an 
army  of  foot-soldiers ;  in  all  probability  the  thou- 
sands are  dropped  iu  our  present  copies. 


246 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II 


for  it  by  those  that  were  in  arms,  by  that 
security  which  they  enjoyed  from  them. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

Josephus  defeats  the  plots  of  John  of  Gischala, 
and  recovers  the  revolted  cities. 

Now,  as  Josephus  was  thus  engaged  in 
the  administration  of  the  affairs  of  Ga- 
lilee, there  arose  a  treacherous  person,  a 
man  of  Gischala,  the  son  of  Levi,  whose 
name  was  John.  His  character  was  that 
of  a  very  cunning  and  very  knavish  per- 
son, beyond  the  ordinary  rate  of  the  other 
men  of  eminence  there;  and  for  wicked 
practices  he  had  not  his  fellow  anywhere. 
Poor  he  was  at  first,  and  for  a  long  time 
his  wants  were  a  hinderance  to  him  in  his 
wicked  designs.  He  was  a  ready  liar,  and 
yet  very  sharp  in  gaining  credit  to  his 
fictions  :  he  thought  it  a  point  of  virtue 
to  delude  people,  and  would  delude  even 
such  as  were  the  dearest  to  him.  He  was 
a  hypocritical  pretender  to  humanity,  but 
where  he  had  hopes  of  gain,  he  spared 
not  the  shedding  of  blood :  his  desires 
were  ever  carried  to  great  things,  and  he 
encouraged  his  hopes  from  those  mean, 
wicked  tricks  which  he  was  the  author  of. 
He  had  a  peculiar  knack  at  thieving ;  but 
in  some  time  he  got  certain  companions  in 
his  impudent  practices  :  at  first  they  were 
but  few,  but  as  he  proceeded  on  in  his  evil 
course,  they  became  still  more  and  more 
numerous.  He  took  care  that  none  of 
his  partners  should  be  easily  caught  in 
their  rogueries,  but  chose  such  out  of  the 
rest  as  had  the  strongest  constitutions  of 
body  and  the  greatest  courage  of  soul, 
together  with  great  skill  in  martial  affairs; 
so  he  got  together  a  band  of  400  men, 
who  came  principally  out  of  the  country 
of  Tyre,  and  were  vagabonds  that  had  run 
away  from  its  villages ;  and  by  the  means 
of  these  he  laid  waste  all  Galilee,  and 
irritated  a  considerable  number,  who  were 
in  great  expectation  of  a  war  then  sud- 
denly to  arise  among  them. 

However,  John's  want  of  money  had 
hitherto  restrained  him  in  his  ambition 
after  command,  and  in  his  attempts  to 
advance  himself;  but  when  he  saw  that 
Josephus  was  highly  pleased  with  the 
activity  of  his  temper,  he  persuaded  him, 
in  the  first  place,  to  intrust  him  with  re- 
pairing of  the  walls  of  his  native  city 
[Gischala] ;  in  which  work  he  got  a  great 
deal  of  money  from  the  rich  citizens.  He 
after  that  contrived  a  very  shrewd  trick, 


and  pretending  that  the  Jews  who  dwelt 
in  Syria  were  obliged  to  make  use  of  oil 
that  was  made  by  others  than  those  of 
their  own  nation,  he  desired  leave  of  Jo- 
sephus to  send  oil  to  their  borders ;  so  he 
bought  four  amphorae  with  such  Tyrian 
money  as  was  of  the  value  of  four  Attic 
drachmas,  and  sold  every  half-amphora  at 
the  same  price ;  and  as  Galilee  was  very 
fruitful  in  oil,  and  was  peculiarly  so  at 
that  time,  by  sending  away  great  quan- 
tities, and  having  the  sole  privilege  so  to 
do,  he  gathered  an  immense  sum  of  money 
together,  which  money  he  immediately 
used  to  the  disadvantage  of  him  who  gave 
him  that  privilege ;  and,  as  he  supposed 
that  if  he  could  once  overthrow  Josephus, 
he  should  himself  obtain  the  government 
of  Galilee,  so  he  gave  order  to  the  rob- 
bers that  were  under  his  command,  to  be 
more  zealous  in  their  thievish  expeditions, 
that  by  the  rise  of  many  that  desired 
innovations  in  the  country,  he  might 
either  catch  their  general  in  his  snares, 
as  he  came  to  the  country's  assistance,  and 
then  kill  him;  or,  if  he  should  overlook 
the  robbers,  he  might  accuse  him  for  his 
negligence  to  the  people  of  the  country ; 
he  also  spread  -abroad  a  report,  far  and 
near,  that  Josephus  was  delivering  up  the 
administration  of  affairs  to  the  Romans  ; 
and  mauy  such  plots  did  he  lay  in  order 
to  ruin  him. 

Now  at  the  same  time  that  certain 
young  men  of  the  village  Dabaritta,  who 
kept  guard  in  the  Great  Plain,  laid  snares 
for  Ptolemy,  who  was  Agrippa's  and  Ber- 
niee's  steward,  and  took  from  him  all  that 
he  had  with  him  ;  among  which  things 
there  were  a  great  many  costly  garments, 
and  no  small  number  of  silver  cups,  and 
600  pieces  of  gold ;  yet  were  they  not 
able  to  conceal  what  they  had  stolen,  but 
brought  it  all  to  Josephus,  to  Taricheas. 
Hereupon  he  blamed  them  for  the  violence 
they  had  offered  to  the  king  and  queen, 
and  deposited  what  they  brought  to  him 
with  Eneas,  the  most  potent  man  of  Ta- 
richece,  with  an  intention  of  sending  the 
things  back  to  the  owners  at  a  proper 
time;  which  act  of  Josephus  brought  him 
into  the  greatest  danger;  for  those  that 
had  stolen  the  things  had  an  indignation 
at  him,  both  because  they  gained  no  share 
of  it  for  themselves,  and  because  they 
perceived  beforehand  what  was  Josephus' 3 
intention,  and  that  he  would  freely  deliver 
up  what  had  cost  them  so  much  pains 
to  the  king  and  queen.     These  ran  away 


Chap.  XXI.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


247 


by  night  to  their  several  villages,  and  de- 
clared to  all  men  that  Josephus  was  going 
to  betray  them ;  they  also  raised  great 
disorders  in  all  the  neighbouring  cities, 
insomuch  that  in  the  morning  100,000 
armed  men  came  running  together;  which 
multitude  was  crowded  together  in  the 
hippodrome  at  Taricheoo,  and  made  a  very 
peevish  clamour  against  him ;  while  some 
cried  out  that  they  should  depose  the 
traitor;  and  others,  that  they  should  burn 
him.  Now  John  irritated  a  great  many, 
as  did  also  one  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sapphias, 
who  was  then  governor  of  Tiberias.  Then 
it  was  that  Josephus's  friends,  and  the 
guards  of  his  body,  were  so  affrighted  at 
this  violent  assault  of  the  multitude,  that 
they  all  fled  away  but  four;  and  as  he  was 
asleep,  they  awaked  him,  as  the  people 
were  going  to  set  fire  to  the  house ;  and 
although  those  four  that  remained  with 
him  persuaded  him  to  run  away,  he  was 
neither  surprised  at  his  being  himself 
deserted,  nor  at  the  great  multitude  that 
came  against  him,  but  leaped  out  to  them 
with  his  clothes  rent,  and  ashes  sprinkled 
on  his  head,  with  his  hands  behind  him, 
and  his  sword  hanging  at  his  neck.  At 
this  sight  his  friends,  especially  those  of 
Taricheas,  commiserated  his  condition ; 
but.  those  that  came  out  of  the  country, 
and  those  in  their  neighbourhood,  to  whom 
his  government  seemed  burdensome,  re- 
proached him,  and  bade  him  produce  the 
money  which  belonged  to  them  all  im- 
mediately, and  to  confess  the  agreement 
he  had  made  to  betray  them ;  for  they 
imagined,  from  the  habit  in  which  he  ap- 
peared, that  he  could  deny  nothing  of 
what  they  suspected  concerning  him,  and 
that  it  was  in  order  to  obtain  pardon  that 
he  had  put  himself  entirely  into  so  pitiable 
a  posture ;  but  this  humble  appearance 
was  only  designed  as  preparatory  to  a 
stratagem  of  his,  who  thereby  contrived 
to  set  those  that  were  so  angry  at  him  at 
variance  one  with  another  about  the  things 
they  were  angry  at.  However,  he  pro- 
mised he  would  confess  all :  hereupon  he 
was  permitted  to  speak,  when  he  said, 
"I  did  neither  intend  to  send  this  money 
back  to  Agrippa,  nor  to  gain  it  myself; 
for  I  did  never  esteem  one  that  was  your 
enemy  to  be  my  friend ;  nor  did  I  look 
upon  what  would  tend  to  your  disadvan- 
tage to  be  my  advantage.  But,  O  you 
people  of  Tarichea),  I  saw  that  your  city 
stood  in  more  need  than  others  of  forti- 
fications for  your  security,  and  that  it 
2Z 


wanted  money  in  order  for  the  building  it 
a  wall.  I  was  also  afraid  lest  the  people 
of  Tiberias  and  other  cities  should  lay  a 
plot  to  seize  upon  these  spoils,  and  there- 
fore it  was  that  I  intended  to  retain  tins 
money  privately,  that  I  might  encompass 
you  with  a  wall.  But  if  this  does  not 
please  you,  I  will  produce  what  was 
brought  me,  and  leave  it  to  you  to  plunder 
it :  but  if  I  have  conducted  myself  so 
well  as  to  please  you,  you  may,  if  you 
please,  punish  your  benefactor. 

Heroupon  the  people  of  Taricheaa  loudly 
commended  him ;  but  those  of  Tiberias, 
with  the  rest  of  the  company,  gave  him 
hard  names,  and  threatened  what  they 
would  do  to  him  ;  so  both  sides  left  off 
quarrelling  with  Josephus,  and  fell  to 
quarrelling  with  one  another.  So  he  grew 
bold  upon  the  dependence  he  had  on  his 
friends,  which  were  the  people  of  Ta- 
richeai,  and  about  40,000  in  number,  and 
spake  more  freely  to  the  whole  multitude, 
and  reproached  them  greatly  for  their 
rashness;  and  told  them,  that  with  this 
money  he  would  build  walls  about  Ta- 
richeae,  and  would  put  the  other  cities  in 
a  state  of  security  also;  for  that  they 
should  not  want  money,  if  they  would  but 
agree  for  whose  benefit  it  was  to  be  pro- 
cured, and  would  not  suffer  themselves  to 
be  irritated  against  him  who  had  procured 
it  for  them. 

Hereupon  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that 
had  been  deluded  retired ;  but  yet  so  that 
they  went  away  angry,  and  2000  of  them 
made  an  assault  upon  him  in  their  ar- 
mour; and  as  he  was  already  gone  to  his 
own  house,  they  stood  without  and  threat- 
ened him.  On  which  occasion  Josephus 
again  used  a  second  stratagem  to  escape 
them ;  for  he  got  upon  the  top  of  the 
house,  and  with  his  right  hand  desired 
them  to  be  silent,  and  said  to  them,  "  I 
cannot  tell  what  you  would  have,nor  can 
hear  what  you  say,  for  the  confused  noise 
you  make :"  but  he  said  he  would  comply 
with  all  their  demands,  in  case  they  would 
but  send  some  of  their  number  into  him 
that  might  talk  with  him  about  it.  And 
when  the  principal  of  them,  with  their 
leaders,  beard  this,  they  came  into  the 
house.  He  then  drew  them  to  the  most 
retired  part  of  the  house,  and  shut  the 
door  of  that  hall  where  he  put  them, 
and  then  had  them  whipped  till  every  one 
of  their  inward  parts  appeared  naked 
In  the  mean  time  the  multitude  stood  round 
the  house,  and  supposed  that  he  had  a 


248 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


long  discourse  with  those  that  were  gone 
in,  about  what  they  claimed  of  him.  He 
had  then  the  doors  set  open  immediately, 
and  sent  the  men  out  all  bloody,  which  so 
terribly  affrighted  those  that  had  before 
threatened  him,  that  they  threw  away 
their  arms  and  ran  away. 

But  as  for  John,  his  envy  grew  greater 
[upon  this  escape  of  Josephus],  and  he 
framed  a  new  plot  against  him  :  he  pre- 
tended to  be  sick,  and  by  a  letter  desired 
that  Josephus  would  give  him  leave  to 
use  the  hot  baths  that  were  at  Tiberias, 
for  the  recovery  of  his  health.  Hereupon 
Josephus,  who  hitherto  suspected  nothing 
of  John's  plots  against  him,  wrote  to  the 
governors  of  the  city,  that  they  would  pro- 
vide a  lodging  and  necessaries  for  John  ; 
which  favours,  when  he  had  made  use  of, 
in  two  days'  time  he  did  what  he  came 
about;  some  he  corrupted  with  delusive 
frauds,  and  others  with  money,  and  so  per- 
suaded them  to  revolt  from  Josephus.  This 
Silas,  who  was  appointed  guardian  of  the 
city  by  Josephus,  wrote  to  him  imme- 
diately, and  informed  him  of  the  plot 
against  him ;  which  epistle  when  Jose- 
phus had  received,  he  marched  with  great 
diligence  all  night,  and  came  early  in  the 
morning  to  Tiberias ;  at  which  time  the 
rest  of  the  multitude  met  him.  But  John, 
who  suspected  that  his  coming  was  not  for 
his  advantage,  sent,  however,  one  of  his 
friends,  and  pretended  that  he  was  sick, 
and  that  being  confined  to  his  bed,  he 
could  not  come  to  pay  him  his  respects. 
But  as  soon  as  Josephus  had  got  the  peo- 
ple of  Tiberias  together  in  the  stadium, 
and  tried  to  discourse  with  them  about  the 
letters  that  he  had  received,  John  pri- 
vately sent  some  armed  men,  and  gave 
them  orders  to  slay  him.  But  when  the 
people  saw  that  the  armed  men  were  about 
to  draw  their  swords,  they  cried  out ; — 
at  which  cry  Josephus  turned  himself 
about,  and  when  he  saw  that  the  swords 
were  just  at  his  throat,  he  marched  away 
in  great  haste  to  the  seashore,  and  left 
off  that  speech  which  he  was  going  to 
make  to  the  people,  upon  an  elevation 
of  six  cubits  high.  He  then  seized  on 
a  ship  which  lay  in  the  haven,  and  leaped 
into  it,  with  two  of  his  guards,  and  fled 
away  into  the  midst  of  the  lake. 

But  now  the  soldiers  he  had  with  him 
took  up  their  arms  immediately,  and 
marched  against  the  plotters,  but  Jose- 
phus was  afraid  lest  a  civil  war  should  be 
raised  by  the  envy  of  a  few  men,  and 


[Book  IL 

bring  the  city  to  ruin ;  so  he  sent  some 
of  his  party  to  tell  them  that  they  should 
do  no  more  than  provide  for  their  own 
safety  ;  that  they  should  not  kill  anybody, 
nor  accuse  any  for  the  occasion  they  had 
afforded  [of  a  disorder.]  Accordingly, 
these  men  obeyed  his  orders,  and  wero 
quiet;  but  the  people  of  the  neighbour- 
ing country,  when  they  were  informed  of 
his  plot,  and  of  the  plotter,  got  together 
in  great  multitudes  to  oppose  John.  But 
he  prevented  their  attempt,  and  fled  away 
to  Grischala,  his  native  city,  while  the 
Galileans  came  running  out  of  their 
several  cities  to  Josephus;  and  as  they 
were  now  become  many  ten  thousands  of 
armed  men,  they  cried  out  that  they 
were  come  against  John  the  common  plot- 
ter against  their  interest,  and  would  at 
the  same  time  burn  him,  and  that  city 
which  had  received  him.  Hereupon  Jo- 
sephus told  them  that  he  took  their  good- 
will to  him  kindly,  but  still  he  restrained 
their  fury,  and  intended  to  subdue  his 
enemies  by  prudent  conduct,  rather  than 
by  slaying  them  ;  so  he  excepted  those  of 
every  city  which  had  joined  in  this  re- 
volt with  John,  by  name,  who  had  readily 
been  shown  him  by  those  that  came  from 
every  city,  and  caused  public  proclama- 
tion to  be  made  that  he  would  seize  upon 
the  effects  of  those  that  did  not  forsake 
John  within  five  days'  time,  and  would 
burn  both  their  houses  and  their  families 
with  fire.  Whereupon  3000  of  John's 
party  left  him  immediately,  who  came  to 
Josephus,  and  threw  their  arms  down  at 
his  feet.  John  then  betook  himself,  to- 
gether with  his  2000  Syrian  runagates, 
from  open  attempts,  to  more  secret  ways 
of  treachery.  Accordingly,  he  privately 
sent  messengers  to  Jerusalem,  to  accuse 
Josephus,  as  having  too  great  power,  and 
to  let  them  know  that  he  would  soon  come 
as  a  tyrant  to  their  metropolis,  unless 
they  prevented  him.  This  accusation  the 
people  were  aware  of  beforehand,  but  had 
no  regard  to  it.  However,  some  of  the 
grandees,  out  of  envy,  and  some  of  the 
rulers  also,  sent  money  to  John  private- 
ly, that  he  might  be  able  to  get  together 
mercenary  soldiers,  in  order  to  fight  Jose- 
phus ;  they  also  made  a  decree  of  them- 
selves, and  this  for  recalling  him  from  his 
government,  yet  did  they  not  think  that 
decree  sufficient;  so  they  sent  withal 
2500  armed  men,  and  four  persons  of 
the  highest  rank  among  them ;  Joazar, 
the    son  of  Nomicus,  and  Ananias,  tha 


Chap.  XXI  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


249 


eon  of  Sadduk  ;  as  also  Simon  and  Judas, 
the  sons  of  Jonathan,  (all  very  able  hkh 
in  speakiug,)  that  these  persons  might 
withdraw  the  good-will  of  the  people  from 
Josephus.  These  had  it  in  charge,  that 
if  he  would  voluntarily  come  away,  they 
should  permit  him  to  [come  and]  give  an 
account  of  his  conduct ;  but  if  he  obsti- 
nately insisted  upon  continuing  in  his 
government,  they  should  treat  him  as  an 
enemy.  Now,  Josephus's  friends  had  sent 
him  word  that  an  army  was  coming  against 
him,  but  they  gave  him  no  notice  before- 
hand what  the  reason  of  their  coming  was, 
that  being  only  known  among  some  se- 
cret councils  of  his  enemies  j  and  by  this 
means  it  was  that  four  cities  revolted  from 
him  immediately,  Sepphoris,  and  Gramala, 
and  Grischala,  and  Tiberias.  Yet  did  he 
recover  these  cities  without  war ;  and 
when  he  had  routed  these  four  command- 
ers by  stratagems,  and  had  taken  the  most 
potent  of  their  warriors,  he  sent  them  to 
Jerusalem ;  and  the  people  [of  Galilee] 
had  great  indignation  at  them,  and  were 
in  a  zealous  disposition  to  slay,  not  only 
these  forces,  but  those  that  sent  them 
also,  had  not  these  forces  prevented  it  by 
running  away. 

Now  John  was  detained  afterward  with- 
in the  walls  of  Gisehala,  by  the  fear  he 
was  in  of  Josephus ;  but  within  a  few  days 
Tiberias  revolted  again,  the  people  within 
it  inviting  King  Agrippa  [to  return  to  the 
exercise  of  his  authority  there] ;  and  when 
he  did  not  come  at  the  time  appointed, 
and  when  a  few  Roman  horsemen  appeared 
that  day,  they  expelled  Josephus  out  of 
the  city.  Now,  this  revolt  of  theirs  was 
presently  known  at  Tarichege;  and  as  Jo- 
sephus had  sent  out  all  the  soldiers  that 
were  with  him  to  gather  corn,  he  knew 
not  how  either  to  march  out  alone  against 
the  revolters,  or  to  stay  where  he  was,  be- 
cause he  was  afraid  the  king's  soldiers 
might  prevent  him  if  he  tarried,  and 
might  get  into  the  city;  for  he  did  not  in- 
tend to  do  any  thing  on  the  next  day, 
because  it  was  the  Sabbath-day,  and  would 
hinder  his  proceeding.  So  he  contrived 
to  circumvent  the  revolters  by  a  stratagem ; 
and,  in  the  first  place,  he  ordered  the 
gates  of  Taricheae  to  be  shut,  that  nobody 
might  go  out  and  inform  [those  of  Tibe- 
rias], for  whom  it  was  intended,  what 
stratagem  he  was  about :  he  then  got  to- 
gether all  the  ships  that  were  upon  the 
lake,  which  were  found  to  be  230,  and  in 
each  of  them  he  put  no  more  than  four 


mariners.  So  he  sailed  to  Tiberias  with 
haste,  and  kept  at  such  a  distance  from  tho 
city  that  it  was  not  easy  for  the  people  to 
see  the  vessels,  and  ordered  that  tho 
empty  vessels  should  float  up  and  down 
there,  while  himself,  who  had  but  seven 
of  his  guards  with  him,  and  those  unarmed 
also,  went  so  near  as  to  be  seen ;  but  when 
his  adversaries,  who  were  still  reproaching 
him,  saw  him  from  the  walls,  they  were 
so  astonished  that  they  supposed  all  the 
ships  were  full  of  armed  men,  and  threw 
down  their  arms,  and  by  signals  of  inter- 
cession they  besought  him  to  spare  the 
city. 

Upon  this  Josephus  threatened  them 
terribly,  and  reproached  them,  that  when 
they  were  the  first  that  took  up  arms 
against  the  Romans,  they  should  spend 
their  force  beforehand  in  civil  dissensions, 
and  do  what  their  enemies  desired  above 
all  things ;  and  that  besides,  they  should 
endeavour  so  hastily  to  seize  upon  him, 
who  took  care  of  their  safety,  and  had  not 
been  ashamed  to  shut  the  gates  of  their 
city  against  him  that  built  their  walls; 
that,  however,  he  would  admit  of  any  in- 
tercessors from  them  that  might  make 
some  excuse  for  them,  and  with  whom  he 
would  make  such  agreements  as  might  be 
for  the  city's  security.  Hereupon  ten  of 
the  most  potent  men  of  Tiberias  came 
down  to  him  presently,  and  when  he  had 
taken  them  into  one  of  his  vessels,  ho 
ordered  them  to  be  carried  a  great  way 
off  from  the  city.  He  then  commanded 
that  fifty  others  of  their  senate,  such  as 
were  men  of  the  greatest  eminence,  should 
come  to  him,  that  they  also  might  give 
him  some  security  on  their  behalf.  After 
which,  under  one  new  pretence  or  another, 
he  called  forth  others,  one  after  another, 
to  make  the  leagues  between  them.  He 
then  gave  orders  to  the  masters  of  those 
vessels  which  he  had  thus  filled,  to  sail 
away  immediately  for  Tarichea^,  and  to 
confine  those  men  in  the  prison  there ;  till 
at  length  he  took  all  their  senate,  consist- 
ing of  600  persons,  and  about  2000  of 
the  populace,  and  carried  them  away  to 
Taricheje. 

And  when  the  rest  of  the  people  cried 
out  that  it  was  one  Clitus  that  was  the 
chief  author  of  this  revolt,  they  desired 
him  to  spend  his  anger  upon  him  [only]  ; 
but  Josephus,  whose  intention  it  was  to 
slay  nobody,  commanded  one  Levius,  be- 
longing to  his  guards,  to  go  out  of  tho 
vessel,  in  order  to  cut  off  both  Clitus's 


250 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II. 


hands  ;  yet  was  Levius  afraid  to  go  out  by 
himself  alone,  to  such  a  large  body  of 
enemies,  and  refused  to  go.  Now  Clitus 
saw  that  Josephus  was  in  a  great  passion 
in  the  ship,  and  ready  to  leap  out  of  it,  in 
order  to  execute  the  punishment  himself; 
he  begged  therefore  from  the  shore,  that 
he  would  leave  him  one  of  his  hands, 
which  Josephus  agreed  to,  upon  condition 
that  he  would  himself  cut  off  the  other 
hand  ;  accordingly  he  drew  his  sword,  and 
with  his  right  hand  cut  off  his  left, — so 
great  was  the  fear  he  was  in  of  Josephus 
himself.  And  thus  he  took  the  people  of 
Tiberias  prisoners,  and  recovered  the  city 
again  with  empty  ships  and  seven  of  his 
guard.  Moreover,  a  few  days  afterward 
he  retook  Gischala,  which  had  revolted 
with  the  people  of  SepphOris,  and  gave 
his  soldiers  leave  to  plunder  it ;  yet 
did  he  get  all  the  plunder  together,  and 
restored  it  to  the  inhabitants ;  and  the  like 
he  did  to  the  inhabitants  of  Sepphoris 
and  Tiberias ;  for  when  he  had  subdued 
those  cities,  he  had  a  mind,  by  letting 
them  be  plundered,  to  give  them  some 
good  instruction,  while  at  the  same  time 
he  regained  their  good-will  by  restoring 
them  their  noney  again. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

The  Jews  prepare  for  war. 

And  thus  were  the  disturbances  of 
Galilee  quieted,  when,  upon  their  ceasing 
to  prosecute  their  civil  dissensions,  they 
betook  themselves  to  make  preparations 
for  the  war  with  the  Romans.  Now  in 
Jerusalem  the  high  priest  Ananus,  and 
as  many  of  the  men  of  power  as  were  not 
in  the  interest  of  the  Romans,  both  re- 
paired the  walls,  and  made  a  great  many 
warlike  instruments,  insomuch  that,  in 
in  all  parts  of  the  city,  darts  and  all 
eorts   of  armour   were   upon  the   anvil. 


Although  the  multitude  jf  the  young 
men  were  engaged  in  exercises,  without 
any  regularity,  and  all  places  were  full  of 
tumultuous  doings  ;  yet  the  moderate  sort 
were  exceedingly  sad ;  and  a  great  many 
there  were  who,  out  of  the  prospect  they 
had  of  the  calamities  that  were  coming 
upon  them,  made  great  lamentations. 
There  were  also  such  omens  observed  as 
were  understood  to  be  forerunners  of  evils, 
by  such  as  loved  peace,  but  were  by  those 
that  kindled  the  war  interpreted  so  as  to 
suit  their  own  inclinations  ;  and  the  very 
state  of  the  city,  even  before  the  Romans 
came  against  it,  was  that  of  a  place  doomed 
to  destruction.  However,  Ananus's  con- 
cern was  this,  to  lay  aside,  for  awhile,  the 
preparations  for  the  war,  and  to  persuade 
the  seditious  to  consult  their  own  interest, 
and  to  restrain  the  madness  of  those  that 
had  the  name  of  zealots  :  but  their  vio- 
lence was  too  hard  for  him  ;  and  what  end 
he  came  to  we  shall  relate  hereafter. 

But  as  for  the  Acrabene  toparchy,  Si- 
mon, the  son  of  Gioras,  got  a  great 
number  of  those  that  were  fond  of  inno- 
vations together,  and  betook  himself  to 
ravage  the  country;  nor  did  he  only  ha- 
rass the  rich  men's  houses,  but  tormented 
their  bodies,  and  appeared  openly  and  be- 
forehand to  affect  tyranny  in  his  govern- 
ment. And  when  an  army  was  sent 
against  him  by  Ananus,  and  the  other 
rulers,  he  and  his  band  retired  to  the 
robbers  that  were  at  Massada,  and  stayed 
there,  and  plundered  the  country  of  Idu- 
mea  with  them,  till  both  Ananus  and  his 
other  adversaries  were  slain;  and  until 
the  rulers  of  that  country  were  so  afflicted 
with  the  multitude  of  those  that  were 
slain,  and  with  the  continual  ravage  of 
what  they  had,  that  they  raised  an  army, 
and  put  garrisons  into  the  villages,  to  se- 
cure them  from  those  insults.  And  in 
this  state  were  the  affairs  of  Judea  at 
that  time. 


Book  III.  Chap.  I.] 


WARS    OF   TIIE   JEWS. 


251 


BOOK  III. 


CONTAINING   THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  ONE  YEAR,  FROM  VESPASIAN'S 
COMING  TO  SUBDUE  TIIE  JEWS  TO  TIIE  TAKING  OF  GAMALA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Vespasian  sent  into  Syria  by  Nero,  to  make  war 
with  the  Jews. 

"When  Nero  was  informed  of  the  Ro- 
mans' ill  success  in  Judea,  a  concealed 
consternation  and  terror,  as  is  usual  in 
such  cases,  fell  upon  bitn ;  although  he 
openly  looked  very  big,  and  was  very  an- 
gry, and  said,  that  what  had  happened 
was  rather  owing  to  the  negligence  of  the 
commander  than  to  any  valour  of  the 
enemy  :  and  as  he  thought  it  fit  for  bim, 
who  bare  the  burden  of  the  whole  empire, 
to  despise  such  misfortunes,  he  now  pre- 
tended so  to  do,  and  to  have  a  soul  supe- 
rior to  all  such  sad  accidents  whatsoever. 
Yet  did  the  disturbance  that  was  in  his 
soul  plainly  appear  by  the  solicitude  he 
was  in  [how  to  recover  his  affairs  again]. 

And  as  he  was  deliberating  to  whom  he 
should  commit  the  care  of  the  East,  now 
it  was  in  so  great  a  commotion,  and  who 
might  be  best  able  to  punish  the  Jews  for 
their  rebellion,  and  might  prevent  the 
same  distemper  from  seizing  upon  the 
neighbouring  nations  also — he  found  no 
one  but  Vespasian  equal  to  the  task,  and 
able  to  undergo  the  great  burden  of  so 
mighty  a  war,  seeing  he  was  growing  an 
old  man  already  in  the  camp,  and  from 
his  youth  had  been  exercised  in  warlike 
exploits :  he  was  also  a  man  that  had  long 
ago  pacified  the  West,  and  made  it  subject 
to  the  Romans,  when  it  had  been  put  into 
disorder  by  the  Germans :  he  had  also  re- 
covered to  them  Britain  by  his  arms, 
which  had  been  little  known  before; 
whereby  he  procured  to  his  father  Clau- 
dius to  have  a  triumph  bestowed  on  him 
without  any  sweat  or  labour  of  his  own. 

So  Nero  esteemed  these  circumstances 
as  favourable  omens,  and  saw  that  Ves- 
pasian's age  gave  him  sure  experience, 
and  great  skill,  and  that  he  had  his  sons 
as  hostages  for  his  fidelity  to  himself,  and 
that  the  flourishing  age  they  were  in 
would  make  them  fit  instruments  under 
their  father's  prudence.  Perhaps  also 
there  was  some  interposition  of  Providence, 


which  was  paving  the  way  for  Vespasian's 
being  himself  emperor  afterward.  Upon 
the  whole,  he  sent  this  man  to  take  upon 
him  the  command  of  the  armies  that 
were  in  Syria;  but  this  not  without  great 
encomiums  and  flattering  compellations, 
such  as  necessity  required,  and  such  as 
might  mollify  him  into  complaisance.  So 
Vespasian  sent  his  son  Titus  from  Achaia, 
where  he  had  been  with  Nero,  to  Alexan- 
dria, to  bring  back  with  him  the  fifth  and 
tenth  legions,  while  he  himself,  when  he 
had  passed  over  the  Hellespont,  came  by 
land  into  Syria,  where  he  gathered  toge- 
ther the  Roman  forces,  with  a  consider- 
able number  of  auxiliaries  from  the  kings 
in  that  neighbourhood. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Slaughter  of  the  Jews  about  Ascalon — Vespasian 
arrives  at  Ptolemais. 

Now  the  Jews,  after  they  had  beaten 
Cestius,  were  so  much  elevated  with  their 
unexpected  success,  that  they  could  not 
govern  their  zeal,  but,  like  people  blown 
up  into  a  flame  by  their  good  fortune, 
carried  the  war  to  remoter  places.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  presently  got  together  a 
great  multitude  of  all  their  most  hardy 
soldiers,  and  marched  away  for  Ascalon. 
This  is  an  ancient  city,  that  is  distant 
from  Jerusalem  520  furlongs,  and  was 
always  an  enemy  to  the  Jews;  on  which 
account  they  determined  to  make  their 
first  effort  against  it,  and  to  make  their 
approaches  to  it  as  near  as  possible.  This 
excursion  was  led  on  by  three  men,  who 
were  the  chief  of  them  all,  both  for 
strength  and  sagacity;  Niger,  called  the 
Peraite,  Silas,  of  Babylon,  and  besides 
them  John,  the  Essene.  Now  Ascalou 
was  strongly  walled  about,  but  had  almost 
no  assistance  to  be  relied  on  [near  them], 
for  the  garrison  consisted  of  one  cohort 
of  footmen,  and  one  troop  of  horsemen, 
whose  captain  was  Antonius. 

These  Jews,  therefore,  out  of  their  an- 
ger, marched  faster  than  ordinary,  and, 
as  if  they  had  come  but  a  little  way,  ap- 


252 


WARS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  lit 


proached  very  near  the  city,  and  were 
come  even  to  it;  but  Antonius,  who  was 
not  unapprized  of  the  attack  they  were 
going  to  make  upon  tho  city,  drew  out  his 
horsemen  beforehand,  and  being  neither 
daunted  at  the  multitude,  nor  at  the  cour- 
age of  the  enemy,  received  their  first  at- 
tacks with  great  bravery;  and  when  they 
crowded  to  the  very  walls,  he  beat  them 
off.  Now  the  Jews  were  unskilful  in 
war,  but  were  to  fight  with  those  who 
were  skilful  therein;  they  were  footmen 
to  fight  with  horsemen;  they  were  in  dis- 
order, to  fight  those  that  were  united  to- 
gether; they  were  poorly  armed,  to  fight 
those  that  were  completely  so;  they  were 
to  fight  more  by  their  rage  than  by  sober 
counsel,  and  were  exposed  to  soldiers  that 
were  exactly  obedient,  and  did  every  thing 
they  wore  bidden  upon  the  least  intima- 
tion. So  they  were  easily  beaten;  for  as 
soon  as  ever  their  first  ranks  were  once  in 
disorder,  they  were  put  to  flight  by  the 
enemy's  cavalry,  and  those  of  them  that 
came  behind,  such  as  crowded  to  the  wall, 
fell  upon  their  own  party's  weapons,  and 
became  one  another's  enemies;  and  this 
so  long  till  they  were  all  forced  to  give 
way  to  the  attacks  of  the  horsemen,  and 
were  dispersed  all  the  plain  over,  which 
plain  was  wide,  and  all  fit  for  the  horse- 
men; which  circumstance  was  very  com- 
modious for  the  RomanSi  and  occasioned 
the  slaughter  of  the  greatest  number  of 
the  Jews;  for  such  as  ran  away,  they 
could  overrun  them,  and  make  them  turn 
back;  and  when  they  had  brought  them 
back  after  their  flight,  and  driven  them 
together,  they  ran  them  through,  and 
slew  a  vast  number  of  them,  insomuch 
that  others  encompassed  others  of  them, 
and  drove  them  before  them  whithersoever 
they  turned  themselves,  and  slew  them 
easily  with  their  arrows;  and  the  great 
number  there  were  of  the  Jews  seemed  a 
solitude  to  themselves,  by  reason  of  the 
distress  they  were  in,  while  the  Romans 
had  such  good  success  with  their  small 
number,  that  they  seemed  to  themselves 
to  be  the  greater  multitude;  and  as  the 
former  strove  zealously  under  their  mis- 
fortunes, out  of  the  shame  of  a  sudden 
flight,  and  hopes  of  the  change  in  their 
success,  so  did  the  latter  feel  no  weariness 
by  reason  of  their  good  fortune;  insomuch 
that  the  fight  lasted  till  the  evening,  till 
10,000  men  of  the  Jews'  side  lay  dead, 
with  two  of  their  generals,  John  and  Si- 
las; and  the  greater  part  of  the  remainder 


were  wounded,  with  Niger,  their  remain- 
ing general,  who  fled  away  together  to  a 
small  city  of  Idumea,  called  Sallis.  Some 
few  also  of  the  Romans  were  wounded  in 
this  battle. 

Yet  were  not  the  spirits  of  the  Jews 
broken  by  so  great  a  calamity,  but  the 
losses  they  had  sustained  rather  quickened 
their  resolution  for  other  attempts;  for, 
overlooking  the  dead  bodies  which  lay 
under  their  feet,  they  were  enticed  by 
their  former  glorious  actions  to  venture 
on  a  second  destruction;  so  when  they 
had  lain  still  so  little  a  while  that  their 
wounds  were  not  yet  thoroughly  cured, 
they  got  together  all  their  forces,  and 
came  with  greater  fury,  and  in  much 
greater  numbers,  to  Ascalon;  but  their 
former  ill  fortune  followed  them,  as  the 
consecpience  of  their  unskilfulness  and 
other  deficiencies  in  war;  for  Antonius 
laid  ambushes  for  them  in  the  passages 
they  were  to  go  through,  where  they  fell 
into  snares  unexpectedly,  and  where  they 
were  encompassed  about  with  horsemen 
before  they  could  form  themselves  into  a 
regular  body  for  fighting,  and  were  above 
8000  of  them  slain ;  so  all  the  rest  of 
them  ran  away,  and  with  them  Niger, 
who  still  did  a  great  many  bold  exploits 
in  his  flight.  However,  they  were  driven 
along  together  by  the  enemy,  who  pressed 
hard  upon  them,  into  a  certain  strong 
tower  belonging  to  a  village  called  Beze- 
del.  However,  Antonius  and  his  party, 
that  they  might  neither  spend  any  consi- 
derable time  about  this  tower,  which  was 
hard  to  be  taken,  nor  suffer  their  com- 
mander, and  the  most  courageous  man  of 
them  all,  to  escape  from  them,  they  set 
the  wall  on  fire;  and  as  the  tower  was 
burning,  the  Romans  went  away  rejoicing, 
as  taking  it  for  granted  that  Niger  was 
destroyed;  but  he  leaped  out  of  the  tower 
into  a  subterraneous  cave,  in  the  inner- 
most part  of  it,  and  was  preserved;  and 
on  the  third  day  afterward  he  spake  out 
of  the  ground  to  those  that  with  great 
lamentations  were  searching  for  him,  in 
order  to  give  him  a  decent  funeral ;  and 
when  he  was  come  out,  he  filled  all  the 
Jews  with  an  unexpected  joy,  as  though 
he  were  preserved  by  G-od's  providence  to 
be  their  commander  for  the  time  to  come. 

And  now  Vespasian  took  along  with 
him  his  army  from  Antioch  (which  is  the 
metropolis  of  Syria,  and,  without  dispute, 
deserves  the  place  of  the  third  city  in  the 
habitable  earth  that  was  under  the  Roman 


Chap.  TIL] 


WATIS   OF   TIIE   JEWS 


■;;:.3 


empire,*    both   in  magnitude    and  other 
marks    of    prosperity,)  where    he    found 
King  Agrippa,  with  all  his  forces,  waiting 
for  his  coming,  and  marched  to  Ptolemais. 
At  this  city  also  the  inhabitants  of  Sep- 
phoris  of  Galilee  met  him,  who  were  for 
peace  with  the  Romans.     These  citizens 
had  beforehand  taken  care  of  their  own 
safety,  and  being  sensible  of  the  power  of 
the  Romans,  they  had  been  with  Cestius 
Gallus  before  Vespasian  came,  and    had 
given  their  faith  to  him,  and  received  the 
security  of  his  right  hand;   and  had  re- 
ceived a  Roman  garrison,  and  at  this  time 
withal  they  received  Vespasian,  the  Ro- 
man   general,  very  kindly,  and  _  readily 
promised    that    they    would    assist    him 
against  their  own  countrymen.     Now  the 
general  delivered  them,  at  their  desire,  as 
many  horsemen  and  footmen  as  he  thought 
sufficient  to  oppose  the  incursions  of  the 
Jews,   if    they   should   happen    to    come 
against  them;  and    indeed  the  danger  of 
losing  Sepphoris  would  be  no  small  one, 
in  this  war  which    was    now    beginning, 
seeing  it  was  the  largest  city  of  Galilee, 
and  built  in  a  place  by  nature  very  strong, 
and    might  be  a   security  of    the  whole 
nation's  [fidelity  to  the  Romans]. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Description  of  Galilee,  Samaria,  and  Judea. 
Now  Phoenicia   and  Syria    encompass 
about  the  Galilees,  which  are   two,   and 
called  the  Upper  Galilee  and  the  Lower. 
They  are  bounded  toward  the  sunsetting, 
with  the  borders  of  the  territory  belong- 
ing to  Ptolemais,  and  by  Carmel;  which 
mountain  had  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Galileans,    but     now    belonged  _  to     the 
Tyrians;  to  which  mountain  adjoins  Gaba, 
which  is  called  the  City  of  Horsemen,  be- 
cause those  horsemen  that  were  dismissed 
by  Herod  the  king  dwelt  therein;  they 
are  bounded  on  the  south  with  Samaria 
and  Scythopolis,  as  far  as  the  river  Jordan ; 
on  the    east  with  Hippene  and  Gadaris, 
and  also  with  Gaulanitis,  and  the  borders 
of  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa;  its  northern 
parts  are  bounded  by  Tyre,  and  the  coun- 
try of  the  Tyrians.     As  for  that  Galilee 
which  is  called  the  Lower,  it  extends  in 
length  from  Tiberias  to  Zabulon,  and  of 
the    maritime    places,    Ptolemais    is    its 


»  Spanheini  and  Reland  both  agree  that  the 
two  '  ities  here  esteemed  greater  than  Antioeh,  the 
metropolis  of  Syria,  were  Home  and  Alexandria. 


neighbour;  its  breadth  is  from- the  village 
called  Xaloth,  which  lies  in  the  great 
plain,  as  far  as  Bersabe,  from  which  be- 
ginning also  is  taken  the  breadth  of  the 
Upper  Galilee,  as  far  as  the  village  Baca, 
which  divides  the  land  of  the  Tyrians 
from  it;  its  length  is  also  from  M cloth  to 
Thclla,  a  village  near  to  Jordan. 

These  two  Galilees,  of  so  great  largeness, 
and  encompassed  with  so  many  nations  of 
foreigners,  have  always  been  able  to  make 
a   strong   resistance   on   all   occasions  of 
war;    for   the    Galileans   are   inured    to 
war  from   their  infancy,  and  have   been 
always    very   numerous ;    nor   hath    the 
country  been  ever  destitute   of   men   of 
courage,  or  wanted  a  numerous   set   of 
them;    for  their  soil  is  universally  rich 
and  fruitful,  and  full  of  the  plantations 
of  trees  of  all  sorts,  insomuch  that  it  in- 
vites the  most  slothful  to  take  pains  in  its 
cultivation,  by  its    fruitfulness ;    accord- 
ingly, it   is  all   cultivated  by   its   inha- 
bitants, and  no  part  of  it  lies  idle.     More- 
over, the  cities  lie  here  very  thick;  and 
the  very  many  villages  there  are  here,  are 
everywhere  so  full  of  people,  by  the  rich- 
ness of  their  soil,  that  the  very  least  of 
them  contain  above  15,000  inhabitants. 

In  short,  if  any  one  will  suppose  that 
Galilee  is  inferior  to  Perea  in  magnitude, 
he  will  be  obliged  to  prefer  it  before  it  in 
its  strength:    for  this  is  all   capable  of 
cultivation,  and   is   everywhere   fruitful; 
but  for  Perea,  which  is  indeed  much  larger 
in  extent,  the  greater  part  of  it  is  desert, 
and  rough,  and   much  less  disposed  for 
the  production   of    the   milder   kinds  of 
fruits;  yet  hath  it  a  moist  soil  [in  other 
parts],  and  produces  all  kinds  of  fruits, 
and  its  plains  are  planted  with  trees  of 
all  sorts,    while   yet   the    olive-tree,   the 
vine,  and  the  palm-tree  are  chiefly  culti- 
vated there.  It  is  also  sufficiently  watered 
with    torrents,   which   issue    out    of   the 
mountains,  and  with   springs   that  never 
fail  to  run,  even  when  the  torrents  fail 
them,  as  they  do  in  the  dog-days.    Now 
the  length  of  Perea  is  from  Macherus  to 
Pella,  and  its  breadth  from  Philadelphia 
to  Jordan  ;  its  northern  parts  are  bounded 
by  Pella,  as  we  have  already  said,  as  \v<  11 
as  its  western  with  Jordan ;  the  land  of 
Moab  is  its  southern  border,  and  its  east- 
ern limits  reach  to  Arabia,  and  Silbonitis, 
and  besides  to  Philadelphene  and  Gerasa. 

Now,  as  to  the  country  of  Samaria,  it 
lies  between  Judea  and  Galilee ;  it  begins 
at  a  village    that  is  in  the  great  plain 


254 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  III 


called  Ginea,  and  ends  at  the  Acrabbene 
toparchy,  and  is  entirely  of  the  same 
nature  with  Judea;  for  both  countries 
are  made  up  of  hills  and  valleys,  and  are 
moist  enough  for  agriculture,  and  are  very 
fruitful.  They  have  abundance  of  trees, 
and  are  full  of  autumnal  fruit,  both  that 
which  grows  wild,  and  that  which  is  the 
effect  of  cultivation.  They  are  not  na- 
turally watered  with  many  rivers,  but 
derive  their  chief  moisture  from  rain- 
water, of  which  they  have  no  want ;  and 
for  those  rivers  which  they  have,  all  their 
waters  are  exceeding  sweet :  by  reason 
also  of  the  excellent  grass  they  have, 
their  cattle  yield  more  milk  than  do  those 
in  other  places;  and,  what  is  the  greatest 
sign  of  excellency  and  of  abundance,  they 
each  of  them  are  very  full  of  people. 

In  the  limits  of  Samaria  and  Judea  lie 
the  village  Anuath,  which  is  also  named 
Borceos.  This  is  the  northern  boundary 
of  Judea.  The  southern  parts  of  Judea, 
if  they  be  measured  lengthways,  are 
bounded  by  a  village  adjoining  to  the  con- 
fines of  Arabia;  the  Jews  that  dwell 
there  call  it  Jordan.  However,  its  breadth 
is  extended  from  the  river  Jordan  to 
Joppa.  The  city  Jerusalem  is  situated 
in  the  very  middle ;  on  which  account 
some  have,  with  sagacity  enough,  called 
that  city  the  Navel  of  the  country.  Nor 
indeed  is  Judea  destitute  of  such  delights 
as  come  from  the  sea,  since  its  maritime 
places  extend  as  far  as  Ptolemais  :  it  was 
parted  into  eleven  portions,  of  which  the 
royal  city  Jerusalem  was  the  supreme, 
and  presided  over  all  the  neighbouring 
country,  as  the  head  does  over  the  body. 
As  to  the  other  cities  that  were  inferior 
to  it,  they  presided  over  their  several  to- 
parchies ;  Gophna  was  the  second  of  those 
cities,  and  next  to  that  Acrabatta,  after 
them  Thamna,  and  Lydda,  and  Emmaus, 
and  Pella,  and  Idumea,  and  Engeddi,  and 
Herodium,  and  Jericho;  and  after  them 
came  Jamnia  and  Joppa,  as  presiding  over 
the  neighbouring  people ;  and  besides 
these  there  was  the  region  of  Gamala,  and 
Gaulanitis,  and  Batanea,  and  Trachonitis, 
which  arc  also  parts  of  the  kingdom  of 
Agrippa.  This  [last]  country  begins  at 
Mount  Libanus,  and  the  fountains  of 
Jordan,  and  reaches  breadthways  to  the 
lake  of  Tiberias ;  and  in  length  is  ex- 
tended from  a  village  called  Arpha,  as  far 
as  Julias.  Its  inhabitants  are  a  mixture 
af  Jews  and  Syrians.  And  thus  have  I, 
with   all  possible   brevity,  described  the 


country  of  Judea,  and  those  that  lie  round 
about  it. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Josephus  makes  an  attempt  upon  Sepphoris,  but  in 
repelled — Titus  joins  Vespasian  at  Ptolemais. 

Now  the  auxiliaries  who  were  sent  to 
assist  the  people  of  Sepphoris,  being  1000 
horsemen,  and  6000  footmen,  under  Pla- 
cidus,  the  tribune,  pitched  their  camp  in 
two  bodies  in  the  great  plain.  The  foot 
were  put  into  the  city  to  be  a  guard  to 
it;  but  the  horse  lodged  abroad  in  the 
camp.  These  last,  by  marching  conti- 
nually one  way  or  other,  and  overrunning 
the  parts  of  the  adjoining  country,  were 
very  troublesome  to  Josephus  and  his 
men;  they  also  plundered  all  the  places 
that  were  out  of  the  city's  liberty,  and 
intercepted  such  as  durst  go  abroad.  On 
this  account  it  was  that  Josephus  marched 
against  the  city,  as  hoping  to  take  what 
he  had  lately  encompassed  with  so  strong 
a  wall,  before  they  revolted  from  the  rest 
of  the  Galileans,  that  the  Romans  would 
have  much  ado  to  take  it :  by  which 
means  he  proved  too  weak,  and  failed  of 
his  hopes,  both  as  to  forcing  the  place, 
and  to  his  prevailing  with  the  people  of 
Sepphoris  to  deliver  it  up  to  him.  By 
this  means  he  provoked  the  Romans  to 
treat  the  country  according  to  the  law  of 
war;  nor  did  the  Romans,  out  of  the 
anger  they  bore  at  this  attempt,  leave  off 
either  by  night  or  by  day,  burning  the 
places  in  the  plain,  or  stealing  away  the 
cattle  that  were  in  the  country,  and  kill- 
ing whatsoever  appeared  capable  of  fight- 
ing perpetually,  and  leading  the  weaker 
people  as  slaves  into  captivity;  so  that 
Galilee  was  all  over  filled  with  fire  and 
blood;  nor  was  it  exempted  from  any 
kind  of  misery  or  calamity ;  for  the  only 
refuge  they  had  was  this,  that  when  they 
were  pursued,  they  could  retire  to  the 
cities  which  had  walls  built  them  by  Jo- 
sephus. 

But  as  to  Titus,  he  sailed  over  from 
Achaia  to  Alexandria,  and  that  sooner 
than  the  winter  season  did  usually  per- 
mit; so  he  took  with  him  those  forces  he 
was  sent  for,  and  marching  with  great  ex- 
pedition, he  came  suddenly  to  Ptolemais, 
and  there  finding  his  father,  together  with 
the  two  legions,  the  fifth  and  tenth,  which 
were  the  most  eminent  legions  of  all,  he 
joined  them  to  that  fifteenth  legion  which 
was   with   his   father :    eighteen   cohorts 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


255 


ni 


followed  these  legions  :    there  came  also 
five  cohorts  from  Cesarea,  with  one  troop 
of   horsemen,  and   five    other   troops    of 
horsemen    from   Syria.      Now  these   ten 
cohorts  bad  severally  1000  footmen,  but 
the  other  thirteen  cohorts  had  no  more 
than  000  footmen  apiece,  with  120  horse- 
men.     There   were    also    a    considerable 
number  of  auxiliaries  got  together,  that 
came    from    the    Kings   Antiochus    and 
Agrippa    and    Sobemus,    each    of    them 
contributing    1000    footmen    that    were 
archers,  and  1000   horsemen.      Malchus 
also,  the  king  of  Arabia,  sent  1000  horse- 
men, besides  5000  footmen,  the  greatest 
part  of  whom  were  archers;  so  that  the 
whole  army,  including  the  auxiliaries  sent 
by  the  kings,  as  well  horsemen  as  foot- 
men,   when    all    were    united    together, 
amounted  to  60,000,  besides  the  servants, 
who,  as  they  followed  in  vast  numbers, 
so,  because  they  had  been  trained  up  in 
war  with  the  rest,  ought  not  to  be  dis- 
tinguished from  the  Bghting  men;  for  as 
they  were   in    their   masters'   service    in 
times  of  peace,  so  did  they  undergo  the 
like  dangers  with  them  in  times  of  war, 
insomuch  that  they  were  inferior  to  none, 
either  in  skill  or  in  strength,  only  they 
were  subject  to  their  masters. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Description  of  the  Roman  armies  and  camps. 

Now  here  one  cannot  but  admire  at 
the  precaution  of  the  Romans,  in  providing 
themselves  of  such  household  servants,  as 
might  not  only  serve  at  other  times  for 
the  common  offices  of  life,  but  might  also 
be  of  advantage  to  them  in  their  wars; 
and,  indeed,  if  any  one  does  but  attend 
to  the  other  parts  of  their  military  dis- 
cipline, he  will  be  forced  to  confess  that 
their  obtaining  so  large  a  dominion  hath 
been  the  acquisition  of  their  valour,  and 
not  the  bare  gift  of  fortune ;  for  they  do 
not  begin  to  use  their  weapons  first  in 
time  of  war,  nor  do  they  then  put  their 
hands  first  into  motion,  while  they  avoided 
so  to  do  in  times  of  peace ;  but,  as  if  their 
weapons  did  always  cling  to  them,  they 
have  never  any  truce  from  warlike  exer- 
cises ;  nor  do  they  stay  till  times  of  war 
admonish   them  to  use   them;    for  their 
military  exercises  differ  not  at  all   from 
the    real    use    of   their    arms,  but  every 
soldier   is  every  day  exercised,  and  that 
with  great  diligence,  as  if  it  were  in  time 
of  war  which  is  the  reason  why  they  bear 


the  fatigue  of  battles  so  easily  ;  for  neither 
can  any  disorder  remove  them  from  their 
usual  regularity,  nor  can  fear  affright  them 
out  of  it,  nor  can  labour  tire  them  ;  which 
firmness  of  conduct  makes  them  always  to 
overcome  those  that  have  not  the  same 
firmness ;  nor  would  he  be  mistaken  that 
should  call  those  their  exercises  unbloody 
battles,    and   their   battles   bloody  exer- 
cises.    Nor  can  their  enemies  easily  sur- 
prise them  with  the  suddenness  of  their 
incursions;     for    as    soon    as    they    have 
marched  into   an  enemy's  land,  they  do 
not  begin  to  fight  till  they  have  walled 
their  camp  about ;  nor  is  the  fence  they 
raise    rashly  made,  or  uneven ;    nor  do 
they  all  abide  in  it,  nor  do  those  that  are 
in  it  take  their  places  at  random ;  but  if 
it  happens  that  the  ground  is  uneven,  it 
is  first  levelled :  their  camp  is  also  four- 
square  by   measure,   and   carpenters  are 
ready,  in  great  numbers,  with  their  tools, 
to  erect  their  buildings  for  them.* 

As  for  what  is  within  the  camp,  it  is 
set  apart  for  tents,  but  the  outward  cir- 
cumference hath  the  resemblance  of  a 
wall,  and  is  adorned  with  towers  at  equal 
distances,  where,  between  the  towers, 
stand  the  engines  for  throwing  arrows  and 
darts,  and  for  slinging  stones,  and  where 
they  lay  all  other  engines  that  can  annoy 
the  enemy,  all  ready  for  their  several 
operations.  They  also  erect  four  gates, 
one  at  every  side  of  the  circumference, 
and  those  large  enough  for  the  entrance 
of  the  beasts,  and  wide  enough  for  making 
excursions,  if  occasion  should  require. 
They  divide  the  camp  within  into  streets, 
very  conveniently,  and  place  the  tents  of 
the  commanders  in  the  middle;  but  in 
the  very  midst  of  all  is  the  general's  own 
tent,  in  the  nature  of  a  temple,  insomuch 
that  it  appears  to  be  a  city  built  on  the 
sudden,  with  its  market-place,  and  place 
for  handicraft  trades,  and  with  seats  for 
the  officers,  superior  and  inferior ;  where, 
if  any  differences  arise,  their  causes  are 
heard  and  determined.  The  camp,  and 
all  that  is  in  it,  is  encompassed  with  a 
a  wall  round  about,  and  that  sooner  than 


*  This  description  of  the  exact  symmetry  and 
regularity  of  the  Roman  army,  and  of  the  Roman 
encampments,  with  the  sounding  their  trumpets, 
&c,  and  order  of  war,  described  in  this  and  the- 
next  section,  is  so  very  like  to  the  symmetry  and 
regularity  of  the  people  of  Israel  in  the  wilderness, 
that  one  cannot  well  avoid  the  Bupposal  that  the 
one  was  the  ultimate  pattern  of  the  other,  and  that 
the  taotics  of  the  ancients  were  token  fr„ui  the 
rules  given  to  Moses. 


256 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  III, 


one  would  imagine,  and  this  by  the  mul- 
titude and  the  skill  of  the  labourers ;  and, 
if  occasion  require,  a  trench  is  drawn 
round  the  whole,  whose  depth  is  four 
cubits,  and  its  breadth  equal. 

When  they  have  thus  secured  them- 
selves, they  live  together  by  companies, 
with  quietness  and  decency,  as  are  all 
their  other  affairs  managed  with  good 
order  and  security.  Each  company  hath 
also  their  wood,  and  their  corn,  and  their 
water  brought  them,  when  they  stand  in 
need  of  them ;  for  they  neither  sup  nor 
dine  as  they  please,  themselves  singly,  but 
all  together.  Their  times  also  for  sleep- 
ing and  watching  and  rising  are  notified 
beforehand  by  the  sound  of  trumpets,  nor 
is  any  thing  done  without  such  a  signal; 
and  in  the  morning  the  soldiery  go  every 
one  to  their  centurions,  and  these  cen- 
turions to  their  tribunes,  to  salute  them ; 
with  whom  all  the  superior  officers  go  to 
the  general  of  the  whole  army,  who  then 
gives  them  of  course  the  watchword  and 
other  orders,  to  be  by  them  carried  to  all 
that  are  under  their  command ;  which  is 
also  observed  when  they  go  to  fight,  and 
thereby  they  turn  themselves  about  on 
the  sudden,  when  there  is  occasion  for 
making  sallies,  as  they  come  back  when 
they  are  recalled,  in  crowds  also. 

.  When  they  are  to  go  out  of  their  camp, 
the  trumpet  gives  a  sound,  at  which  time 
nobody  lies  still,  but  at  the  first  intimation 
they  take  down  their  tents,  and  all  is  made 
ready  for  their  going  out ;  then  do  the 
trumpets  sound  again,  to  order  them  to 
get  ready  for  the  march ;  then  do  they  lay 
their  baggage  suddenly  upon  their  mules 
and  other  beasts  of  burden,  and  stand,  at 
the  place  for  starting,  ready  to  march  ; 
when  also  they  set  fire  to  their  camp,  and 
this  they  do  because  it  will  be  easy  for 
them  to  erect  another  camp,  and  that  it 
may  not  ever  be  of  use  to  their  enemies. 
Then  do  the  trumpets  give  a  sound  the 
third  time,  that  they  are  to  go  out,  in  or- 
der to  excite  those  that  on  any  account 
are  a  little  tardy,  that  so  no  one  may  be 
out  of  his  rank  when  the  army  marches. 
Then  does  the  crier  stand  at  the  general's 
right  hand,  and  asks  them  thrice,  in  their 
own  tongue, whether  they  be  now  ready  to 
go  out  to  war  or  not.  To  which  they  re- 
ply as  often,  with  a  loud  and  cheerful  voice, 
saying,  "  We  are  ready."  And  this  they 
do  almost  before  the  question  is  asked 
them ;  they  do  this  as  filled  with  a  kind 
of   martial    fury,  and   at    the  time    that 


they  so  cry  out,  they  lift  up    their  hands 
also. 

When,  after  this,  they  are  gone  out  of 
their  camp,  they  all  march  without  noise, 
and  in  a  decent  manner,  and  every  one 
keeps  his  own  rank,  as  if  they  were  going 
to  war.  The  footmen  are  armed  with 
breastplates  and  headpieces,  and  have 
swords  on  each  side ;  but  the  sword  which 
is  upon  their  left  side  is  much  longer  than 
the  other;  for  that  on  the  right  side  is 
not  longer  than  a  span.  Those  footmen 
also  that  are  chosen  out  from  among  the 
rest  to  be  about  the  general  himself,  have 
a  lance  and  a  buckler ;  but  the  rest  of 
the  foot-soldiers  have  a  spear  and  a  long 
buckler,  besides  a  saw  and  a  basket,  a 
pickaxe,  and  an  axe,  a  thong  of  leather, 
and  a  hook,  with  provisions  for  three  days ; 
so  that  a  footman  hath  no  great  need  of  a 
mule  to  carry  his  burdens.  The  horse- 
men have  a  long  sword  on  their  right  sides, 
and  a  long  pole  in  their  hand :  a  shield 
also  lies  by  them  obliquely  on  one  side  of 
their  horses,  with  three  or  more  darts  that 
are  borne  in  their  quiver,  having  broad 
points,  and  no  smaller  than  spears.  They 
have  also  headpieces  and  breastplates,  in 
like  manner  as.  have  all  the  footmen. 
And  for  those  that  are  chosen  to  be  about 
the  general,  their  armour  noway  differs 
from  that  of  the  horsemen  belonging  to 
other  troops ;  and  he  always  leads  the  le- 
gions forth  to  whom  the  lot  assigns  that 
employment. 

This  is  the  manner  of  the  marching  and 
resting  of  the  Romans,  as  also  these  are 
the  several  sorts  of  weapons  they  use. 
But  when  they  are  to  fight,  they  leave 
nothing  without  forecast,  nor  to  be  done 
offhand,  but  counsel  is  ever  first  taken  be- 
fore any  work  is  begun,  and  what  hath 
been  there  resolved  upon  is  put  into  ex- 
ecution presently  ;  for  which  reason  they 
seldom  commit  any  errors ;  and  if  they 
have  been  mistaken  at  any  time,  they 
easily  correct  those  mistakes.  They  also 
esteem  any  errors  they  commit  upon  taking 
counsel  beforehand,  to  be  better  than  such 
rash  success  as  is  owing  to  fortune  only ; 
because  such  a  fortuitous  advantage  tempts 
them  to  be  inconsiderate,  while  consult- 
ation, though  it  may  sometimes  fail  ot 
success,  hath  this  good  in  it,  that  it  makes 
men  more  careful  hereafter  :  but  for  the 
advantages  that  arise  from  chance,  they 
are  not  owing  to  him  that  gains  them ; 
and  as  to  what  melancholy  accidents  hap' 
pen  unexpectedly,  there  is  this  comfort  in 


Chap.  VL 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


257 


1 


them,  that   they  had  however  taken  the 
best  consultations  they  could  to  prevent 

them. 

Now  they  so  manage  their  preparatory 
exercises  of  their  weapons,  that  not  the 
bodies  of  the  soldiers  only,  but  their  souls 
may  also  become  stronger  :  they  are  more- 
over hardened  for  war  by  fear  ;  for  their 
laws  inflict  capital  punishments,  not  only 
for  soldiers  running  away  from  their  ranks, 
but  for  slothfulness  and  inactivity,  though 
it  be  but  in  a  lesser  degree  ;  as  are  their 
generals  more  severe  than  their  laws,  for 
they  prevent  any  imputation  of  cruelty 
toward  those  under  condemnation,  by  the 
great  rewards  they  bestow  on  the  valiant 
soldiers;    and  the   readiness   of  obeying 
their  commanders   is   so  great,   that  it  is 
very  ornamental  in  peace  ;  but  when  they 
come  to  a  battle,  the  whole  army  is  but 
one  body,  so  well   coupled   together  are 
their  ranks,  so  sudden  are  their  turnings 
about,  so  sharp   their  hearing  as  to  what 
orders  are  given  them,  so  quick  their  sight 
of  the  ensigns,   and  so  nimble  are  their 
hands  when  they  set  to  work  ;  whereby  it 
comes  to  pass,  that  what  they  do  is  done 
quickly,  and  what  they  suffer  they  bear 
with  the  greatest  patience.     Nor  can  we 
find  any  examples  where  they  have  been 
conquered  in  battle,  when  they  came  to  a 
close  fight,  either  by  the  multitude  of  the 
enemies,  or  by  their  stratagems,  or  by  the 
difficulties  in  the  places  they  were  in  ;  no, 
nor  by  fortune  neither,  for  their  victories 
have    been   surer  to   them  than   fortune 
could    have   granted    them.     In    a   case, 
therefore,  where  counsel  still  goes  before 
action,  and  where,  after  taking  the  best 
advice,  that  advice  is  followed^  by  so  ac- 
tive   an    army,    what   wonder  is  it    that 
Euphrates  on   the   east,   the  ocean  on  the 
west,  the  most  fertile  regions  of  Libya  on 
the  south,  and  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine 
on  the  north,  are  the  limits  of  this  empire. 
One  might  well  say,  that  the  Roman  pos- 
sessions are  not  inferior  to  the  Romans 
themselves. 

This  account  I  have  given  the  reader, 
not  so  much  with  the  intention  of  com- 
mending the  Romans,  as  of  comforting 
those  that  have  been  conquered  by  them, 
and  for  deterring  others  from  attempting 
innovations  under  their  government. 
This  discourse  of  the  Roman  military  con- 
duct may  also  perhaps  be  of  use  to  such 
of  the  curious  as  are  ignorant  of  it,  and 
yet  have  a  mind  to  know  it.  I  return  now 
from  this  digression. 
Vol.  II.— 17 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Placidus  attempts  to  take  Jotapata,  but  in  rrulsed 
— Vespasian  marches  into  GuLli.*.. 

And  now  Vespasian,  with  his  eon  Titus, 
had  tarried  some  time  at  Ptolemais,  and 
had  put  his  army  in  order.      But  when 
Placidus,  who  had  overran  Galilee,  and 
had  besides  slain  a  num'uer  of  those  whom 
he  had  caught  (which  were  only  the  weak- 
er part  of  the  Galileans,  and  such  as  were 
of  timorous  souls,)  saw  that  the  warriors 
ran  always  to  those  cities  whose  walls  had 
been    built    by   Josepnus,   he   marched 
furiously  against  Jotapata,  which  was  of 
them  all  the  stioogest,  as  supposing  he 
should  easily  take  it  oy  a  sudden  surprise, 
and  that  he  auouid  thereby  obtain  great 
honour  to  hirmseil  among  the  commanders, 
and  bring  a  yieat  advantage  to  them  in 
their   future  campaign;    because,  if  this 
strongest  pi*vu  ot  them  all  were  once  taken, 
the  rest  wuuid  be  so  affrighted  as  to  sur- 
render themselves.     But  he  was  mightily 
mistaken  ta  his  undertaking;  for  the  men 
of  Jotapuia  were  apprized  of  his  coming 
to  attack  enem,  and  came  out  of  the  city, 
and  expected  him  there.     So  they  fought 
the  Romans  briskly  when  they  least  ex- 
pected it,  being  both    many  in  number, 
and  prepared   for  fighting,  and  of   great 
alacrity,  as  esteeming  their  country,  their 
wives,  and  their  children  to  be  in  danger, 
and  easily  put  the  Romans  to  flight,  and 
wounded  many  of  them,  and  slew  seven 
of  them;    because  their  retreat  was  not 
made  in  a  disorderly  manner,  because  the 
strokes  only  touched  the  surface  of  their 
bodies,  which  were  covered  with  their  ar- 
mour in  all  parts,  and  because  the  Jews 
did  rather  throw  their  weapons  upon  them 
from  a  great   distance,  than  venture    to 
come  hand  to  hand  with  them,  and  had 
only  light  armour   on,  while  the  others 
were  completely  armed.     However,  three 
men  of  the  Jews'  side  were  slain,  and  a 
few  wounded:  so  Placidus,  finding  him- 
self unable  to  assault  the  city,  ran  away. 

But  as  Vespasian  had  a  great  mind  to 
fall  upon  Galilee,  he  marched  out  from 
Ptolemais,  having  put  his  army  into  that 
order  wherein  the  Romans  used  to  march. 
He  ordered  those  auxiliaries  which  were 
lightly  armed,  and  the  archers,  to  march 
first,  that  they  might  prevent  any  sudden 
insults  from  the  enemy,  and  might  search 
out  the  woods  that  looked  suspiciously, 
and  were  capable  of  ambuscades.  Next 
to  these  followed  that  part  of  the  Romans 


258 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  III 


who  were  most  completely  armed,  both 
footmen  and  horsemen.  Next  to  these 
followed  ten  out  of  every  100,  carrying 
along  with  them  their  arms,  and  what  was 
necessary  to  measure  out  a  camp  withal; 
and  after  them,  such  as  were  to  make  the 
road  even  and  straight,  and  if  it  were  any- 
where rough  and  hard  to  be  passed  over, 
to  plane  it,  and  to  cut  down  the  woods 
that  hindered  their  march,  that  the  army 
might  not  bo  in  distress,  or  tired  with 
their  march.  Behind  these  he  set  such 
carriages  of  the  army  as  belonged  both  to 
himself  and  to  the  other  commanders, 
with  a  considerable  number  of  their  horse- 
men for  their  security.  After  these  he 
marched  himself,  having  with  him  a  select 
body  of  footmen  and  horsemen  and  pike- 
men.  After  these  came  the  peculiar  ca- 
valry of  his  own  legion,  for  there  were  120 
horsemen  that  peculiarly  belonged  to  every 
legion.  Next  to  these  came  the  mules 
that  carried  the  engines  for  sieges,  and 
the  other  warlike  machines  of  that  nature. 
After  these  came  the  commanders  of  the 
cohorts,  and  tribunes,  having  about  them 
soldiers  chosen  out  of  the  rest.  Then 
came  the  ensigns  encompassing  the  eagle, 
which  is  at  the  head  of  every  Roman  le- 
gion, the  king  and  the  strongest  of  all 
birds,  which  seems  to  them  a  signal  of 
dominion,  and  an  omen  that  they  shall 
conquer  all  against  whom  they  march ; 
these  sacred  ensigns  are  followed  by  the 
trumpeters.  Then  came  the  main  army 
in  their  squadrons  and  battalions  with  six 
men  in  depth,  which  were  followed  at  last 
by  a  centurion,  who,  according  to  custom, 
observed  the  rest.  As  for  the  servants  of 
every  legion,  they  all  followed  the  foot- 
men, and  led  the  baggage  of  the  soldiers, 
which  was  borne  by  the  mules  and  other 
beasts  of  burden.  But  behind  all  the  le- 
gions came  the  whole  multitude  of  the 
mercenaries;  and  those  that  brought  up 
the  rear  came  last  of  all,  for  the  security 
of  the  whole  army,  being  both  footmen, 
and  those  in  their  armour  also,  with  a  great 
number  of  horsemen. 

And  thus  did  Vespasian  march  with  his 
army,  and  came  to  the  bounds  of  Galilee, 
where  he  pitched  his  camp  and  restrained 
his  soldiers,  who  were  eager  for  war;  he 
also  showed  his  army  to  the  enemy,  in  or- 
der to  affright  them,  and  to  afford  them  a 
season  for  repentance,  to  see  whether  they 
would  change  their  minds  before  it  came 
to  a  battle,  and  at  the  same  time  he  got 
things   ready  for  besieging   their  strong- 


holds. And  indeed  this  sight  of  the  gene- 
ral brought  many  to  repent  of  their  revolt, 
and  put  them  all  into  a  consternation ;  for 
those  that  were  in  Josephus's  camp  which 
was  at  the  city  called  Garis,  not  far  from 
Sepphoris,  when  they  heard  that  the  war 
was  come  near  them,  and  that  the  Romans 
would  certainly  fight  them  hand  to  hand,  dis- 
persed themselves  and  fled,  not  only  before 
they  came  to  a  battle,  but  before  the 
enemy  ever  came  in  sight,  while  Josephus 
and  a  few  others  were  left  behind ;  and 
as  he  saw  that  he  had  not  an  army  suffi- 
cient to  engage  the  enemy,  that  the  spirits 
of  the  Jews  were  sunk,  and  that  the  great- 
er part  would  willingly  come  to  terms,  if 
they  might  be  credited,  he  already  de- 
spaired of  the  success  of  the  whole  war, 
and  determined  to  get  as  far  as  he  pos- 
sibly could  out  of  danger;  so  he  took 
those  that  stayed  along  with  him,  and 
fled  to  Tiberias. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Vespasian  takes  Gadara,  and  marches  to  Jotapata, 
which  is  betrayed  by  a  deserter. 

So  Vespasian  marched  to  the  city  Ga- 
dara, and  took  it  upon  the  first  onset,  be- 
cause he  found  it  destitute  of  any  con- 
siderable number  of  men  grown  up  and 
fit  for  war.  He  came  then  into  it,  and 
slew  all  the  youth,  the  Romans  having 
no  mercy  on  any  age  whatsoever ;  and  this 
was  done  out  of  the  hatred  they  bore  the 
nation,  and  because  of  the  iniquity  they 
had  been  guilty  of  in  the  affair  of  Cestius. 
He  also  set  fire,  not  only  to  the  city  itself, 
but  to  all  the  villas  and  small  cities  that 
were  round  about  it :  some  of  them  were 
quite  destitute  of  inhabitants ;  and  out  of 
some  of  them  he  carried  the  inhabitants 
as  slaves  into  captivity. 

As  to  Josephus,  his  retiring  into  that 
city  which  he  chose  as  the  most  fit  for  his 
security,  put  it  into  great  fear;  for  the 
people  of  Tiberias  did  not  imagine  that 
he  would  have  run  away,  unless  he  had 
entirely  despaired  of  the  success  of  the 
war;  and  indeed,  as  to  that  point,  they 
were  not  mistaken  about  his  opinion  ;  for 
he  saw  whither  the  affairs  of  the  Jews 
would  tend  at  last,  and  was  sensible  that 
they  had  but  one  way  of  escaping,  and 
that  was  by  repentance.  However,  al- 
though he  expected  that  the  Romans 
would  forgive  him,  yet  did  he  choose  to 
die  many  times  over  rather  than  to  be- 
tray his  country,  and  to  dishonour  that, 
supreme  command  of  the  army  which  had 


Chap.  VII  j 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


250 


been  intrusted  with  him,  or  to  live  hap- 
pily under  those  against  whom  he  was 
sent  to  fight.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
give  an  exact  account  of  affairs  to  the  princi- 
pal men  at  Jerusalem  by  a  letter,  that  he 
might  not,  by  too  much  aggrandizing  the 
power  of  the  enemy,  make  them  too  tim- 
orous; nor,  by  relating  that  their  power 
beneath  the  truth,  might  encourage  them 
to  stand  out  when  they  were  perhaps  dis- 
posed to  repentance.  He  also  sent  them 
word,  that  if  they  thought  of  coming  to 
terms,  they  must  suddenly  write  him  an 
answer ;  or,  if  they  resolved  upon  war, 
they  must  send  him  an  army  sufficient  to 
fight  the  Romans.  Accordingly,  he  wrote 
these  things,  and  sent  messengers  imme- 
diately to  carry  his  letter  to  Jerusalem. 

Now  Vespasian  was  very  desirous  of 
demolishing  Jotapata,  for  he  had  gotten  in- 
telligence that  the  greatest  part  of  the  ene- 
my had  retired  thither;    and  that  it  was, 
on  other  accounts,  a  place  of  great  secu- 
rity to  them.     Accordingly,  he  sent  both 
footmen  and  horsemen  to  level  the  road, 
which  was  mountainous  and  rocky,  not 
without  difficulty  to  be  travelled  over  by 
footmen,  but  absolutely  impracticable  for 
horsemen.     Now  these  workmen  accom- 
plished what  they  were  about  in  four  days' 
time,  and  opened  a   broad  way   for   the 
army.     On   the  fifth  day,  which  was  the 
twenty-first    of   the    month    Artemisius, 
(Jyar,)    Josephus    prevented     him,  and 
came  from  Tiberias,  and  went  into  Jota- 
pata, and   raised   the  drooping  spirits  of 
the  Jews.     And  a  certain  deserter  told  this 
good  news  to  Vespasian,  that  Josephus  had 
removed  himself  thither,  which  made  him 
make  haste  to  the  city,  as  supposing  that 
with  taking  that  he  should  take  all  Judea, 
in  case  he  could  but  withal  get  Josephus 
under  his  power.     So  he  took   this  news 
to  be  of  the  vastest  advantage  to  him,  and 
believed  it  to  be  brought  about  by   the 
providence  of  God,  that  he  who  appeared 
to  be  the  most  prudent  man  of  all  their 
enemies,   had,   of   his  own  accord,   shut 
himself  up  in   a   place  of  sure   custody. 
Accordingly  he  sent  Placidus  with  1000 
horsemen,  and  Ebutius,  a  decurion,  a  per- 
son that  was  of  eminency  both  in  council 
and  in  action,  to  encompass  the  city  round, 
that  Josephus  might  not  escape  away  pri- 
vately. 

Vespasian  also,  the  very  next  day,  took 
his  whole  army  and  followed  them,  and 
by  marching  till  late  in  the  evening,  ar- 
rived then  at  Jotapata ;  and  bringing  his 


army  to  the  northern  side  of  the  city,  he 
pitched  his  camp  on  a  certain  small  hill 
which  was  seven  furlongs  from  the  city, 
and  still  greatly  endeavoured  to  be  well  seen 
by  the  enemy,  to  put  them  into  a  conster- 
nation, which  was  indeed  so  terrible  to  the 
Jews  immediately,  that  no  one  of  them 
durst  go  out  beyond  the  wall.  Yet  did 
the  Romans  put  off  the  attack  at  that 
time,  because  they  had  marched  all  the 
day,  although  they  placed  a  double  row 
of  battalions  round  the  city,  with  a  third 
row  beyond  them  round  the  whole,  which 
consisted  of  cavalry,  in  order  to  stop  up 
every  way  for  an  exit ;  which  thing  making 
the  Jews  despair  of  escaping,  excited  them 
to  act  more  boldly  ;  for  nothing  makes  men 
fight  so  desperately  in  war  as  necessity. 

Now  when  an  assault  was  made  the 
next  day  by  the  Romans,  the  Jews  at  first 
stayed  out  of  the  walls  aud  opposed  them  ; 
and  met  them,  as  having  formed  them- 
selves a  camp  before  the  city  walls.  But 
when  Vespasian  had  set  against  them  the 
archers  and  slingers,  and  the  whole  mul- 
titude that  could  throw  to  a  great  distance, 
he  permitted  them  to  go  to  work,  while 
he  himself,  with  the  footmen,  got  upon 
an  acclivity,  whence  the  city  might  easily 
be  taken.  Josephus  was  then  iu  fear  for 
the  city,  and  leaped  out,  and  all  the  Jew- 
ish multitude  with  him  ;  these  fell  together 
upon  the  Romans  in  great  numbers,  and 
drove  them  away  from  the  wall,  and  per- 
formed a  great  many  glorious  and  bold 
actions.  Yet  did  they  suffer  as  much  as 
they  made  the  enemy  suffer ;  for  as  despair 
of  deliverance  encouraged  the  Jews,  so 
did  a  sense  of  shame  equally  encourage 
the  Romans.  These  last  had  skill  as 
well  as  strength ;  the  other  had  only  cou- 
rage, which  armed  them  and  made  them 
fight  furiously.  And  when  the  fight  had 
lasted  all  day,  it  was  put  an  end  to  by  the 
coming  on  of  the  night.  They  had 
wounded  a  great  many  of  the  Romans, 
and  killed  of  them  thirteen  men ;  of  the 
Jews'  side  seventeen  men  were  slain,  and 
600  wounded. 

On  the  next  day  the  Jews  made  another 
attack  upon  the  Romans,  and  went  out  of 
the  walls,  and  fought  a  much  more  des- 
perate battle  with  them  than  before;  for 
they  were  now  become  more  courageous 
than  formerly,  and  that  on  account  of  the 
unexpected  good  opposition  they  had  made 
the  day  before,  as  they  found  the  Ro- 
mans also  to  fight  more  desperately ;  for 
a  sense  of  shame  inflamed  these  into  a 


260 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  III 


passion,  as  esteeming  their  failure  of  a 
sudden  victory  to  be  a  kind  of  defeat. 
Thus  did  the  llomans  try  to  make  an  im- 
pression upon  the.  Jews  till  the  fifth  day 
continually,  while  the  people  of  Jotapata 
made  sallies  out,  and  fought  at  the  walls 
most  desperately;  nor  were  the  Jews  af- 
frighted at  the  strength  of  the  enemy, 
nor  were  the  Romans  discouraged  at  the 
difficulties  they  met  with  in  taking  the 
city. 

Now  Jotapata  is  almost  all  of  it  built 
upon  a  precipice,  having  on  all  the  other 
sides  of  it  every  way  valleys  immensely 
deep  and  steep,  insomuch  that  those  who 
would  look  down  would  have  their  sight 
fail  them  before  it  reaches  to  the  bottom. 
It  is  only  to  be  come  at  on  the  north  side, 
where  the  utmost  part  of  the  city  is  built 
on  the  mountain,  as  it  ends  obliquely  at 
a  plain.  This  mountain  Josephus  had  en- 
compassed with  a  wall  when  he  fortified 
the  city,  that  its  top  might  not  be  capable 
of  being  seized  upon  by  the  enemies. 
The  city  is  covered  all  round  with  other 
mountains,  and  can  noway  be  seen  till  a 
man  comes  just  upon  it.  And  this  was 
the  strong  situation  of  Jotapata. 

Vespasian,  therefore,  in  order  to  try 
how  he  might  overcome  the  natural 
strength  of  the  place,  as  well  as  the  bold 
defence  of  the  Jews,  made  a  resolution 
to  prosecute  the  siege  with  vigour.  To 
that  end  he  called  the  commanders  that 
were  under  him  to  a  council  of  war,  and 
consulted  with  them  which  way  the  as- 
sault might  be  managed  to  the  best  advan- 
tage ;  and  when  the  resolution  was  there 
taken  to  raise  a  bank  against  that  part  of 
the  wall  which  was  practicable,  he  sent 
his  whole  army  abroad  to  get  the  materials 
together.  So  when  they  had  cut  down 
all  the  trees  on  the  mountains  that  ad- 
joined to  the  city,  and  had  gotten  to- 
gether a  vast  heap  of  stones,  besides  the 
wood  they  had  cut  down,  some  of  them 
brought  hurdles,  in  order  to  avoid  the  ef- 
fects of  the  darts  that  were  shot  from 
above  them.  These  hurdles  they  spread 
over  their  banks,  under  cover  whereof 
they  formed  their  bank,  and  so  were  lit- 
tle or  nothing  hurt  by  the  darts  that  were 
thrown  upon  them  from  the  wall,  while 
others  pulled  the  neighbouring  hillocks  to 
pieces,  and  perpetually  brought  earth  to 
them  ;  so  that  while  they  were  busy  three 
sorts  of  ways,  nobody  was  idle.  How- 
ever, the  Jews  cast  great  stones  from  the 
walls  upon  the  hurdles  which  protected 


the  men,  with  all  sorts  c.f  darts  also  ;  and 
the  noise  of  what  could  not  reach  them 
was  yet  so  terrible,  that  it  was  some  im- 
pediment to  the  workmen. 

Vespasian  then  sent  the  engines  for 
throwing  stones  ana  darts  round  about 
the  city ;  the  number  of  the  engines  was 
in  all  160  ;  and  bade  them  fall  to  work, 
and  dislodge  those  that  were  upon  the 
wall.  At  the  same  time  such  engines  as 
were  intended  for  that  purpose,  threw  at 
once  lances  upon  them  with  great  noise, 
and  stones  of  the  weight  of  a  talent  were 
thrown  by  the  engines  that  were  prepared 
for  that  purpose,  together  with  fire,  and  a 
vast  multitude  of  arrows,  which  made 
the  wall  so  dangerous,  that  the  Jews 
durst  not  only  not  come  upon  it,  but  durst 
not  come  to  those  parts  within  the  walls 
which  were  reached  by  the  engines  ;  for 
the  multitude  of  the  Arabian  archers,  as 
well  also  as  all  those  that  threw  darts  and 
slung  stones,  fell  to  work  at  the  same 
time  with  the  engines.  Yet  did  not  the 
others  lie  still  when  they  could  not  throw 
at  the  llomans  from  a  higher  place ;  for 
they  then  made  sallies  out  of  the  city  like 
private  robbers,  by  parties,  and  pulled 
away  the  hurdles  that  covered  the  work- 
men, and  killed  them  when  they  were 
thus  naked ;  and  when  those  workmen 
gave  way,  these  cast  away  the  earth  that 
composed  the  bank,  and  burnt  the  wood- 
en parts  of  it,  together  with  the  hurdles, 
till  at  length  Vespasian  perceived  that 
the  intervals  there  were  between  the 
works  were  of  disadvantage  to  him ;  for 
those  spaces  of  ground  afforded  the  Jews 
a  place  for  assaulting  the  Romans.  So 
he  united  the  hurdles,  and  at  the  same 
time  joined  one  part  of  the  army  to  the 
other,  which  prevented  the  private  excur- 
sions of  the  Jews. 

And  when  the  bank  was  now  raised, 
and  brought  nearer  than  ever  to  the  bat- 
tlements that  belonged  to  the  walls,  Jo- 
sephus thought  it  would  be  entirely  wrong 
in  him  if  he  could  not  make  contrivances 
in  opposition  to  theirs,  and  that  might 
be  for  the  city's  preservation;  so  he  got 
together  his  workmen,  and  ordered  them 
to  build  the  wall  higher;  and  when  they 
said  that  this  was  impossible  to  be  done 
while  so  many  darts  were  thrown  at  them, 
he  invented  this  sort  of  cover  for  them : 
he  bade  them  fix  piles,  and  expand  before 
them  raw  hides  of  oxen  newly  killed, 
that  these  hides,  by  yielding  aud  hollow- 
ing  themselves   when   the   stones   were 


Chap.  VII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


2G1 


thrown  at  them,  might  receive  them,  for 
that  the  other  darts  would  slide  off  them, 
and  the  fire  that  was  thrown  would  be 
quenched  by  the  moisture  that  was  in 
them  ;  and  these  he  set  before  the  work- 
men; and  under  them  these  workmen  went 
on  with  their  works  in  safety,  and  raised 
the  wall  higher,  and  that  both  by  day  and 
by  night,  till  it  was  twenty  cubits  high. 
He  also  built  a  good  number  of  towers 
upon  the  wall,  and  fitted  it  to  strong  bat- 
tlements. This  greatly  discouraged  the 
Romans,  who  in  their  own  opinions  were 
already  gotten  within  the  walls,  while 
they  were  now  at  once  astonished  at  Jo- 
sephus's  contrivance,  and  at  the  fortitude 
of  the  citizens  that  were  in  the  city. 

And  now  Vespasian  was  plainly  irri- 
tated at  the  great  subtilty  of  this  strata- 
gem, and  at  the  boldness  of  the  citizens  of 
Jotapata ;  for,  taking  heart  again  upon  the 
buildiug  of  this  wall,  they  made  fresh  sal- 
lies upon  the  Romans,  and  had  every  day 
conflicts  with  them  by  parties,  together 
with  all  such  contrivances  as  robbers  make 
use  of,  and  with  the  plundering  of  all 
that  came  to  hand,  as  also  with  the  set- 
ting fire  to  all  the  other  works ;  and  this 
till  Vespasian  made  his  army  leave  off 
fighting  them,  and  resolved  to  lie  round 
the  city,  and  to  starve  them  into  a  surren- 
der, as  supposing  that  either  they  would 
be  forced  to  petition  him  for  mercy  by 
want  of  provisions,  or,  if  they  should  have 
the  courage  to  hold  out  till  the  last,  they 
should  perish  by  famine :  and  he  con- 
cluded he  should  conquer  them  the  more 
easily  in  fighting,  if  he  gave  them  an  in- 
terval, and  then  fell  upon  them  when  they 
were  weakened  by  famine ;  but  still  he 
gave  orders  that  they  should  guard  against 
their  coming  out  of  the  city. 

Now  the  besieged  had  plenty  of  corn 
within  the  city,  and  indeed  of  all  other 
necessaries,  but  they  wanted  water,  be- 
cause there  was  no  fountain  in  the  city, 
the  people  being  there  usually  satisfied 
with  rain-water ;  yet  it  is  a  rare  thing  in 
that  country  to  have  rain  in  summer,  and 
at  this  season,  during  the  siege,  they  were 
in  great  distress  for  some  contrivance  to 
satisfy  their  thirst;  and  they  were  very  sad 
at  this  time  particularly,  as  if  they  were 
already  in  waut  of  water  entirely,  for  Jo- 
sephus,  seeing  that  the  city  abounded 
with  other  necessaries,  and  that  the  men 
were  of  good  courage,  and  being  desirous 
to  protract  the  siege  to  the  Romans  longer 
than  they  expected,  ordered  their  drink  to 


be  given  them  by  measure;  but  this  scanty 
distribution  of  water  by  measure  was 
deemed  by  them  as  a  thing  more  hard 
upon  them  than  the  want  of  it;  and  their 
not  being  able  to  drink  as  much  as  they 
would,  made  them  more  desirous  of 
drinking  than  they  otherwise  had  been; 
nay,  they  were  so  much  disheartened 
thereby  as  if  they  were  come  to  the  last 
degree  of  thirst.  Nor  were  the  Romans 
unacquainted  with  the  state  they  were  in, 
for  when  they  stood  over  against  them, 
beyond  the  wall,  they  could  see  them  run- 
ning together,  and  taking  their  water  by 
measure,  which  made  them  throw  their 
javelins  thither,  the  place  being  within 
their  reach,  and  kill  a  great  many  of  them. 

Hereupon  Vespasian  hoped  that  their 
receptacles  of  water  would  in  no  long  time 
be  emptied,  and  that  they  would  be  forced 
to  deliver  up  the  city  to  him;  but  Jo- 
sephus,  being  minded  to  break  such  his 
hope,  gave  command  that  they  should 
wet  a  great  many  of  their  clothes,  and 
hang  them  out  about  the  battlements,  till 
the  entire  walls  was  of  a  sudden  all  wet 
with  the  running  down  of  the  water.  At 
this  sight  the  Romans  were  discouraged, 
and  under  consternation,  when  they  saw 
them  able  to  throw  away  in  sport  so  much 
water,  when  they  supposed  them  not  to 
have  enough  to  drink  themselves.  This 
made  the  Roman  general  despair  of  taking 
the  city  by  their  want  of  necessaries,  and 
to  betake  himself  again  to  arms,  and  to 
try  to  force  them  to  surrender,  which  was 
what  the  Jews  greatly  desired;  for  as 
they  despaired  of  either  themselves  or 
their  city  being  able  to  escape,  they  pre- 
ferred a  death  in  battle  before  one  by 
hunger  and  thirst. 

However,  Josephus  conceived  another 
stratagem  besides  the  foregoing,  to  get 
plenty  of  what  they  wanted.  There  was 
a  certain  rough  and  uneven  place  that 
could  hardly  be  ascended,  and  on  that  ac- 
count was  not  guarded  by  the  soldiers ;  so 
Josephus  sent  out  certain  persons  along 
the  western  parts  of  the  valley,  and  by 
them  sent  letters  to  whom  he  pleased  of 
the  Jews  that  were  out  of  the  city,  and 
procured  from  them  what  necessaries  soever 
they  wanted  in  the  city  in  abundance;  he 
enjoined  them  also  to  creep  generally 
along  by  the  watch  as  they  came  into  the 
city,  and  to  cover  their  backs  with  such 
sheepskins  as  had  their  wool  upon  tlfem, 
that  if  any  one  should  spy  them  in  the 
night-time,  they  might  be  believed  to  be 


2G2 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  Til. 


dogs.  This  was  done  till  the  watch  per- 
ceived their  contrivance,  and  encompassed 
that  rough  place  about  themselves. 

And  now  it  was  that  Josephus  perceived 
that  the  city  could  not  hold  out  long,  and 
that  his  own  life  would  be  in  doubt  if  he 
continued  in  it;  so  he  consulted  how  he 
and  the  most  potent  men  of  the  city 
might  fly  out  of  it.  When  the  multitude 
understood  this,  they  came  all  round  about 
him,  and  begged  of  him  not  to  overlook 
them,  while  they  entirely  depended  on 
him,  and  him  alone;  for  that  there  was 
still  hope  of  the  city's  deliverance  if  he 
would  stay  with  them,  because  every- 
body would  undertake  any  pains  with 
great  cheerfulness  on  his  account,  and  in 
that  case  there  would  be  some  comfort  for 
them  also,  though  they  should  be  taken  : 
that  it  became  him  neither  to  fly  from  his 
enemies,  nor  to  desert  his  friends,  nor  to 
leap  out  of  that  city,  as  out  of  a  ship  that 
was  sinking  in  a  storm,  into  which  he 
came  when  it  was  quiet  and  in  a  calm ; 
for  that  by  going  away  he  would  be  the 
cause  of  drowning  the  city,  because  no- 
body would  then  venture  to  oppose  the 
enemy  when  he  was  once  gone,  upon 
whom  they  wholly  confided. 

Hereupon  Josephus  avoided  letting  them 
know  that  he  was  to  go  away  to  provide 
for  his  own  safety,  but  told  them  that  he 
would  go  out  of  the  city  for  their  sakes; 
for  that  if  he  stayed  with  them,  he  should 
he  able  to  do  them  little  good  while  they 
were  in  a  safe  condition ;  and  that  if  they 
were  once  taken,  he  should  only  perish 
with  them  to  no  purpose ;  but  that  if  he 
were  once  gotten  free  from  this  siege,  he 
should  be  able  to  bring  them  very  great 
relief;  for  that  he  would  then  imme- 
diately get  the  Galileans  together,  out  of 
the  country,  in  great  multitudes,  and  draw 
the  Romans  off  their  city  by  another  war. 
That  he  did  not  see  what  advantage  he 
could  bring  to  them  now,  by  staying  among 
them,  but  only  provoke  the  Romans  to 
besiege  them  more  closely,  as  esteeming 
it  a  most  valuable  thing  to  take  him;  but 
that  if  they  were  once  informed  that  he 
was  fled  out  of  the  city,  they  would  greatly 
remit  of  their  eagerness  against  it.  Yet 
did  not  this  plea  move  the  people,  but  in- 
flamed them  the  more  to  hang  about  him. 
Accordingly,  both  the  children  and  the 
old  men,  and  the  women  with  their  in- 
fants, came  mourning  to  him,  and  fell 
down  before  him,  and  all  of  them  caught 
hold  of  his  feet,  and  held  him  fast,  and 


besought  him,  with  great  lamentations, 
that  he  would  take  his  share  with  them 
in  their  fortune;  and  I  think  they  did 
this,  not  that  they  envied  his  deliverance, 
but  that  they  hoped  for  their  own;  for 
they  could  not  think  they  should  suffer 
any  great  misfortune,  provided  Josephus 
would  but  stay  with  them. 

Now,  Josephus  thought,  that  if  he  re- 
solved to  stay,  it  would  be  ascribed  to 
their  entreaties ;  and  if  he  resolved  to  go 
away  by  force,  he  should  be  put  into  cus- 
tody. His  commiseration  also  of  the 
people  under  their  lamentation  had  much 
broken  that  of  his  eagerness  to  leave 
them;  so  he  resolved  to  stay,  and  arming 
himself  with  the  common  despair  of  the 
citizens,  he  said  to  them,  "  Now  is  the 
time  to  begin  to  fight  in  earnest,  when 
there  is  no  hope  of  deliverance  left.  It 
is  a  brave  thing  to  prefer  glory  before 
life,  and  to  set  about  some  such  noble 
undertaking  as  may  be  remembered  by 
late  posterity."  Having  said  this,  he  fell 
to  work  immediately,  and  made  a  sally, 
and  dispersed  the  enemies'  outguarcls, 
and  ran  as  far  as  the  Roman  camp  itself, 
and  pulled  the  coverings  of  their  tents  to 
pieces,  that  were  upon  their  banks,  and 
set  fire  to  their  works.  And  this  was  the 
manner  in  which  he  never  left  off  fight- 
ing, neither  the  next  day  nor  the  day 
after  it,  but  went  on  with  it  for  a  con- 
siderable number  of  both  days  and 
nights. 

Upon  this,  Vespasian,  when  he  saw 
the  Romans  distressed  by  these  sallies, 
(although  they  were  ashamed  to  be  made 
to  run  away  by  the  Jews;  and  when  at 
any  time  they  made  the  Jews  run  away, 
their  heavy  armour  would  not  let  them 
pursue  them  far ;  while  the  Jews,  when 
they  had  performed  any  action,  and  be- 
fore they  could  be  hurt  themselves,  still 
retired  into  the  city,)  ordered  his  armed 
men  to  avoid  their  onset,  and  not  to  fight 
it  out  with  men  under  desperation,  while 
nothing  is  more  courageous  than  despair; 
but  that  their  violence  would  be  quenched 
when  they  saw  they  failed  of  their  pur- 
poses, as  fire  is  quenched  when  it  wants 
fuel ;  and  that  it  was  most  proper  for  the 
Romans  to  gain  their  victories  as  cheap 
as  they  could,  since  they  are  not  forced 
to  fight,  but  only  to  enlarge  their  own  do- 
minions. So  he  repelled  the  Jews,  in  a 
great  measure  by  the  Arabian  archers, 
and  the  Syrian  slingers,  and  by  those  that 
threw  stones  at  them,  nor  was  there  anj 


Cusp.  VII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


2G3 


intermission  of  the  great  number  of  their 
offensive  engines.  Now,  the  Jews  suffered 
greatly  by  these  engines,  without  bring 
able  to  escape  from  them ;  and  when 
these  engines  threw  their  stones  or  javelins 
a  great  way,  and  the  Jews  were  within 
their  reach,  they  pressed  hard  upon  the 
Romans,  and  fought  desperately,  without 
sparing  either  soul  or  body — one  part 
succouring  another  by  turns,"  when  it  was 
tired  down. 

When,  therefore,  Vespasian  looked  upon 
himself  as  in  a  manner  besieged  by  these 
sallies  of  the  Jews,  and  when  his  banks 
were  now  not  far  from  the  walls,  he  de- 
termined to  make  use  of  his  battering- 
ram.  This  battering-ram  is  a  vast  beam 
of  wood  like  the  mast  of  a  ship;  its  fore- 
part is  armed  with  a  thick  piece  of  iron  at 
the  head  of  it,  which  is  so  carved  as  to  be 
like  the  head  of  a  ram,  whence  its  name 
is  taken.  This  ram  is  slung  in  the  air  by 
ropes  passing  over  its  middle,  and  is  hung 
like  the  balance  in  a  pair  of  scales  from 
another  beam,  and  braced  by  strong  beams 
that  pass  on  both  sides  of  it  in  the  nature 
of  a  cross.  When  this  ram  is  pulled 
backward  by  a  great  number  of  men  with 
united  force,  and  then  thrust  forward  by 
the  same  men,  with  a  mighty  noise,  it 
batters  the  walls  with  that  iron  part  which 
is  prominent;  nor  is  there  any  tower  so 
strong,  or  walls  so  broad,  that  can  resist 
any  more  than  its  first  batteries,  but  all 
are  forced  to  yield  to  it  at  last.  This 
was  the  experiment  which  the  Roman 
general  betook  himself  to  when  he  was 
eagerly  bent  upon  taking  the  city,  and 
found  lying  in  the  field  so  long  to  be  to 
his  disadvantage,  because  the  Jews  would 
never  let  him  be  quiet.  So  these  Romans 
brought  the  several  engines  for  galling  an 
enemy  nearer  to  the  walls,  that  they 
might  reach  such  as  were  upon  the  wall, 
and  endeavoured  to  frustrate  their  at- 
tempts; these  threw  stones  and  javelins 
at  them;  in  the  like  manner  did  the 
archers  and  slingers  come  both  together 
closer  to  the  wall.  This  brought  matters 
to  such  a  pass  that  none  of  the  Jews  durst 
mount  the  walls,  and  then  it  was  that  the 
other  Romans  brought  the  battering-ram 
that  was  cased  with  hurdles  all  over,  and 
in  the  upper  part  was  secured  with  skins 
that  covered  it,  and  this  both  for  the  se- 
curity of  themselves  and  of  the  engine. 
Now,  at  the  very  first  stroke  of  this  en- 
gine, the  wall  was  shaken,  and  a  ter- 
rible clamour  was  raised  by  the  people 
3A 


within  the  city,  as  if  they  were  already 
taken. 

And  now,  when  Josephus  saw  this  ram 
still  battering  the  same  place,  and  that 
the  wall  would  quickly  be  thrown  down 
by  it,  he  resolved  to  elude  for  a  while  the 
force  of  the  engine.  With  this  design  he 
gave  orders  to  fill  sacks  with  chaff,  and 
to  hang  them  down  before  that  place 
where  they  saw  the  ram  always  battering, 
that  the  stroke  might  be  turned  aside, 
or  that  the  place  might  feel  less  of  the 
strokes  by  the  yielding  nature  of  the 
chaff.  This  contrivance  very  much  de- 
layed the  attempts  of  the  Romans,  be- 
cause, let  them  remove  their  engine  to 
what  part  they  pleased,  those  that  were 
above  it  removed  their  Backs,,  and  placed 
them  over  against  the  strokes  it  made, 
insomuch  that  the  wall  was  noway  hurt, 
and  this  by  diversion  of  the  strokes,  till 
the  Romans  made  an  opposite  contrivance 
of  long  poles,  and  by  tying  hooks  at  their 
ends,  cut  off  the  sacks.  Now,  when  the 
battering-ram  thus  recovered  its  force, 
and  the  wall,  having  been  but  newly  built, 
was  giving  way,  Josephus,  and  those 
about  him,  had  afterward  immediate  re- 
course to  fire  to  defend  themselves  withal; 
whereupon  they  took  what  materials  soever 
they  had  that  were  but  dry,  and  made  a 
sally  three  ways,  and  set  fire  to  the 
machines,  and  the  hurdles,  and  the  banks 
of  the  Romans  themselves;  nor  did  ihe 
Romans  well  know  how  to  come  to  their 
assistance,  being  at  once  under  a  con- 
sternation at  the  Jews'  boldness,  and  being 
prevented  by  the  flames  from  coining  to 
their  assistance;  for  the  materials  beiug 
dry  with  the  bitumen  and  pitch  that  were 
among  them,  as  was  brimstone  also,  the  fire 
caught  bold  of  every  thing  immediately  ; 
and  what  cost  the  Romans  a  great  deal 
of  pains,  was  in  one  hour  consumed. 

And  here  a  certain  Jew  appeared  worthy 
of  our  relation  and  commendation  :  he 
was  the  son  of  Sameas,  and  was  called 
Eleazar,  and  was  born  at  Saab,  in  Galilee. 
This  man  took  up  a  stone  of  vast  bigness, 
and  threw  it  down  from  the  wall  upon  the 
ram,  and  this  with  so  great  a  force  that  it 
broke  off  the  head  of  the  engine.  He 
also  leaped  down  and  took  up  the  head  of 
the  ram  from  the  midst  of  them,  and 
without  any  concern,  carried  it  to  the  top 
of  the  wall,  and  this  while  he  stood  as  a 
fit  mark  to  be  pelted  by  all  his  enemies. 
Accordingly,  he  received  the  strokes  upon 
his   naked  body,  and  was  wounded   with 


264 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  111. 


five  darts ;  nor  did  he  mind  any  of  them 
while  he  went  up  to  the  top  of  the  wall, 
where  he  stood  in  sight  of  them  all,  as  an 
instance  of  the  greatest  boldness  :  after 
which  he  threw  himself  on  a  heap  with 
his  wounds  upon  him,  and  fell  down,  to- 
gether with  the  head  of  the  ram.  Next 
to  him  two  brothers  showed  their  courage  : 
their  names  were  Netir  and  Philip,  both 
of  them  of  the  village  Ruma,  and  both 
of  them  Galileans  also :  these  men  leaped 
tipon  the  soldiers  of  the  tenth  legion,  and 
fell  upon  the  Romans  with  such  a  noise 
and  force  as  to  disorder  their  ranks,  and 
put  to  flight  all  upon  whomsoever  they 
made  their  assaults. 

After  these  men's  performances,  Jose- 
phus,  and  the  rest  of  the  multitude  with 
him,  took  a  great  deal  of  fire,  and  burnt 
both  the  machines  and  their  coverings, 
with  the  works  belonging  to  the  fifth  and 
to  the  tenth  legion,  which  tbey  put  to 
flight;  when  others  followed  them  imme- 
diately, and  buried  those  instruments  and 
all  their  materials  under  ground.  How- 
ever, about  the  evening  the  Romans 
erected  the  battering-ram  again,  agaiust 
that  part  of  the  wall  which  had  suffered 
before;  where  a  certain  Jew  that  defended 
the  city  from  the  Romans,  hit  Vespasian 
with  a  dart  in  his  foot,  and  wounded  him 
a  little,  the  distance  being  so  great  that 
no  mighty  impression  could  be  made  by 
the  dart  thrown  so  far  off.  However,  this 
caused  the  greatest  disorder  among  the 
Romans ;  for  when  those  who  stood  near 
him  saw  his  blood,  they  were  disturbed  at 
it,  and  a  report  went  abroad,  through 
the  whole  army,  that  the  general  was 
wounded,  while  the  greatest  part  left  the 
siege,  and  came  running  together  with 
surprise  and  fear  to  the  general ;  and  be- 
fore them  all  came  Titus,  out  of  the  con- 
cern he  had  for  his  father,  insomuch  that 
the  multitude  were  in  great  confusion, 
and  this  out  of  the  regard  they  had  for 
their  general,  and  by  reason  of  the  agony 
that  the  son  was  in.  Yet  did  the  father 
soon  put  an  end  to  the  son's  fear,  and  to 
the  disorder  the  army  was  under,  for  being 
superior  to  his  pains,  and  endeavouring 
soon  to  be  seen  by  all  that  had  been  in  a 
fright  about  him,  he  excited  them  to  Gght 
the  Jews  more  briskly;  for  now  every 
body  was  willing  to  expose  himself  to 
danger  immediately,  in  order  to  avenge 
their  general;  and  then  they  encouraged 
one  another  with  loud  voices,  and  ran 
hastily  to  the  walls. 


But  still  Josephus  and  those  with  him, 
although  they  fell  down  dead  one  upon 
another  by  the  darts  and  stones  which  the 
engines  threw  upon  them,  yet  did  not 
they  desert  the  wall,  but  fell  upon  those 
who  managed  the  ram,  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  hurdles,  with  fire,  and  iron 
weapons,  and  stones;  and  these  could  do 
little  or  nothing,  but  fell  themselves  per- 
petually, while  they  were  seen  by  those 
whom  they  could  not  see,  for  the  light  of 
their  own  flame  shone  about  them,  and 
made  them  a  most  visible  mark  to  the 
enemy,  as  they  were  in  the  daytime, 
while  the  engines  could  not  be  seen  at  a 
great  distance,  and  so  what  was  thrown  at 
them  was  hard  to  be  avoided;  for  the 
force  with  which  these  engines  threw 
stones  and  darts  made  them  hurt  several 
at  a  time,  and  the  violent  noise  of  the 
stones  that  were  cast  by  the  engines  was 
so  great  that  they  carried  away  the  pinna- 
cles of  the  wall,  and  broke  off  the  corners 
of  the  towers ;  for  no  body  of  men  could 
be  so  strong  as  not  to  be  overthrown  to 
the  last  rank  by  the  largeness  of  the 
stones;  and  any  one  may  learn  the  force 
of  the  engines  by  what  happened  this 
very  night;  for  as  one  of  those  that  stood 
round  about  Josephus  was  near  the  wall, 
his  head  was  carried  away  by  such  a 
stone,  and  his  skull  was  flung  as  far  as 
three  furlongs.  In  the  daytime  also,  a 
woman  with  child  had  her  belly  so  vio- 
lently struck,  as  she  was  just  come  out 
of  her  house,  that  the  infant  was  carried 
to  the  distance  of  half  a  furlong;  so  great 
was  the  force  of  that  engine.  The  noise 
of  the  instruments  themselves  was  very 
terrible ;  the  sound  of  the  darts  and  stones 
that  were  thrown  by  them,  was  so  also; 
of  the  same  sort  was  that  noise  the  dead 
bodies  made,  when  they  we\-e  dashed 
against  the  wall ;  and  indeed  dreadful  was 
the  clamour  which  these  things  raised  in 
the  women  within  the  city,  which  was 
echoed  back  at  the  same  time  by  the  cries 
of  such  as  were  slain;  while  the  whole 
space  of  ground  whereon  they  fought  ran 
with  blood,  and  the  wall  might  have  been 
ascended  over  by  the  bodies  of  the  dead 
carcasses;  the  mountains  also  contributed 
to  increase  the  noise  by  their  echoes;  nor 
was  there  on  that  night  any  thing  of  ter- 
ror wanting  that  could  either  affect  the 
hearing  or  the  sight;  yet  did  a  great  pan 
of  those  that  fought  so  hard  for  Jotapata 
fall  manfully,  as  were  a  great  part  of 
them  wounded.     However,  the   morning 


Chap.  VII.  1 


WARS   OF    THE    JEWS. 


265 


watch  wa?  come  ere  the  wall  yielded  to 
the  machines  employed  against  it,  though 
it  had  been  battered  trithout  intermi 

However,  those  within  covered  their  bodies 
with  their  armour,  and  raised  works  over 
against  that  part  which  was  thrown  down, 
before  those  machines  were  lai  1  by  which 
the  Romans  were  to  ascend  into  the  city. 

Iu  the  morning,  V  -•  isian  got  his  army 
together,  in  order  to  take  the  city  [by 
Btorm],  after  a  little  recreation  upon  the' 
hard  pains  they  had  been  at  the  night 
before ;  and  as  he  was  desirous  to  draw  ' 
off  those  that  opposed  him  from  the  places  ' 
where  the  wall  had  been  thrown  down, 
he  made  the  most  courageous  of  the 
horsemen  get  off  their  horses,  and  placed 
them  in  three  ranks  over  against  those 
ruins  of  the  walls,  but  covered  with  their 
armour  on  every  side,  and  with  poles  in 
their  hands,  that  so  these  might  begin 
their  ascent  as  soon  as  the  instruments 
for  such  ascent  were  laid:  behind  them 
he  placed  the  flower  of  the  footmen ;  but 
for  the  rest  of  the  horse,  he  ordered  them 
to  extend  themselves  over  against  the 
wall,  upon  the  whole  hilly  country,  in 
order  to  prevent  any  from  escaping  out  of 
the  city  when  it  should  be  taken ;  and 
behind  these  he  placed  the  archers  round 
about,  and  commanded  them  to  have  all 
their  darts  ready  to  shoot.  The  same 
command  he  gave  to  the  slingers,  and  to 
those  that  managed  the  engines,  and  bade 
them  to  take  up  their  ladders  and  have 
them  ready  to  lay  upon  those  parts  of  the 
wall  which  were  yet  untouched,  that  the 
besieged  might  be  engaged  in  trying  to 
hinder  their  ascent  by  them,  and  leave 
the  guard  of  the  parts  that  were  thrown 
down,  while  the  rest  of  them  should  be 
overborne  by  the  darts  cast  at  them,  and 
might  afford  his  men  an  entrance  into  the 
city. 

But  Josephus,  understanding  the  mean- 
ing of  Vespasian's  contrivance,  set  the 
old  men,  together  with  those  that  were 
tired  out,  at  the  sound  parts  of  the  wall, 
as  expecting  no  harm  from  those  quarters, 
but  set  the  strongest  of  his  men  at  the 
place  where  the  wall  was  broken  down,  and 
before  them  all,  sis  nirn  by  themselves, 
among  whom  he  took  his  share  of  the 
first  and  greatest  danger.  lie  also  gave 
orders  that  when  the  legions  made  a 
shout  they  should  stop  their  cars,  that 
they  might  not  be  affrighted  at  it,  and 
that,  to  avoid  the  multitude  of  the  ene- 
mies'  darts,   they   should    bend    1  two    uu 


their  knees,  and   cover    themseKe-  with 
their  shields,  and  that  they  should  retreat 
a    little    backward    for   a  while,    till    thi 
archers  should  have  emptied  their quh 
but  that,  when   the  Romans   shoal 
their  instruments  for  ascending  the  walk, 
they  should  leap  out  on  the  sudden,  and 
with  their  own  instruments  should  meet 
the  enemy,  and    that  every  one    should 
strive  to  do  his  best,  in  or  ler.  Dot  1 
fend  his  own  city,  as  if  it  were  possible  to 
be  preserved,  but  in  order  to  reveng 
when  it  was  already  destroyed;  and  that 
they  shoul  1  re    their   eyes    how 

their  old  men  were  to  be  slain,  and  their 
children  and  their  wives  to  be  killed  im- 
mediately by  the  enemy;  and  that  they 
would  beforehand  spend  all  their  fur 
account  of  the  calamities  just  coming 
upon  them,  and  pour  it  out  on  the  a 
And  thus  did  Josephus  dispose  of  both 
lies  of  men ;  but  then  for  the  use- 
less part  of  the  citizens,  the  women  and 
children,  when  they  saw  their  city  encom- 
passed by  a  threefold  army,  (for  none  of 
the  usual  guards  that  had  been  fighting 
before  were  removed,)  when  the 
saw  not  only  the  walls  thrown  down,  but 
their  enemies  with  swords  in  their  hand-, 
as  also  the  hilly  country  above  them 
shining  with  their  weapons,  and  the  darts 
in  the  hands  of  the  Arabian  archers,  they 
made  a  final  and  lamentable  outcry  of  the 
destruction,  as  if  the  misery  were  not 
only  threatened,  but  actually  come  upon 
them  already.  But  Josephus  ordered  the 
women  to  be  shut  up  in  their  houses,  lest 
they  should  render  the  warlike  actions  of 
the  men  too  effeminate,  by  making  them 
commiserate  their  condition,  and  com- 
manded them  to  hold  their  peace,  and 
threatened  them  if  they  did- not.  while  he 
came  himself  before  the  breach,  where  his 
allotment  was;  for  all  those  who  b: 
ladders  to  the  other  places,  he  took  no 
notice  of  them,  but  earnestly  wait 
the  shower  of  arrows  that  was  coming. 

And  now  the  trumpeters  of  the  several 
Roman  legions  sounded  together,  and  the 
army  made  a  terrible  shout;  and  the  dart-, 
as  by  order,  flew  so  fast  that  they  inter- 
cepted the  light.  However,  Josephus'.- 
men  remembered  the  charges  he  had 
given  them  :  they  stopped  their  ears  at  the 
sounds,  and  covered  their  bodies  against 
the  darts;  and  as  to  the  engines  that  wt  re 
set  ready  to  go  to  work,  the  Jews  ran  out 
upon  them  before  those  that  should  have 
them  were  gotten  upon  them.     And 


206 


AVARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


"Book  III 


now,  on  the  ascending  of  the  soldiers, 
there  was  a  great  conflict,  and  many  ac- 
tions of  the  hands  and  of  the  soul  were 
exhibited,  while  the  Jews  did  earnestly 
endeavour,  in  the  extreme  danger  they 
were  in,  not  to  show  less  courage  than 
those  who,  without  being  in  danger, 
fought  so  stoutly  against  them;  nor  did 
they  leave  struggling  with  the  Romans 
till  they  either  fell  down  dead  themselves, 
or  killed  their  antagonists.  But  the  Jews 
grew  weary  with  defending  themselves 
continually,  and  had  not  enow  to  come  in 
their  placed  to  succour  them, — while,  on 
the  side  of  the  Romans,  fresh  men  still 
succeeded  those  that  were  tired;  and  still 
new  men  soon  got  upon  the  machines  for 
ascent,  in  the  room  of  those  that  were 
thrust  down ;  those  encouraging  one  an- 
other, and  joining  side  to  side  with  their 
shields,  which  were  a  protection  to  them, 
they  became  a  body  of  men  not  to  be 
broken ;  and  as  this  baud  thrust  away  the 
Jews,  as  though  they  were  themselves  but 
one  body,  they  began  already  to  get  upon 
the  wall. 

Then  did  Josephus  take  necessity  for 
his  counsellor  in  this  utmost  distress, 
(which  necessity  is  very  sagacious  in  in- 
vention, when  it  is  irritated  by  despair,) 
and  gave  orders  to  pour  scalding  oil  upon 
those  whose  shields  protected  them. 
Whereupon  they  soon  got  it  ready,  being 
many  that  brought  it,  and  what  they 
brought  being  a  great  quantity  also,  and 
poured  it  on  all  sides  upon  the  Romans, 
and  threw  down  upon  them  their  vessels 
as  they  were  still  hissing  from  the  heat 
of  the  fire ;  this  so  burnt  the  Romans, 
that  it  dispersed  that  united  band,  who 
now  tumbled  down  from  the  wall  with 
horrid  pains,  for  the  oil  did  easily  run 
down  the  whole  body  from  head  to  foot, 
under  their  entire  armour,  and  fed  upon 
their  flesh  like  flame  itself,  its  fat  and 
unctuous  nature  rendering  it  Soon  heated 
aud  slowly  cooled ;  and  as  the  men  were 
cooped  up  in  their  headpieces  and  breast- 
plates, they  could  noway  get  free  from 
this  burning  oil;  they  could  only  leap 
and  roll  about  in  their  pains,  as  they  fell 
down  from  the  bridges  they  had  laid. 
And  as  they  were  thus  beaten  back,  and 
retired  to  their  own  party,  who  still 
pressed  them  forward,  they  were  easily 
wounded  by  those  that  were  behind  them. 

However,  in  this  ill  success  of  the  Ro- 
mans, their  courage  did  not  fail  them,  nor 
did   the  Jews  want  prudence   to    oppose 


them;  for  the  Romans,  although  they 
saw  their  own  men  thrown  down,  and  in 
a  miserable  condition,  yet  were  they  ve- 
.hemently  bent  against  those  that  poured 
the  oil  upon  them,  while  every  one  re- 
proached the  man  before  him  as  a  coward, 
and  one  that  hindered  him  from  exerting 
himself;  and  while  the  Jews  made  use  of 
another  stratagem  to  prevent  their  ascent, 
and  poured  boiling  fenugreek  upon  the 
boards,  in  order  to  make  them  slip  and 
fall  down; .  by  which  means  neither  could 
those  that  were  coming  up,  nor  those  that 
were  going  down,  stand  on  their  feet; 
but  some  of  them  fell  backward  upon  the 
machines  on  which  they  ascended,  and 
were  trodden  upon;  many  of  them  fell 
down  on  the  bank  they  had  raised,  and 
when  they  were  fallen  upon  it  were  slain 
by  the  Jews;  for  when  the  Romans  could 
not  keep  their  feet,  the  Jews,  being  freed 
from  fighting  hand  to  hand,  had  leisure 
to  throw  their  darts  at  them.  So  the 
general  called  off  those  soldiers  in  the 
evening  that  had  suffered  so  sorely,  of 
whom  the  number  of  the  slain  was  not  a 
few,  while  that  of  the  wounded  was  still 
greater;  but  of  the  people  of  Jotapata  no 
more  than  six"  men  were  killed,  although 
more  than  300  were  carried  off  wounded. 
This  fight  happened  on  the  twentieth  day 
of  the  month  Desius  [Sivan]. 

Hereupon  Vespasian  comforted  his  ar 
my  on  occasion  of  what  had  happened ; 
and  as  he  found  them  angry  indeed,  but 
rather  wanting  somewhat  to  do  than  any 
further  exhortations,  he  gave  orders  to 
raise  the  banks  still  higher,  aud  to  erect 
three  towers,  each  fifty  feet  high,  and  that 
they  should  cover  them  with  plates  of 
iron  on  every  side,  that  thev  might  bu 
both  firm  by  their  weight,  and  not  easily 
liable  to  be  set  on  fire.  These  towers  ho 
set  upon  the  banks,  and  placed  upon  them 
such  as  could  shoot  darts  and  arrows, 
with  the  lighter  engines  for  throwing 
stones  and  darts  also;  and  besides  these, 
he  set  upon  them  the  stoutest  men  among 
the  sliugers,  who,  not  being  to  be  seen, 
by  reason  of  the  height  they  .stood  upon 
and  the  battlements  that  protected  them, 
might  throw  their  weapons  at  those  that 
were  upon  the  wall,  and  weie  easily  seen 
by  them.  Hereupon  the  Jews,  not  being 
easily  able  to  escape  those  darts  that  were 
thrown  down  upon  their  heads,  nor  to 
avenge  themselves  on  those  whom  they 
could  not  see,  and  perceiving  that  the 
height  of  the  towers  was  so  great,  that  a 


Chap.  VII.  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


267 


dart  which  they  threw  with  their  hand 
could  hardly  reach  it,  and  that  the  iron 
plates  about  them  made  it  very  hard  to 
come  at  them  by  fire,  they  ran  away  from 
the  walls,  and  fled  hastily  out  of  the  city, 
and  fell  upon  those  that  shot  at  them. 
And  thus  did  the  people  of  Jotapata  re- 
sist the  Romans,  while  a  great  number  of 
them  were  every  day  killed,  without  their 
being  able  to  retort  the  evil  upon  their 
enemies  ;  nor  could  they  keep  them  out 
of  the  city  without  danger  to  themselves. 
About  this  time  it  was  that  Vespasian 
sent  out  Trajan  against  a  city  called 
Japha,  that  lay  near  to  Jotapata,  and  that 
desired  innovations,  and  was  puffed  up 
with  the  unexpected  length  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  Jotapata.  This  Trajan  was  the 
commander  of  the  tenth  legion,  and  to 
him  Vespasian  committed  1000  horsemen 
and  2000  footmen.  When  Trajan  came 
to  the  city,  he  found  it  hard  to  be  taken, 
for,  besides  the  natural  strength  of  its 
situation,  it  was  also  secured  by  a  double 
wall ;  but  when  he  saw  the  people  of  this 
city  coming  out  of  it,  and  ready  to  fight 
him,  he  joined  battle  with  them,  and 
after  a  short  resistance  which  they  made, 
he  pursued  after  them  ;  and  as  they  fled  to 
their  first  wall,  the  Romans  followed  them 
80  closely,  that  they  fell  in  together  with 
them  :  but  when  the  Jews  were  endeavour- 
ing to  get  again  within  their  second  wall, 
their  fellow-citizens  shut  them  out,  as  be- 
ing afraid  that  the  Romans  would  force 
themselves  in  with  them.  It  was  certain- 
ly God,  therefore,  who  brought  the  Ro- 
mans to  punish  the  Galileans,  and  did 
then  expose  the  people  of  the  city  every 
one  of  them  manifestly  to  be  destroyed 
by  their  bloody  enemies;  for  they  fell 
upon  the  gates  in  great  crowds,  and  ear- 
nestly calling  to  those  that  kept  them, 
and  that  by  their  names  also,  yet  had  they 
their  throats  cut  in  the  very  midst  of  their 
supplications;  for  the  enemy  shut  the 
gates  of  the  first  wall,  and  their  own  citizens 
shut  the  gates  of  the  second,  so  they  were 
enclosed  between  two  walls,  and  were  slain 
in  great  numbers  together  ;  many  of  them 
were  run  through  by  swords  of  their  own 
men,  and  many  by  their  own  swords,  be- 
sides an  immense  number  that  were  slain 
by  the  Romans ; — nor  had  they  any  cou- 
rage to  revenge  themselves;  for  there  was 
added  to  the  consternation  they  were  in 
from  the  enemy,  their  being  betrayed  by 
their  own  friends,  which  quite  broke  their 
spirits;  and  at    last    they   died,  cursing, 


not  the  Romans,  but  their  own  citizens, 
till  they  were  all  destroyed,  being  in  num- 
ber 12,000.  So  Trajan  gathered  that  the 
city  was  empty  of  people  that  could  fight, 
and  although  there  should  a  few  of  them 
be  therein,  he  supposed  that  they  would 
be  too  timorous  to  venture  upon  any  op- 
position;  so  he  reserved  the  taking  of  tho 
city  to  the  general.  Accordingly,  he  Bent 
messengers  to  Vespasian,  and  desired  him 
to  send  his  son  Titus  to  finish  the  victory 
he  had  gained.  Vespasian  hereupon  ima- 
gining there  might  be  some  pains  still 
necessary,  sent  his  son  with  an  army  of 
500  horsemen  and  1000  footmen.  So 
he  came  quickly  to  the  city,  and  put  his 
army  in  order,  and  set  Trajan  over  the 
left  wing,  while  he  had  the  right  himself, 
and  led  them  to  the  siege  :  and  when  the 
soldiers  brought  ladders  to  be  laid  against 
the  wall  on  every  side,  the  Galileans  op- 
posed them  from  above  for  a  while  ;  but 
soon  afterward  they  left  the  walls.  Then 
did  Titus's  men  leap  into  the  city,  and 
seized  upon  it  presently  ;  but  when  those 
that  were  in  it  were  gotten  together,  there 
was  a  fierce. battle  between  them;  for  the 
men  of  power  fell  upon  the  Romans  in 
the  narrow  streets,  and  the  women  threw 
whatsoever  came  next  to  hand  at  them, 
and  sustained  a  fight  with  them  for  six 
hours'  time ;  but  when  the  fighting  men 
were  spent,  the  rest  of  the  multitude 
had  their  throats  cut,  partly  in  the  open 
air  and  partly  in  their  own  houses,  both 
young  and  old  together.  So  there  were 
no  males  now  remaining,  besides  infants, 
who  with  the  women  were  carried  as 
slaves  into  captivity ;  so  that  the  number 
of  the  slaiu,  both  now  in  the  city  and  at 
the  former  fight,  was  15,000,  and  the 
captives  were  2130.  This  calamity  befell 
the  Galileans  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 
the  month  Desius  [Sivan]. 

Nor  did  the  Samaritans  escape  their 
share  of  misfortunes  at  this  time  ;  for  they 
assembled  themselves  together  upon  the 
mountain  called  Gerizzim,  which  is  with 
them  a  holy  mountain,  and  there  they  re- 
mained ;  which  collection  of  theirs,  as 
well  as  the  courageous  minds  they  showed, 
could  not  but  threaten  somewhat  of  war; 
nor  were  they  rendered  wiser  by  the  mise- 
ries that  had  come  upon  their  neighbour- 
ing cities.  They  also,  notwithstanding 
the  great  success  the  Romans  had,  marched 
on  in  an  unreasonable  manner,  depending 
on  their  own  weakness,  and  were  dis- 
posed for  any  tumult  upon  its  firstappear- 


268 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  III. 


ance.  Vespasian  therefore  thought  it 
best  to  prevent  their  motions,  and  to  cut 
off  the  foundation  of  their  attempts;  for 
although  all  Samaria  had  ever  garrisons 
settled  among  them,  yet  did  the  number 
of  those  that  were  come  to  mount  Gerriz- 
zim,  and  their  conspiracy  together,  give 
ground  to  fear  what  they  would  be  at : 
he  therefore  sent  thither  Cerealis,  the 
commander  of  the  fifth  legion,  with  COO 
horsemen  and  8000  footmen,  who  did  not 
think  it  safe  to  go  up  to  the  mountain 
and  give  them  battle,  because  many  of 
the  enemy  were  on  the  higher  part  of  the 
ground ;  so  he  encompassed  all  the  lower 
part  of  the  mountain  with  his  army,  and 
watched  them  all  that  clay.  Now  it  hap- 
pened that  the  Samaritans,  who  were  now 
destitute  of  water,  were  inflamed  with  a 
violent  heat,  (for  it  was  summer  time,  and 
the  multitude  had  not  provided  themselves 
with  necessaries,)  insomuch  that  some  of 
them  died  that  very  day  with  heat,  while 
others  of  them  preferred  slavery  before 
such  a  death  as  that  was,  and  fled  to  the 
Romans;  by  whom  Cerealis  understood 
that  those  who  still  stayed  there  were 
very  much  broken  by  their  misfortunes. 
So  he  went  up  to  the  mountain,  and  hav- 
ing placed  his  forces  round  about  the  ene- 
my, he,  in  the  first  place,  exhorted  them 
to  take  the  security  of  his  right  hand, 
and  come  to  terms  witlThim,  and  thereby 
save  themselves ;  and  assured  them  that 
if  they  would  lay  down  their  arms,  he 
would  secure  them  from  any  harm  ;  but 
when  he  could  not  prevail  with  them,  he 
fell  upon  them  and  slew  them  all,  being 
in  number  11,600.  This  was  done  on 
the  twenty-seventh  day  of  the  month  De- 
sius  [Sivan].  And  these  were  the  cala- 
mities that  befell  the  Samaritans  at  this 
time. 

But  as  the  people  of  Jotapata  still  held 
out  manfully,  and  bore  up  under  their 
miseries  beyond  all  that  could  be  hoped 
for,  on  the  forty-seventh  day  [of  the  siege] 
the  banks  cast  up  by  the  Romans  were 
become  higher  than  the  wall;  on  which 
day  a  certain  deserter  went  to  Vespasian, 
and  told  him  how  few  were  left  in  the 
city,  and  how  weak  they  were,  and  that 
they  had  been  so  worn  out  with  perpetual 
watching,  and  also  perpetual  fighting, 
that  they  could  not  now  oppose  any  force 
that  came  against  them,  and  that  they 
might  be  taken  by  stratagem,  if  any  one 
would  attack  them ;  for  that  about  the 
last  watch  of  the  night,  when  they  thought 


they  might  have  some  rest  from  the  hard- 
ships they  were  under,  and  when  a  morn- 
ing sleep  used  to  come  upon  them,  as  they 
were  thoroughly  weary,  he  said  the  watch 
used  to  fall  asleep:  accordingly  his  advice 
was  that  they  should  make  their  attack  at 
that  hour.  But  Vespasian  had  a  suspi- 
cion about  this  deserter,  as  knowing  how 
faithful  the  Jews  were  to  one  another, 
and  how  much  they  despised  any  puuish- 
ments  that  could  be  inflicted  on  them  ; 
this  last,  because  one  of  the  people  of 
Jotapata  had  undergone  all  sorts  of  tor- 
ments, and  though  they  made  him  pass 
through  a  fiery  trial  of  his  enemies  in  his 
examination,  yet  would  he  inform  them 
nothing  of  the  affairs  within  the  city,  and 
as  he  was  crucified,  smiled  at  them  ! 
However,  the  probability  there  was  in 
the  relation  itself  did  partly  confirm  the 
truth  of  what  the  deserter  told  them,  and 
they  thought  he  might  probably  speak 
the  truth.  However,  Vespasian  thought 
they  should  be  no  great  sufferers  if  the 
report  was  a  sham ;  so  he  commanded  them 
to  keep  the  man  in  custody,  and  prepared 
the  army  for  taking  the  city. 

According  to  which  resolution  they 
marched  without  noise  at  the  hour  that 
had  been  told  them,  to  the  wall ;  and  it 
was  Titus  himself  that  first  got  upon  it, 
with  one  of  his  tribunes,  Domitius  Sabi- 
nus,  and  had  a  few  of  the  fifteenth  legion 
along  with  him.  So  they  cut  the  throats 
of  the  watch,  and  entered  the  city  very 
quietly.  After  these  came  Cerealis,  the 
tribune,  and  Placidus,  and  led  on  those 
that  were  under  them.  Now  when  the 
citadel  was  taken,  and  the  enemy  were  in 
the  very  midst  of  the  city,  and  when  it 
was  already  day,  yet  was  not  the  taking 
of  the  city  known  by  those  that  held  it ; 
for  a  great  many  of  them  were  fast  asleep, 
and  a  great  mist,  which  then  by  chance 
fell  upon  the  city,  hindered  those  that  got 
up  from  distinctly  seeing  the  case  they 
were  in,  till  the  whole  Roman  army  was 
gotten  in,  and  they  were  raised  up  only 
to  find  the  miseries  they  were  under ;  and 
as  they  were  slaying,  they  perceived  the 
city  was  taken.  And  for  the  Romans, 
they  so  well  remembered  what  they  had 
suffered  during  the  siege,  that  they 
spared  none,  nor  pitied  any,  but  drove 
the  people  down  the  precipice  from  the 
citadel,  and  slew  them  as  they  drove  them 
down ;  at  which  time  the  difficulties  of 
the  place  hindered  those  that  were  still 
able  to  fight  from  defending  themselves ; 


Chap.  VIII.J 

for  as  they  were  distressed  in  the  narrow 
streets,  and  could  not  keep  their  feet  sure 
along  the  precipice,  they  were  overpowered 
with  the  crowd  of  those  that  came  fight- 
ing them  down  from  the  citadel.  This 
provoked  a  great  many,  even  of  those 
ohosen  men  that  were  about  Josephus,  to 
kill  themselves  with  their  own  hands ; 
for  when  they  saw  that  they  could  kill 
none  of  the  Romans,  they  resolved  to 
prevent  being  killed  by  the  Romans,  and 
got  together  in  great  numbers,  in  the  ut- 
most parts  of  the  city,  and  killed  them- 
selves. 

However,  such  of  the  watch  as  at  the 
first  perceived  they  were  taken,  and  ran 
away  as  fast  as  they  could,  went  up  into 
one  of  the  towers  on  the  north  side  of  the 
city,  and  for  a  while  defended  themselves 
there;  but  as  they  were  encompassed  with 
a  multitude  of  euemies,  they  tried  to  use 
their  right  hands  when  it  was  too  late, 
and  at  length  they  cheerfully  offered 
their  necks  to  be  cut  off  by  those  that 
stood  over  them.  And  the  Romans  might 
have  boasted  that  the  conclusion  of  that 
siege  was  without  blood  [on  their  side], 
if  there  had  not  been  a  centurion,  Anto- 
nius,  who  was  slain  at  the  taking  of  the 
city.  His  death  was  occasioned  by  the 
following  treachery  :  for  there  was  one  of 
those  that  were  fled  into  the  caverns, 
which  were  a  great  number,  who  desired 
that  this  Antonius  would  reach  him  his 
right  hand  for  his  security,  and  would  as- 
sure him  that  he  would  preserve  him,  and 
give  him  his  assistance  in  getting  up  out 
of  the  cavern  ;  accordingly,  he  incautious- 
ly reached  him  his  right  hand,  while  the 
other  man  prevented  him,  and  stabbed 
him  under  his  loins  with  a  spear,  and  killed 
him  immediately. 

And  on  this  day  the  Romans  slew  all  the 
multitude  that  appeared  openly;  but  on  the 
following  days  they  searched  the  hiding- 
places,  and  fell  upon  those  that  were  under 
ground,  and  in  the  caverns,  and  went 
thus  through  every  age,  excepting  the 
infants  and  the  women,  and  of  these  there 
were  gathered  together  as  captive  1200; 
and  as  for  those  that  were  slain,  at  the 
taking  of  the  city,  and  in  the  former 
fights,  they  were  numbered  to  be  40,000. 
So  Vespasian  gave  order  that  the  city 
should  be  entirely  demolished,  and  all  the 
fortifications  burnt  down.  And  thus  was 
Jotapata  taken,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of 
the  reign  of  Nero,  on  the  first  day  of  the 
month  Paneinus  [Tamuz]. 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


2G9 


CHAPTER  VIIL 


Josephus  discovered  in  a  cave — If''  deliver!  him- 
self up  to  the  Romans,  who  bring  him  before 
Vespasian. 

And  now  the  Romans  searched  for 
Josephus,  both  out  of  the  hatred  they 
bore  him,  and  because  their  general  was 
very  desirous  to  have  him  taken  ;  for  he 
reckoned  that  if  he  were  once  taken,  the 
greatest  part  of  the  war  would  be  over. 
They  then  searched  among  the  dead,  and 
looked  into  the  most  concealed  recesses 
of  the  city ;  but  as  the  city  was  first 
taken,  he  was  assisted  by  a  certain  super- 
natural providence;  for  he  withdrew  him- 
self from  the  enemy  when  he  was  in  the 
midst  of  them,  aud  leaped  into  a  certain 
deep  pit,  whereto  there  adjoined  a  large 
den  at  one  side  of  it,  which  den  could  not 
be  seen  by  those  that  were  above  ground ; 
and  here  he  met  with  forty  persons  of 
eminence  that  had  concealed  themselves, 
and  with  provisions  enough  to  satisfy  them 
for  not  a  few  days.  So  in  the  daytime 
he  hid  himself  from  the  enemy,  who  had 
seized  upon  all  places;  and  in  the  night- 
time he  got  up  out  of  the  den,  and  looked 
about  for  some  way  of  escaping,  and  took 
exact  notice  of  the  watch  :  but  as  all 
places  were  guarded  everywhere  on  his 
account,  that  there  was  no  way  of  getting 
off  unseen,  he  weut  down  again  into  the 
den.  Thus  he  concealed  himself  two 
days;  but  on  the  third  day,  when  they 
had  taken  a  woman  who  had  been  with 
them,  he  was  discovered.  Whereupon 
Vespasian  sent  immediately  aud  zealously 
two  tribunes,  Paulinus  aud  Gallicanus, 
aud  ordered  them  to  give  Josephus  their 
right  hands  as  a  security  for  his  life,  and 
to  exhort  him  to  come  up. 

So  they  came  and  invited  the  man  to 
come  up,  and  gave  him  assurances  that 
his  life  should  be  preserved  ;  but  they  did 
not  prevail  with  him ;  for  he  gathered 
suspicions  from  the  probability  there  was 
that  one  who  had  done  so  many  things 
against  the  Romans  must  suffer  for  it, 
though  not  from  the  mild  temper  of  those 
that  invited  him.  However,  he  was  afraid 
that  he  was  invited  to  come  up  in  order 
to  be  punished,  until  Vespasian  sent  be- 
sides these  a  third  tribune,  Nicanor,  to 
him  :  he  was  one  that  was  well  known  to 
Josephus,  and  had  been  his  familiar  ac- 
quaintance in  old  time.  When  he  was 
come,  he  enlarged  upon  the  natural  mild- 
ness of  the  Romans  toward  those  they 
have  once  conquered;  and  told  him  that 


270 


WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  IIL 


he  bad  behaved  himself  so  valiantly,  that 
the  commanders  rather  admired  thau  hated 
him ;  that  the  general  was  very  desirous 
to  have  him  brought  to  him,  not  in  order 
to  punish  him,  for  that  he  could  do  though 
he  should  not  come  voluntarily,  but  that 
he  was  determined  to  preserve  a  man  of 
his  courage.  He  moreover  added  this, 
that  Vespasian,  had  he  been  resolved  to 
impose  upon  him,  would  not  have  sent  to 
him  a  friend  of  his  own,  nor  put  the 
fairest  colour  upon  the  vilest  action,  by 
pretending  friendship  and  meaning  per- 
fidiousness;  nor  would  he  have  himself 
acquiesced,  or  come  to  him,  had  it  been 
to  deceive  him. 

Now,  as  Josephus  began  to  hesitate  with 
himself  about  Nicanor's  proposal,  the  sol- 
diery were  so  angry,  that  they  ran  hastily 
to  set  fire  to  the  den ;  but  the  tribune 
would  not  permit  them  so  to  do,  as  being 
very  desirous  to  take  the  man  alive.  And 
now,  as  Nieanor  lay  hard  at  Josephus  to 
comply,  and  he  understood  how  the  mul- 
titude of  the  enemy  threatened  him,  he 
called  to  mind  the  dreams  which  he  had 
dreamed  in  the  night-time,  whereby  God 
had  signified  to  him  beforehand  both  the 
future  calamities  of  the  Jews,  and  the 
events  that  concerned  the  Roman  em- 
perors. Now  Josephus  was  able  to  give 
shrewd  conjectures  about  the  interpretation 
of  such  dreams  as  have  been  ambiguously 
delivered  by  God.  Moreover,  he  was  not 
unacquainted  with  the  prophecies  con- 
tained in  the  sacred  books,  as  being  a 
priest  himself,  and  of  the  posterity  of 
priests ;  and  just  then  was  he  in  an  ecstasy ; 
and  setting  before  him  the  tremendous 
images  of  the  dreams  he  had  lately  had, 
he  put  up  a  secret  prayer  to  God,  and 
said — "Since  it  pleaseth  thee,  who  hast 
created  the  Jewish  nation,  to  depress  the 
same,  and  since  all  their  good  fortune  is 
gone  over  to  the  Romans;  and  since  thou 
hast  made  choice  of  this  soul  of  mine  to 
foretell  what  is  to  come  to  pass  hereafter, 
I  willingly  give  them  my  hands,  and  am 
content  to  live.  And  1  protest  openly, 
that  I  do  not  go  over  to  the  Romans  as  a 
deserter  of  the  Jews,  but  as  a  minister 
from  thee." 

When  he  had  said  this,  he  complied 
with  Nicanor's  invitation.  But  when 
those  Jews  who  had  fled  with  him,  under- 
stood that  he  yielded  to  those  that  invited 
him  to  come  up,  they  came  about  him  in 
a  body,  and  cried  out:  "Nay,  indeed, 
now  may    the    laws   of   our   forefathers, 


which  God  ordained  himself,  groan  to 
some  purpose ;  that  God  we  mean  who 
hath  created  the  souls  of  the  Jews  of  such 
a  temper  that  they  despise  death.  0 
Josephus  !  art  thou  still  fond  of  life ;  and 
canst  thou  bear  to  see  the  light  in  a  state 
of  slavery  ?  How  soon  hast  thou  for- 
gotten thyself !  How  many  hast  thou 
persuaded  to  lose  their  lives  for  liberty  ! 
Thou  hast  therefore  had  a  false  reputation 
for  manhood,  and  a  like  false  reputation 
for  wisdom,  if  thou  canst  hope  for  preser- 
vation from  those  against  whom  thou  hast 
fought  so  zealously,  and  art  however  will- 
ing to  be  preserved  by  them,  if  they  be 
in  earnest.  But  although  the  good  fortune 
of  the  Romans  hath  made  thee  forget 
thyself,  we  ought  to  take  care  that  the 
glory  of  our  forefathers  may  not  be 
tarnished.  We  will  lend  thee  our  right 
hand  and  a  sword ;  and  if  thou  wilt  die 
willingly,  thou  wilt  die  as  general  of  the 
Jews;  but  if  unwillingly,  thou  wilt  die  as 
a  traitor  to  them."  As  soon  as  they  said 
this,  they  began  to  thrust  their  swords  at 
him,  and  threatened  they  would  kill  him, 
if  he  thought  of  yielding  himself  to  the 
Romans. 

Upon  this,  Josephus  was  afraid  of  their 
attacking  him,  and  yet  thought  he  should 
be  a  betrajer  of  the  commands  of  God  if 
he  died  before  they  were  delivered.  So 
he  began  to  talk  like  a  philosopher  to 
them  in  the  distress  he  was  then  in,  when 
he  said  thus  to  them  : — "0  my  friends, 
why  are  we  so  earnest  to  kill  ourselves? 
and  why  do  we  set  our  soul  and  body, 
which  arc  such  dear  companions,  at  such 
variance  ?  Can  any  one  pretend  that  I 
am  not  the  man  I  was  formerly  ?  Nay, 
the  Romans  are  sensible  how  that  matter 
stands  well  enough.  It  is  a  brave  thing 
to  die  in  war;  but  so  that  it  be  according 
to  the  law  of  war,  by  the  hand  of  con- 
querors. If,  therefore,  I  avoid  death 
from  the  sword  of  the  Romans,  I  am 
truly  worthy  to  be  killed  by  my  own 
sword,  and  my  own  hand ;  but  if  they 
admit  of  mercy,  and  would  spare  their 
enemy,  how  much  more  ought  we  to  have 
mercy  upon  ourselves,  and  to  spare  our- 
selves! for  it  is  certainly  a  foolish  thing 
to  do  that  to  ourselves  which  we  quarrel 
with  them  for  doing  to  us.  I  confess 
freely,  that  it  is  a  brave  thing  to  die  for 
liberty  ;  but  still  so  that  it  be  in  war,  and 
done  by  those  who  take  that  liberty  from 
us;  but  at  present  our  enemies  do  neithei 
meet  us  in  battle,  nor  do   they  kill  us 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


271 


Now,  be  is  equally  a  coward  who  will  not 
die  wnen  he  is  obliged  to  die,  and  he  who 

will  die  when  he  is  not  obliged  so  to  do. 
What  are  we  afraid  of,  when  wc  will  not 
go  up  to  the  Romans?     Is  it  death  ?     If 
60,  what  we  are  afraid   of,  when  wc  but 
suspect  our  enemies  will  inflict  it  on  lis, 
shall  wc  inflict  it  on  ourselves  for  certain? 
But  it  may  be  said,  wc  must  be  slaves. 
And  are  we  then  in  a  clear  state  of  liberty 
at  present  ?     It  may  also  be  said,  that  it 
is  a  manly  act   for  one   to  kill   himself. 
No,  certainly,  but  a  most  unmanly  one; 
as  I  should  esteem  that  pilot   to   be  an 
arrant  coward,  who,  out  of  fear  of  a  storm, 
should  sink   his  ship  of  his  own  accord. 
Now,  self-murder  is  a  crime  most  remote 
from  the  common  nature  of  all  animals, 
and  an  instance  of  impiety  against  God 
our  Creator :    nor   indeed    is    there    any 
animal  that  dies  by  its  own  contrivance, 
or  by  its  own  means  ;    for  the  desire  of 
life   is  a  law  engraven  in  them  all;    on 
which  account  we  deem  those  that  openly 
take  it  away  from  us  to  be  our  enemies, 
and   those   that    do    it   by  treachery  are 
punished  for  so  doing.     And  do  not  you 
think  that  God  is  very  angry  when  a  man 
does  injury  to  what  he  hath  bestowed  on 
him  ?    for  from  him  it  is  that  we   have 
received  our  being;  and  we  ought  to  leave 
it  to  his  disposal  to  take  that  being  away 
from  us.     The  bodies  of  all  men  are  in- 
deed mortal,  and  are  created  out  of  corrup- 
tible  matter;    but  the   soul  is  ever  im- 
mortal, and  is  a  portion  of  the  Divinity 
that  iuhabits  our  bodies.     Besides,  if  any 
one   destroys   or  abuses  a  depositum  he 
hath  received   from    a   mere   man,    he   is 
esteemed  a  wicked  and  perfidious  person ; 
but  then  if  any  one  cast  out  of  his  body 
this   divine   depositum,   can  we  imagine 
that  he  who  is  there  affronted  does  not 
know   of  it.     Moreover,   our   law  justly 
orduins   that  slaves  who  run  away  from 
their  master   shall  be  punished,  though 
the  masters  they  ran  away  from  may  have 
been  wicked  masters  to  them.     And  shall 
we  endeavour   to    run   away   from   God, 
who  is  the  best  of  all  masters,  and  not 
think  ourselves  highly  guilty  of  impiety  ? 
Do  not  you  know  that  those  who  depart 
out  of  this  life  according  to  the  law  of 
nature,  aud  pay  that  debt  which  was  re- 
ceived from  God,  when  he  that  lent  it  us 
is  pleased  to  require  it  back,  enjoy  eternal 
fame  ?  that  their  houses  and  their  posterity 
are  sure   that   their   souls   are  pure   and 
obedient,  and  obtain  a  most  holy  place  in 


heaven,  from  whence,  in  the  revolution 
of    ages,  they  are  again    sent   into   pure 
bodies;   while   the  souls  of  those  whoso 
hands   have   acted    madly  against    them- 
selves are  received  by  the  darkest  place 
in  Hades,  and  while  God,  who   is   their 
father,  punishes  those  that  offend  against 
either  of   them   in   their  posterity  ?     for . 
which  reason  God  hates  such  doings,  and 
the  crime  is  punished  by  our  most  wise 
legislator.     Accordingly,  our  laws  deter- 
mine that  the  bodies  of  such  as  kill  them- 
selves should  be  exposed  till  the  sun  bo 
set,  without  burial,  although  at  the  same 
time  it  be  allowed  by  them  to  be  lawful 
to  bury  our  enemies  [sooner].     The  laws 
of  other  nations  also  enjoin  such  men's 
hands  to  be  cut  off  when   they  are  dead, 
which  had  been  made  use  of  in  destroying 
themselves  when  alive,  while  they  reckoned 
that  as  the  body  is  alien  from  the  son], 
so  is  the  hand  alien  from  the  body.    It 
is  therefore,  my  friends,  a  right  thing  to 
reason  justly,  and  not  add  to  the  calamities 
which  men  bring  upon  us,  impiety  toward 
our  Creator.     If  we  have  a  mind  to  pre- 
serve ourselves,  let  us  do  it;    for  to  be 
preserved  by  those  our  enemies,  to  whom 
we  have  given  so  many  demonstrations  of 
our  courage,  is  no  way  inglorious ;  but  it 
we  have  a  mind  to  die,  it  is  good  to  die 
by  the  hand  of  those  that  have  conquered 
us.     For  my  part,  I  will  not  run  over  to 
our  enemies'  quarters,  in  order  to  be  a 
traitor  to  myself;  for  certainly  I  should 
then  be  much  more  foolish  than  those  that 
deserted  to  the  enemy,  since  they  did  it  in 
order  to  save  themselves,  and    I  should 
do  it  for  my  own  destruction.      Howeverj 
I  heartily  wish   the  Romans  may  prove 
treacherous  in  this  matter;    for  if,  after 
their  offer  of  their  right  hand  for  security, 
I  be  slain  by  them,  1  shall  die  cheerfully, 
and  carry  away  with  me  the  sense  of  their 
perfidiousness,    as    a   consolation    greater 
than  victory  itself." 

Now  these  and  many  the  like  motives 
did  Josephus  use  to  these  men,  to  prevent 
their  murdering  themselves;  but  despe- 
ration had  shut  their  cars,  as  having  long 
ago  devoted  themselves  to  die,  and  they 
were  irritated  at  Josephus.  They  then 
ran  upon  him  with  their  swords  in  then- 
hands,  one  from  one  quarter,  and  another 
from  another,  and  called  him  a  coward, 
and  every  one  of  them  appeared  openly 
as  if  he  were  ready  to  smite  him  ;  but,  he 
calling  to  one  of  them  by  name,  and 
looking   like   a  general  to  another,  aud 


[L 


zr^\ 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  II L 


taking  a  third  by  the  hand,  and  making  |  taken,  and  some  threatened  him,  and  some 


a  fourth  ashamed  of  himself,  by  praying 
him  to  forbear,  and  being  in  this  condition 
distracted  with  various  passions,  (as  he 
well  might  in  the  great  distress  he  was 
then  in,)  he  kept  off  every  one  of  their 
swords  from  killing  him,  and  was  forced 
to  do  like  such  wild  beasts  as  are  encom- 
passed about  on  every  side,  who  always 
turn  themselves  against  those  that  last 
touched  them.  Nay,  some  of  their  right 
hands  were  debilitated  by  the  reverence 
they  bore  to  their  general  in  these  his 
fatal  calamities,  and  their  swords  dropped 
out  of  their  hands;  and  not  a  few  of  them 
there  were,  who,  when  they  aimed  to 
smite  him  with  their  swords,  were  not 
thoroughly  either  willing  or  able  to  do  it. 

However,  in  this  extreme  distress,  he 
was  not   destitute  of  his   usual  sagacity 
but  trusting  himself  to  the  providence  of 
God,  he  put  his  life  into  hazard  [in  the 
manner  following]  : — "  And  now,"  said  he, 
"since  it  is  resolved  among  you  that  you 
will  die,  come  on,  let  us  commit  our  mu- 
tual deaths  to  determination  by  lot.     He 
whom  the  lot  falls  to  first,  let  him  be  kill- 
ed by  him  that  hath  the  second  lot,  and 
thus    fortune    shall    make    its    progress 
through  us  all;  nor  shall  any  of  us  perish 
by  his  own  right  hand,  for  it  would  be  un- 
fair if,  when  the  rest  are  gone,  somebody 
should  repent  and  save  "himself."      This 
proposal  appeared  to  them  to  be  very  just; 
and  when  he  had  prevailed  with  them  to 
determine  this  matter  by  lots,  he  drew  one 
of  the  lots  for  himself  also.     He  who  had 
the  first  lot  laid  his  neck  bare  to  him  that 
had  the  next,  as  supposing  that  the  gene- 
ral would  die  among  them  immediately ; 
for  they  thought  death,  if  Josephus  might 
but  die  with  them,  was  sweeter  than  life; 
yet  was  he  with  another  left  to  the  last, 
whether  we  must  say  it  happened  so  by 
chance,  or  whether  by  the  providence  of 
God ;  and  as  he  was  very  desirous  neither 
to  be  condemned  by  the  lot,  nor,  if  he  had 
been  left  to  the  last,  to  imbrue  his  right 
hand  in  the  blood  of  his  countryman,  he 
persuaded  him  to  trust  his  fidelity  to  him, 
and  to  live  as  well  as  himself. 

Thus  Josephus  escaped  in  the  war  with 
the  Romans,  and  in  this  his  own  war  with 
his  friends,  and  was  led  by  Nicanor  to 
Vespasian ;  but  now  all  the  Romans  ran 
together  to  see  him,  and  as  the  multitude 
pressed  one  upon  another  about  their  ge- 
neral, there  was  a  tumult  of  a  various  kind ; 
while  some  rejoiced  that  Josephus  was 


crowded  to  see  him  very  near;  but  those 
that  were  more  remote  cried  out  to  have 
this  their  enemy  put  to  death,  while  those 
that  were  near  called  to  mind  the  actions 
he  had  done,  and  a  deep  concern  appeared 
at  the  change  of  his  fortune.  Nor  were 
there  any  of  the  Roman  commanders,  how 
much  soever  they  had  been  enraged  at 
him  before,  but  relented  when  they  came 
to  the  sight  of  him.  Above  all  the  rest, 
Titus's  own  valor,  and  Josephus's  own  pa- 
tience under  his  afflictions,  made  him  pity 
him;  as  did  also  the  commiseration  of  his 
age,  when  he  recalled  to  mind  that  but  a 
little  ago  he  was  fighting,  but  lay  now  in 
the  hands  of  his  enemies,  which  made  him 
consider  the  power  of  fortune,  and  how 
epiick  is  the  turn  of  affairs  in  war,  and  how 
no  state  of  men  is  sure;  for  which  reason 
he  then  made  a  great  many  more  to  be  of 
the  same  pitiful  temper  with  himself,  and 
induced  them  to  commiserate  Josephus. 
He  was  also  of  great  weight  in  persuading 
his  father  to  preserve  him.  However, 
Vespasian  gave  strict  orders  that  he  should 
be  kept  with  great  caution,  as  though  he 
would,  in  a  very  little  time,  send  him  to 
Nero. 

When  Josephus  heard  him  give  those 
orders,  he  said  that  he  had  somewhat  in 
his  mind  that  he  would  willingly  say  to 
himself  alone.  When  therefore  they  were 
all  ordered  to  withdraw,  excepting  Titus 
and  two  of  their  friends,  he  said,  "Thou, 
0  Vespasian,  thinkest  no  more  than  that 
thou  hast  taken  Josephus  himself  captive ; 
but  I  come  to  thee  as  a  messenger  of  great- 
er tidings;  for  had  not  I  been  sent  by 
God  to  thee,  I  knew  what  was  the  law  of 
the  Jews  in  this  case,  and  how  it  becomes 
generals  to  die.  Dost  thou  send  me  to 
Nero  ?  For  why  ?  Are  Nero's  successors 
till  they  come  to  thee  still  alive  ?  Thou,  O 
Vespasian,  art  Caesar  and  emperor,  thou, 
and  this  thy  son.  Bind  me  now  still 
faster,  and  keep  me  for  thyself,  for  thou, 
0  Caesar,  art  not  only  lord  over  me,  but 
over  the  land  and  the  sea,  and  all  man- 
kind; and  certainly  I  deserve  to  be  kept 
in  closer  custody  than  I  am  now  in,  in 
order  to  be  punished,  if  I  rashly  affirm  any 
thing  of  God."  When  he  had  said  this, 
Vespasian  at  present  did  not  believe  him, 
but  supposed  that  Josephus  said  this  as  a 
cunning  trick,  in  order  to  his  own  preserva- 
tion ;  but  in  a  little  time  he  was  convinced, 
and  believed  what  he  said  to  be  true,  God 
himself  erecting  his  expectations,  so  as  to 


Chap.  IX.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


273 


think  of  obtaining  the  empire,  and  by 
other  signs  foreshowing  his  advancement. 
He  also  found  Josephus  to  have  spoken 
truth  on  other  occasions;  for  one  of  those 
friends  that  were  present  at  that  secret 
conference,  said  to  Josephus,  "  I  cannot 
but  wonder  how  thou  couldst  not  foretell 
to  the  people  of  Jotapata,  that  they  should 
be  taken,  nor  couldst  foretell  this  captivi- 
ty which  hath  happened  to  thyself,  unless 
what  thou  now  sayest  be  a  vain  thing,  in 
order  to  avoid  the  rage  that  is  risen  against 
thyself."  To  which  Josephus  replied,  "I 
did  foretell  to  the  people  of  Jotapata  that 
they  would  be  taken  on  the  forty-seventh 
day,  and  that  I  should  be  caught  alive  by 
the  Romans."  Now  when  Arespasian  had 
inquired  of  the  captives  privately  about 
these  predictions,  he  found  them  to  be 
true,  and  then  he  began  to  believe  those 
that  concerned  himself.  Yet  did  he  not 
set  Josephus  at  liberty  from  his  bands, 
but  bestowed  on  him  suits  of  clothes  and 
other  precious  gifts ;  he  treated  him  also 
in  a  very  obliging  manner,  and  continued 
bo  to  do  :  Titus  still  joining  his  interest 
in  the  honours  that  were  done  him. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Joppa  taken,  and  Tiberias  delivered  up. 

Now  Vespasian  returned  to  Ptolemais 
on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  Panemus 
[Tainuz],  and  from  thence  he  came  to 
Cesarea,  which  lay  by  the  seaside.  This 
was  a  very  great  city  of  Judea,  and  for 
the  greatest  part  inhabited  by  Greeks:  the 
citizens  here  received  both  the  Roman 
army  and  its  general  with  all  sorts  of 
acclamations  and  rejoicings,  and  this 
partly  out'  of  the  good-will  they  bore  to 
the  Romans,  but  principally  out  of  the 
hatred  they  bore  to  those  that  were  con- 
quered by  them ;  on  which  account  they 
came  clamouring  against  Josephus  in 
crowds,  and  desired  he  might  be  put  to 
death ;  but  Vespasian  passed  over  this 
petition  concerning  him,  as  offered  by  the 
injudicious  multitude,  with  a  bare  silence. 
Two  of  the  legions  also  he  placed  at  Ce- 
sarea, that  they  might  there  take  their  win- 
ter-quarters, as  perceiving  the  city  very 
fit  for  such  a  purpose ;  but  he  placed  the 
tenth  and  the  fifth  at  Scythopolis,  that  he 
might  not  distress  Cesarea  with  the  entire 
arm}'.  This  place  was  warm,  even  in  win- 
ter, as  it  was  suffocating  hot  in  the  summer- 
time, by  reason  of  its  situation  in  a  plain, 
and  near  to  the  sea  [of  Galilee]. 
Vol.  II. — 38 


In  the  mean  time  there  were  gathered 
together  as  well  such  as  had  seditiously 
got  out  from  among  their  enemies  as  thoso 
that  had  escaped  out  of  the  demolished 
cities,  which  were  in  all  a  great  Dumber, 
and  repaired  Joppa,  which  had  been  left 
desolate  by  Ccstius,  that  it  might  serve 
them  for  a  place  of  refuge;  and  because 
the  adjoining  region  had  been  laid  waste 
in  the  war,  and  was  not  capable  of  support- 
ing them,  they  determined  to  go  off  to  sea. 
They  also  built  themselves  a  great  many 
piratical  ships,  and  turned  pirates  upon 
the  seas  near  to  Syria,  and  Phoenicia,  and 
Egypt,  and  made  those  seas  nnnavigable  to 
all  men.  Now  as  soon  as  Vespasian  knew 
of  their  conspiracy,  he  sent  both  footmen 
and  horsemen  to  Joppa,  which  was  un- 
guarded in  the  night-time :  however  those 
that  were  in  it  perceived  that  they  should 
be  attacked,  and  were  afraid  of  it ;  yet  did 
they  not  endeavour  to  keep  the  Romans 
out,  but  fled  to  their  ships,  and  lay  at  sea 
all  night,  out  of  the  reach  of  their  darts. 

Now  Joppa  is  not  naturally  a  haven, 
for  it  ends  in  a  rough  shore,  where  all  the 
rest  of  it  is  straight,  but  the  two  ends 
bend  toward  each  other,  where  there  are 
deep  precipices,  and  great  stones  that  jut 
out  into  the  sea,  and  where  the  chains 
wherewith  Andromeda  was  bound  have 
left  their  footsteps,  which  attest  to  the  an- 
tiquity of  that  fable;  but  the  north  wind 
opposes  and  beats  upon  the  shore,  and 
dashes  mighty  waves  against  the  rocks 
which  receive  them,  and  renders  the  haven 
more  dangerous  than  the  country  they 
had  deserted.  Now  as  those  people  of 
Joppa  were  floating  about  in  this  sea,  in 
the  morning  there  fell  a  violent  wind 
upon  them  :  it  is  called  by  those  that  sail 
there  "the  black  north  wind,"  and  there 
dashed  their  ships  one  against  another, 
and  dashed  some  of  them  against  the 
rocks,  and  carried  many  of  them  by  force, 
while  they  strove  against  the  opposite 
waves,  into  the  main  sea;  for  the  shore 
was  so  rocky,  and  had  so  many  of  the 
enemy  upon  it,  that  they  were  afraid  to 
come  to  land  ;  nay,  the  waves  rose  so  very 
high,  that  they  drowned  them ;  nor  was 
there  any  place  whither  they  could  fly, 
nor  any  way  to  save  themselves — while 
they  were  thrust  out  of  the  sea  by  the 
violence  of  the  wind,  if  they  stayed  where 
they  were,  and  out  of  the  city  by  the  vio- 
lence of  the  Romans;  and  much  lamenta- 
tion there  was  when  the  ships  were  dashed 
against  one  another,  and  a  terrible  noise 


274 


WARS   OF   THE   ^YS. 


•when  tliey  were  broken  to  pieces  ;  and 
some  of  the  multitude  that  were  in  them 
were  covered  with  the  waves,  and  so  perish- 
ed, and  a  great  many  were  embarrassed  with 
shipwrecks  ;  but  some  of  them  thought 
that  to  die  by  their  own  swords  was  lighter 
than  by  the  sea,  and  so  they  killed  them- 
selves before  they  were  drowned  ;  although 
the  greatest  part  of  them  were  carried  by 
the  waves,  and  dashed  to  pieces  against 
the  abrupt  parts  of  the  rocks,  insomuch 
that  the  sea  was  bloody  a  long  way,  and 
the  maritime  parts  were  full  of  dead  bo- 
dies ;  for  the  Romans  came  upon  those 
that  were  carried  to  the  shore,  and  de- 
stroyed them  ;  and  the  number  of  the  bo- 
dies that  were  thus  thrown  out  of  the  sea 
was  4200.  The  Romans  also  took  the 
city  without  opposition,  and  utterly  de- 
stroyed it. 

And  thus  was  Joppa  taken  twice  by  the 
Romans  in  a  little  time  ;  but  Vespasian, 
in  order  to  prevent  these  pirates  from 
coming  thither  any  more,  erected  a  camp 
there,  where  the  citadel  of  Joppa  had 
been,  and  left  a  body  of  horse  in  it,  with 
a  few  footmen;  that  these  last  might  stay 
there  and  guard  the  camp,  and  the  horse- 
men might  spoil  the  country  that  lay 
round  it,  and  might  destroy  the  neigh- 
bouring villages  and  smaller  cities.  So 
these  troops  overran  the  country,  as  they 
were  ordered  to  do,  and  every  day  cut  to 
pieces  and  laid  desolate  the  whole  region. 

But  now,  when  the  fate  of  Jotapata 
was  related  at  Jerusalem,  a  great  many  at 
the  first  disbelieved  it,  on  the  account  of 
the  vastness  of  the  calamity,  and  because 
they  had  no  eyewitness  to  attest  the  truth 
of  what  was  related  about  it;  for  not  one 
person  was  saved  to  be  a  messenger  of 
that  news,  but  a  fame  was  spread  abroad 
at  random  that  the  city  was  taken,  as 
such  fame  usually  spreads  bad  news  about. 
However,  the  truth  was  known  by  de- 
grees, from  the  places  near  Jotapata,  and 
appeared  to  all  to  be  too  true.  Yet  were 
there  fictitious  stories  added  to  what  was 
really  done ;  for  it  was  reported  that  Jo- 
sephus  was  slain  at  the  taking  of  the  city; 
which  piece  of  news  filled  Jerusalem  full 
of  sorrow.  In  every  house  also,  and 
among  all  to  whom  any  of  the  slain  were 
allied,  there  was  a  lamentation  for  them; 
but  the  mourning  for  the  commander  was 
a  public  one ;  and  some  mourned  for 
those  that  had  lived  with  them,  others  for 
their  kindred,  others  for  their  friends, 
and   others  for   their  brethren,   but  all 


[Book  III 

mourned  for  Josephus  ;  insomuch  that  the 
lamentation  did  not  cease  in  the  city  be- 
fore the  thirtieth  day  ;  and  a  great  many 
hired  mourners,*  with  their  pipes,  who 
should  begin  the  melancholy  ditties  for 
them. 

But  as  the  truth  came  out  in  time,  it 
appeared  how  the  affairs  of  Jotapata  real- 
ly stood;  yet  it  was  found  that  the  death 
of  Josephus  was  a  fiction ;  and  when  they 
understood  that  he  was  alive,  and  was 
among  the  Romans,  and  that  the  command- 
ers treated  him  at  another  rate  than  they 
treated  captives,  they  were  as  vehemently 
angry  at  him  now  as  they  had  shown  their 
good-will  before,  when  he  appeared  to 
have  been  dead.  He  was  also  abused  by 
some  as  having  been  a  coward,  and  by 
others  as  a  deserter  ;  and  the  city  was  full 
of  indignation  at  him,  and  of  reproaches 
cast  upon  him  ;  their  rage  was  also  aggra- 
vated by  their  afflictions,  and  more  in- 
flamed by  their  ill  success ;  and  what 
usually  becomes  an  occasion  of  caution  to 
wise  men,  I  mean  affliction,  became  a  spur 
to  them  to  venture  on  further  calamities, 
and  the  end  of  one  misery  became  still 
the  beginuing  of  another  :  they  therefore 
resolved  to  fall  -on  the  Romans  the  more 
vehemently,  as  resolving  to  be  revenged 
on  him  in  revenging  themselves  on  the 
Romans.  And  this  was  the  state  of  Je- 
rusalem as  to  the  troubles  which  now  came 
upon  it. 

But  Vespasian,  in  order  to  see  the 
kingdom  of  Agrippa,  while  the  king  per- 
suaded him  so  to  do  partly  in  order  to  his 
treating  the  general  and. his  army  in  the 
best  and  most  splendid  manner  his  pri- 
vate affairs  would  enable  him  to  do,  and 
partly  that  he  might,  by  their  means,  cor- 
rect such  things  as  were  amiss  in  his  go- 
vernment, he  removed  from  that  Gesarea 
which  was  by  the  seaside,  and  went  to 
that  which  is  called  Cesarea  Philippi ;  and 
there  he  refreshed  his  army  for  twenty 
days,  and  was  himself  feasted  by  King 
Agrippa,  where  he  also  returned  public 
thanks  to  God  for  the  good  success  he  had 
had  in  his  undertakings.  But  as  soon  as 
he  was  informed  that  Tiberias  was  fond  of 
innovations,  and  that  Taricheoe  had  re- 
volted, (both  which  cities  were  parts  of 
the  kingdom  of  Agrippa,)  and  was  satis- 
fied within  himself  that  the  Jews  were 


*  These  public  mourners,  hired  upon  the  sup- 
posed death  of  Josephus,  and  the  real  death  of 
many  more,  illustrate  some  passages  in  the  Bible, 
which  suppose  the  same  custom,  as  Matt.  xii.  17. 


Chap.  X.] 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


27.") 


evervwhere  perverted  [from  their  obedience  (authors  of  tins  revolt  to  due  punishment 
tltU Xveraors],  he  thought  it  season-  who  had  hitherto  so  watched  them, that 
Lbl Z ^lake^n  expedition  against  those  though  they  were  zealous  to  give  them 
dt  es  u  dtatL S  sake  of  Agrippa,and  the  security  of  the  r  right  hands  of  a  long 
•uord  to  brin«  his  cities  to  reason.  So  he  time,  yet  could  they  not  accomplish  the 
ton  wav  his  son  Titus  to  [the  other]  same.  With  those  suppl.cat,ons  the  gene- 
Peslea  that  he  mi  "ht  bring1  the  army  ral  complied,  although  he  were  very  angry 
[uTQ^o^^oli^^is^   at  the  whole  city  about  the  carrying^ 


largest  city  of  Decapolis,  and  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Tiberias,  whither  he  came, 
and  where  he  waited  for  his  son.  He 
then  came  with  three  legious,  and  pitched 


his  horses,  and  this  because  he  saw  that 
A^rippa  was  under  a  great  concern  for 
them.  So  when  Vespasian  and  Agrippa 
had  accepted  of  their  right  hands  by  way 


then  came  witn  turce  legious,  uuu  pii^u^i  uu,^  i*v,~~r- — --  o  -  , 
Li  catim  thirty  furlong  off  Tiberias,  at  of  security  Jesus  and  his  party  thought 
a  ce  ain  station  easily  seen  by  the  inno-  it  not  safe  for  them  to ;  con tioueat  le- 
vators •  it  is  named  Sennabris.  He  also  rias,  so  they  ran  away  to  1  Lchej*.  JUm 
iTv^adecurion,  with  fifty  horse-  next  day  Vespasian    sent   Trap n  bef  re. 


men,  to  speak  peaceably  to  those  that  were 
in  the  city,  and  to  exhort  them  to  give 
him  assurances  of  their  fidelity;  for  he 
had  heard  that  the  people  were  desirous 
of  peace,  but  were  obliged  by  some  ot 
the  seditious  part  to  join  with  them,  and 


with  some  horsemen,  to  the  citadel,  to 
make  trial  of  the  multitude,  whether  they 
were  all  disposed  for  peace;  and  as  soon 
as  he  knew  that  the  people  were  of  the 
same  mind  with  the  petitioners,  he  took 
his   army,  and  went  to   the    city;   upon 


the  seditious  part  to  10111  ffiui  mem,  ■"•«    "•"    »'uvi   -^7    ■,    .      i-        f\"   :„ 

bo  were  forced  to  fight  for  them.  When  which  the  citizens  opened  to  him  their 
Va7erWhadmarchfd  up  to  the  place,  and  gates,  and  met  him  with  acclamations  of 
was  near  the  wal  he  alighted  off  his  horse,  joy,  and  called  him  their  saviour  and  bene- 
Ind  mide ,  thos e  hat  were  with  him  do  factor.  But  as  the  army  was  a  great 
th  si  that  they  might  not  be  thought  while  in  getting  in  at  the  gates,  they  were 
Scome  tostmiJhwfth  them;  but  be-  so  narrow,  Vespasian  com^d«l  tho 
fore  thev  could  come  to  a  discourse  one  south  wall  to  be  broken  down,  ana  so 
w  th  Zhei-  the  most  potent  men  among  made  a  broad  passage  for  their  entrap 
The  seditious  made    a   sally   upon   them  I  However,    he    charged    them    to    . 


rnied  :  their  leader  was  one  whose  name 
was  Jesus,  the  son  of  Shaphat,  the  princi- 
pal head  of  a  band  of  robbers.  Now 
Valerian,  neither  thinking  it  safe  to  fight 
contrary  to  the  commands  of  the  general, 
though  he  were  secure  of  a  victory,  and 
knowing  that  it  was  a  very  hazardous  un- 
dertaking for  a  few  to  fight  with  many, 
for  those  that  were  unprovided  to  fight 
those  that  were  ready,  and  being  on  other 
accounts  surprised  at  this  unexpected  on- 


from  rapine  and  injustice,  in  order  to  gra- 
tify the  king;  and  on  his  account  spared 
the  rest  of  the  wall,  while  the  king  under- 
took for  them  that  they  should  continue 
[faithful  to  the  Romans]  for  the  time  to 
come.  And  thus  did  he  restore  this  city 
to  a  quiet  state,  after  it  had  been  griev- 
ously afflicted  by  the  sedition. 


CHAPTER   X. 


accounts  surpnseu  ai  lino  "uv,At,v.~>"' ,,r,„n 

set  of  the  Jews,  he  ran  away  on  foot,  as    Tarichc.uken-A^^oo^f  the Tln,r  Jordan, 

did  five  of  the  rest  in  like  manner,  and  . 

left   their    horses    behind    them;   which        And  now  Ves pasun  p ■  tched  hi,  camp 

horses  Jesus  led  away  into  the  city,  and  between  this  ^J^^^J^^. 

rejoiced  as  if   they  had    taken    them  "fa^^^g^^ 

battle,  and  not  by  treachery.  that  he  snouiu   u»»  iniw.vi- 

Now  the  senior,  of  the  people,  and  such   and  have  a    ong  war     for all -*J™^ 

as  were  of  principal  authority  among  them,    tors  had  gotten  together  at  Tanche^  as 

fearing  what  would  be  the"  issue  of  this  relying  upop i  the  strength  of   the   ci£, 

matter,  fled  to  the  camp  of  the  Romans:    and  on    he  lake  that   a}  by  it.      1  intake 

they    then   took  their   king   along   with  »  called  by  the  people  of  *'™*%** 

them,  and  fell  down  before  Vespasian,  to   Lake  of  Uenesareth        1  he  c ,  }    t.Ut 

supplicate  his  favour,  and  besought  him  situated  like  Tiberias  at  ^ottomot^ 

not  to  overlook  them,  nor  to  impute  the    mountain  ;   and  on  *°»g»™^ 

madness  of  a  few  to  the  whole  city,  to  not  washed  by  the  sea,  bad  been  stroug  y 

spare  a  people  that  had  been  ever  civil  and   fortified    by    Josephus     though    not^  » 

Obliging  to  the  Romans;  but  to  bring  the  j  strongly  as  Tiberias;  foi  the  wall  01 


I 


276 


WARS    OF   THE  JEWS. 


[Rook  III 


rias  had  been  built  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Jews'  revolt,  when  he  had  great  plenty 
of  money,  and  great  power,  but  Tarichere 
partook  only  the  remains  of  that  liberali- 
ty. Yet  had  they  a  great  number  of 
ships  gotten  ready  upon  the  lake,  that  in 
case  they  were  beaten  at  land,  they  might 
retire  to  them  ;  and  they  were  so  fitted  up, 
that  they  might  undertake  a  sea-fight 
also.  But  as  the  Romans  were  building 
a  wall  about  their  camp,  Jesus  and  his 
party  were  neither  affrighted  at  their  num- 
ber nor  at  the  good  order  they  were  in, 
but  made  a  sally  upon  them ;  and  at  the 
very  first  onset  the  builders  of  the  wall 
were  dispersed ;  and  these  pulled  what  lit- 
tle they  had  before  built  to  pieces;  but  as 
soon  as  they  saw  the  armed  men  getting 
together,  and  before  they  had  suffered 
any  thing  themselves,  they  retired  to  their 
own  men.  But  then  the  Romans  pur- 
sued them,  and  drove  them  into  their 
ships,  where  they  launched  out  as  far  as 
might  give  them  an  opportunity  of  reach- 
ing the  Romans  with  what  they  threw  at 
them,  aud  then  cast  anchor,  and  brought 
their  ships  close,-  as  in  a  line  of  battle, 
and  thence  fought  the  enemy  from  the 
sea,  who  were  themselves  at  land.  But 
Vespasian  hearing  that  a  great  multitude 
of  them  were  gotten  together  in  the  plain 
that  was  before  the  city,  he  thereupon 
sent  his  son  with  600  chosen  horsemen, 
to  disperse  them. 

But  when  Titus  perceived  that  the  enemy 
was  very  numerous,  he  sent  to  his  father, 
and  informed  him  that  he  should  want 
more  forces.  But  as  he  saw  a  great  many 
of  the  horsemen  eager  to  fight,  and  that 
before  any  succours  could  come  to  them, 
and  that  yet  some  of  them  were  privately 
under  a  sort  of  consternation  at  the  mul- 
titude of  the  Jews,  he  stood  in  a  place 
whence  he  might  be  heard,  and  said  to 
them,  "  My  brave  Romans!  for  it  is  right 
for  me  to  put  you  in  mind  of  what  nation 
you  arc,  in  the  beginning  of  my  speech, 
that  so  you  may  not  be  ignorant  who  you 
are,  and  who  they  are  against  whom  we 
are  a  going  to  fight.  For  as  to  us,  Ro- 
mans, no  part  of  the  habitable  earth  hath 
been  able  to  escape  our  hands  hitherto ; 
but  as  for  the  Jews,  that  I  might  speak  of 
them  too,  though  they  have  been  already 
beaten,  yet  do  they  not  give  up  the  cause; 
and  a  sad  thing  it  would  be  for  us  to  grow 
weary  under  good  success,  when  they  bear 
up  under  their  misfortunes.  As  to  the 
alacrity  which  you  show  publicly,  I  see 


it,  and  rejoice  at  it ;  yet  am  I  afraid  lest 
the  multitude  of  the  enemy  should  bring 
a  concealed  fright  upon  some  of  you  :  let 
such  an  one  consider  again,  who  we  are 
that  are  to  fight ;  and  who  those  are 
against  whom  we  are  to  fight.  Now  these 
Jews,  though  they  be  very  bold  and  great 
despisers  of  death,  are  but  a  disorderly 
body,  and  unskilful  in  war,  and  may  rather 
be  called  a  rout  than  an  army ;  while  I 
need  say  nothing  of  our  skill  and  our 
good  order;  for  this  is  the  reason  why  we 
Romans  alone  are  exercised  for  war  in 
time  of  peace,  that  we  may  not  think  of 
number  for  number  when  we  come  to  fight 
with  our  enemies ;  for  what  advantage 
should  we  reap  by  our  continual  sort  of 
warfare,  if  we  must  still  be  equal  in  num- 
ber to  such  as  have  not  been  used  to  war? 
Consider,  further,  that  you  are  to  have  a 
conflict  with  men  in  effect  unarmed,  while 
you  are  well  armed ;  with  footmen,  while 
you  are  horsemen  ;  with  those  that  have 
no. good  general,  while  you  have  one,  and 
as  these  advantages  make  you  in  effect 
manifold  more  than  you  are,  so  do  their 
disadvantages  mightily  diminish  their 
number.  Now  it  is  not  the  multitude  of 
men,  though  they  be  soldiers,  that  manage 
wars  with  success,  but  it  is  their  bravery 
that  does  it,  though  they  be  but  a  few; 
for  a  few  are  easily  set  in  battle-array, 
and  can  easily  assist  one  another,  while 
over-numerous  armies  are  more  hurt  by 
themselves  than  by  their  enemies.  It  is 
boldness  and  rashness,  the  effects  of  mad- 
ness, that  conduct  of  the  Jews.  Those 
passions  indeed  make  a  great  figure  when 
they  succeed,  but  are  quite  extinguished 
upon  the  least  ill  success;  but  we  are  led 
on  by  courage,  and  obedience,  and  forti- 
tude, which  shows  itself  indeed  in  our 
good  fortune,  but  still  does  not  for  ever 
desert  us  in  our  ill  fortune.  Nay,  indeed, 
your  fighting  is  to  be  on  greater  motives 
than  those  of  the  Jews;  for  although  they 
run  the  hazard  of  war  for  liberty,  and  for 
their  country,  yet  what  can  be  a  greater 
motive  to  us  than  glory  ?  and  that  it  may 
never  be  said,  that  after  we  have  got  do- 
minion of  the  habitable  earth,  the  Jews 
are  able  to  confront  us.  We  must  also 
reflect  upon  this,  that  there  is  no  fear  of 
our  suffering  any  incurable  disaster  in  the 
present  case ;  for  those  that  are  ready  to 
assist  us  are  many,  and  at  hand  also;  yet 
it  is  in  our  power  to  seize  upon  this  victo- 
ry ourselves;  and  I  think  we  ought  to 
prevent  the  coming  of  those  my  father  is 


Cuap.  X.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


277 


L 


sending  to  us  for  our  assistance,  that  our 
success  may  be  peculiar  to  ourselves,  and 
of  greater  reputation  to  us;  and  I  cannot 
but  think  this  an  opportunity  wherein  my 
father,  and  I,  and  you  shall  be  all  put  to 
the  trial,  -whether  he  be  worthy  of  his 
former  glorious  performances,  whether  I 
be  his  son  in  reality,  and  whether  you  be 
really  my  soldiers ;  for  it  is  usual  for  my 
father  to  conquer;  and  for  myself,  I  should 
not  bear  the  thoughts  of  returning  to  him 
if  I  were  once  taken  by  the  enemy  ;  and 
how  will  you  be  able  to  avoid  being 
ashamed,  if  you  do  not  show  equal  cou- 
rage with  your  commander,  when  he  goes 
before  you  into  danger?  For  you  know 
very  well  that  I  shall  go  into  the  danger 
first,  and  make  the  first  attack  upon  the 
enemy.  Do  not  you  therefore  desert  me, 
but  persuade  yourselves  that  God  [the 
gods]  will  be  assisting  to  my  onset.  Know 
this  also  before  we  begin,  that  we  shall 
now  have  better  success  than  we  should 
have,  if  we  were  to  fight  at  a  distance." 
As  Titus  was  saying  this,  an  extra- 
ordinary fury  fell  upon  the  men  :  and  as 
Trajan  was  already  come  before  the  fight 
began,  with  400  horsemen,  they  were 
uneasy  at  it.  because  the  reputation  of 
the  victory  would  be  diminished  by  being 
common  to  so  many.  Vespasian  had  also 
sent  both  Antonius  and  Silo,  with  2000 
archers,  and  had  given  it  them  in  charge 
to  seize  upon  the  mountain  that  was  over- 
against  the  city,  and  repel  those  that  were 
upon  the  wall;  which  archers  did  as  they 
were  commanded,  and  prevented  those 
that  attempted  to  assist  them  that  way ; 
and  now  Titus  made  his  own  horse  march 
•first  against  the  enemy,  as  did  the  others 
with  a  great  noise  after  him,  and  extended 
themselves  upon  the  plain  as  wide  as  the 
enemy  who  confronted  them ;  by  which 
means  theyappeared  much  more  numerous 
than  they  really  were.  Now  the  Jews, 
although  they  were  surprised  at  their 
onset,  and  at  their  good  order,  made  re- 
sistance against  their  attacks  for  a  little 
while ;  but  when  tbey  were  pricked  with 
their  long  poles,  and  overborne  by  the 
violent  noise  of  the  horsemen,  they  came 
to  be  trampled  under  their  feet ;  many 
also  of  them  were  slain  on  every  side, 
which  made  them  disperse  themselves  and 
run  to  the  city,  as  fast  as  every  one  of 
them  was  able.  So  Titus  pressed  upon 
the  hindmost,  and  slew  them  ;  and  of  the 
rest,  some  he  fell  upon  as  they  stood  on 
heaps,  and  some  he  prevented,  and  met 


them  in  the  mouth,  and  ran  them  through  ; 
many  also  he  leaped  upon  as  they  fell  one 
upon  another,  and  trod  them  down,  and 
cut  off  all  the  retreat  they  had  to  tin.' 
wall,  and  turned  them  back  into  the  plain, 
till  at  least  they  forced  a  passage  by  their 
multitude,  and  got  away,  and  ran  into 
the  city. 

But  now  there  fell  out  a  terrible  se- 
dition among  them  within  the  city  ;  for 
the  inhabitants  themselves,  who  had  pos- 
sessions there,  and  to  whom  the  city  be- 
longed, were  not  disposed  to  fight  from 
the  very  beginning ;  and  not  the  less  so, 
because  they  had  been  beaten  :  but  the 
foreigners,  who  were  very  numerous, 
would  force  them  to  fight  so  much  the 
more,  insomuch  that  there  was  a  clamour 
and  a  tumult  among  them,  as  all  mutually 
angry  at  one  another;  and  when  Titus 
heard  this  tumult,  for  he  was  not  far  from 
the  wall,  he  cried  out :  "  Fellow-soldiers, 
now  is  the  time;  and  why  do  we  make 
any  delay,  when  God  is  giving  up  the 
Jews  to  us  ?  Take  the  victory  which  is 
given  you  :  do  not  your  hear  what  a  noise 
they  make  ?  Those  that  have  escaped  our 
hands  are  in  an  uproar  against  one  another. 
We  have  the  city  if  we  make  haste  ;  but 
besides  haste,  we  must  undergo  some 
labour,  and  use  some  courage ;  for  no 
great  thing  can  be  accomplished  without 
danger;  accordingly,  we  must  not  only 
prevent  their  uniting  again,  which  ne- 
cessity will  soon  compel  them  to  do,  but 
we  must  also  prevent  the  coming  of  our 
own  men  to  our  assistance,  that  as  few  as 
we  are,  we  may  conquer  so  great  a  mul- 
titude, and  may  ourselves  alone  take  the 
city." 

As  soon  as  ever -Titus  had  said  this  he 
leaped  upon  his  horse,  and  rode  apace 
down  to  the  lake ;  by  which  lake  he 
marched,  and  entered  into  the  city  the 
first  of  them  all,  as  did  the  others  soon 
after  him.  Hereupon  those  that  were 
upon  the  walls  were  seized  with  a  terror 
at  the  boldness  of  the  attempt,  nor  durst 
any  one  venture  to  fight  with  him,  or  to 
hinder  him  ;  so  they  left  guarding  the 
city,  and  some  of  those  that  were  about 
Jesus  fled  over  the  country,  while  others 
of  them  ran  down  to  the  lake,  and  met 
the  enemy  in  the  teeth,  and  some  were 
slain  as  they  were  getting  up  into  ships; 
but  others  of  them  as  they  attempted  to 
overtake  those  that  were  already  gone 
aboard.  There  was  also  a  great  slaughter 
made  in  the  city,  while  those  foreigner! 


278 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[  Uook  111. 


that  bad  not  fled  away  already,  made  op- 
position ;  but  the  natural  inhabitants 
were  killed  without  fighting :  for  in  hopes 
of  Titus's  giving  them  his  right  hand  for 
their  security,  and  out  of  the  consciousness 
that  they  had  not  given  any  consent  to 
the  war,  they  avoided  fightiug,  till  Titus 
had  slain  the  authors  of  this  revolt,  and 
then  put  a  stop  to  any  further  slaughters, 
out  of  commiseration  of  these  inhabitants 
of  the  place:  but  for  those  that  had  fled 
to  the  lake,  upon  seeing  the  city  taken, 
they  sailed  as  far  as  they  possibly  could 
from  the  enemy. 

Hereupon  Titus  sent  one  of  his  horse- 
men to  his  father,  and  let  him  know  the 
good  news  of  what  he  had  done  :  at 
which,  as  was  natural,  he  was  very  joyful, 
both  on  account  of  the  courage  and  glo- 
rious actions  of  his  son ;  for  he  thought 
that  now  the  greatest  part  of  the  war  was 
over.  He  then  came  thither  himself,  and 
set  men  to  guard  the  city,  and  gave  them 
command  to  take  care  that  nobody  got 
privately  out  of  it,  but  to  kill  such  as 
attempted  so  to  do ;  and  on  the  next  day 
he  went  down  to  the  lake,  and  commanded 
that  vessels  should  be  fitted  up,  in  order 
to  pursue  those  that  had  escaped  in  the 
ships.  These  vessels  were  quickly  gotten 
ready  accordingly,  because  there  was  a 
great  plenty  of  materials,  and  a  great 
number  of  artificers  also: 

Now  this  lake  of  Geuesareth  is  so  callled 
from  the  country  adjoining  to  it.  Its 
breadth  is  40  furlongs,  and  its  length 
140;  its  waters  are  sweet,  and  very 
agreeable  for  drinking,  for  they  are  finer 
than  the  thick  waters  of  other  fens ;  the 
lake  is  also  pure,  and  on  every  side  ends 
directly  at  the  shores  and  at  the  sand ; 
it  is  also  of  a  temperate  nature  when  you 
draw  it  up,  and  of  a  more  gentle  nature 
than  river  or  fountain  water,  and  yet  al- 
ways cooler  than  one  could  expect  in  so 
diffuse  a  place  as  this  is.  Now  when  this 
water  is  kept  in  the  open  air,  it  is  as  cold 
as  that  snow  which  the  country-people  are 
accustomed  to  make  by  night  in  summer. 
There  are  several  kinds  of  fish  in  it,  dif- 
ferent both  to  the  taste  and  the  sight  from 
those  elsewhere :  it  is  divided  into  two 
parts  by  the  river  Jordan.  Now  Panium 
is  thought  to  be  the  fountain  of  Jordan, 
but  in  reality  it  is  carried  thither  after  an 
occult  manner  from  the  place  called 
Phiala :  this  place  lies  as  you  go  up  to 
Trachonitis,  and  is  120  furlongs  from 
Cesarea,  and  is  not  far  out  of  the  road  on 


the  right  hand;  and  indeed  it  hath  its 
name  of  Phiala  [vial  or  bowl]  very  justly, 
from  the  roundness  of  its  circumference, 
as  being  round  like  a  wheel ;  its  water 
continues  always  up  to  its  edges,  without 
either  sinking  or  running  over ;  and  as 
this  origin  of  Jordan  was  formerly  not 
known,  it  was  discovered  so  to  be  when 
Philip  was  tetrarch  of  Trachonitis;  for  he 
had  chaff  thrown  into  Phiala,  and  it  was 
found  at  Panium,  where  the  ancients 
thought  the  fountain-head  of  the  river 
was,  whither  it  had  been  therefore  carried 
[by  the  waters].  As  for  Panium  itself, 
its  natural  beauty  had  been  improved 
by  the  royal  liberality  of  Agrippa,  and 
adorned  at  his  expense.  Now  Jordan's 
visible  stream  arises  from  this  cavern,  and 
divides  the  marshes  and  fens  of  the  lake 
Semechonitis :  when  it  hath  run  another 
120  furlongs,  it  first  passes  by  the  city 
Julias,  and  then  passes  through  the  middle 
of  the  lake  Genesareth ;  after  which  it 
runs  a  long  way  over  a  desert,  and  then 
makes  its  exit  into  the  lake  Asphaltitis. 

The  country  also  that  lies  over  against 
this  lake  hath  the  same  name  as  Geue- 
sareth ;  its  nature  is  wonderful  as  well  as 
its  beauty;  its-soil  is  so  fruitful  that  all 
sorts  of  trees  can  grow  upon  it,  and  the 
inhabitants  accordingly  plant  all  sorts  of 
trees  there;  for  the  temper  of  the  air  is 
so  well  mixed,  that  it  agrees  very  well 
with  those  several  sorts;  particularly  wal- 
nuts, which  require  the  coldest  air,  flourish 
there  in  vast  plenty ;  there  are  palm-trees 
also,  which  grow  best  in  hot  air;  fig-trees 
also  and  olives  grow  near  them,  which 
yet  require  an  air  that  is  more  temperate. 
One  may  call  this  place  the  ambition  of  * 
nature,  where  it  forces  those  plants  that 
are  naturally  enemies  to  one  another  to 
agree  together  :  it  is  a  happy  contention 
of  the  seasons,  as  if  every  one  of  them 
laid  claim  to  this  country  ;  for  it  not  only 
nourishes  different  sorts  of  autumnal  fruit 
beyond  men's  expectation,  but  preserves 
them  a  great  while;  it  supplies  men  with 
the  principal  fruits,  with  grapes  and  figs 
continually,  during  ten  months  of  the  year, 
and  the  rest  of  the  fruits  as  they  become 
ripe  together,  through  the  whole  year; 
for  besides  the  good  temperature  of  the 
air,  it  is  also  watered  from  a  most  fertile 
fouutain.  The  people  of  the  country  call 
it  Capharnaum.  Some  have  thought  it 
to  be  a  vein  of  the  Nile,  because  it  pro- 
duces the  Coracin  fish  as  well  as  that  lake 
does  which  is  near  to  Alexandria.     The 


Chap.  X.] 


WARS    OF    TIIK   JEWS. 


279 


length  of  this  country  extends  itself  along 
the  banks  of  this  lake  that  bears  the  same 
name,  for  thirty  furlongs,  and  is  in  breadth 
twenty ;  and  this  is  the  nature  of  that 
place. 

But  now,  when  the  vessels  were  gotten 
ready,  Vespasian  put  upon  shipobard  as 
many  of  his  forces  as  he  thought  suffi- 
cient to  be  too  hard  for  those  that  were 
upon  the  lake,  and  set  sail  after  them. 
Now  these  which  were  driven  into  the 
lake  could  neither  fly  to  the  land,  where 
all  was  in  their  enemies'  hands  and  in 
war  against  them,  nor  could  they  fight 
upon  the  level  by  sea,  fur  their  ships  were 
small  and  fitted  only  for  piracy ;  they 
were  too  weak  to  fight  with  Vespasian's 
vessels,  and  the  mariners  that  were  in 
them  were  so  few,  that  they  were  afraid 
to  come  near  the  Romans,  who  attacked 
them  in  great  numbers.  However,  as 
they  sailed  round  about  the  vessels,  and 
sometimes  as  they  came  near  them,  they 
threw  stones  at  the  Romans  when  they 
were  a  good  way  off,  or  came  closer  and 
fought  them  ;  yet  did  they  receive  the 
greatest  harm  themselves  in  both  cases. 
As  for  the  stones  they  threw  at  the  Ro- 
mans, they  only  made  a  sound  one  after 
another,  for  they  threw  them  against  such 
as  were  in  their  armour,  while  the  Roman 
darts  could  reach  the  Jews  themselves ; 
and  when  they  ventured  to  come  near  the 
Romans,  they  became  sufferers  themselves 
before  they  could  do  any  barm  to  the 
other,  and  were  drowned,  they  and  their 
ships  together.  As  for  those  that  endea- 
voured to  come  to  an  actual  fight,  the 
Romans  ran  many  of  them  through  with 
their  long  poles.  Sometimes  the  Romans 
leaped  into  their  ships,  with  swords  in 
their  hands,  and  slew  them;  but  when 
some  of  them  met  the  vessels,  the  Romans 
caught  them  by  the  middle,  and  destroyed 
at  once  their  ships  and  themselves  who 
were  taken  in  them.  And  for  such  as 
as  were  drowuing  in  the  sea,  if  they  lifted 
their  heads  up  above  the  water  they  were 
either  killed  by  darts,  or  caught  by  the 
vessels;  but  if,  in  the  desperate  case  they 
were  in,  they  attempted  to  swim  to  their 
enemies,  the  Romans  cut  off  either  their 
heads  or  their  hands;  and  indeed  they 
were  destroyed  after  various  manners 
everywhere,  till  the  rest,  being  put  to 
flight,  were  forced  to  get  upon  the  land, 
while  the  vessels  encompassed  them  about 
[on  the  sea]  :  but  as  many  of  these  were 
repulsed  when  they  were  getting  ashore, 
3B 


they  were  killed  by  the  darts  upon  the 
lake  ;  and  the  Romans  leaped  out  of  their 
vessels,  and  destroyed  a  great  many  mure 
upon  the  land  :  one  might  then  see  the 
lake  all  bloody,  and  full  of  dead  bodies, 
for  not  one  of  them  escaped.  And  a 
terrible  stink,  and  a  very  sad  sight  there 
was  on  the  following  days  over  that 
country;  for  as  for  the  shores,  they  were 
full  of  shipwrecks,  aud  of  dead  bodies  all 
swelled;  and  as  the  dead  bodies  were  in- 
flamed by  the  sun,  and  putrefied,  they 
corrupted  the  air,  insomuch  that  the 
misery  was  not  only  the  object  of  commi- 
seration to  the  Jews,  but  to  those  that 
hated  them  and  had  been  the  authors  of 
that  misery.  This  was  the  upshot  of  the 
sea-fight.  The  number  of  the  slain,  in- 
cluding those  that  were  killed  in  the  city 
before,  was  G500. 

After  this  fight  was  over,  Vespasian 
sat  upon  his  tribunal  at  Tarichete,  in 
order  to  distinguish  the  foreigners  from 
the  old  inhabitants;  for  those  foreigners 
appear  to  have  begun  the  war.  So  he 
deliberated  with  the  other  commanders, 
whether  he  ought  to  save  those  old  inha- 
bitants or  not.  And  when  those  com- 
manders alleged  that  the  dimissiou  of 
them  would  be  to  his  own  disadvantage, 
because,  when  they  were  once  set  at  liberty, 
they  would  not  be  at  rest,  since  they  would 
be  people  destitute  of  proper  habitations, 
and  would  be  able  to  compel  such  as  they 
fled  to,  to  fight  against  us,  Vespasian 
acknowledged  that  they  did  not  deserve 
to  be  saved,  and  that  if  they  had  leave 
given  them  to  fly  away,  they  would  make 
use  of  it  against  those  that  gave  them 
that  leave.  Rut  still  he  considered  with 
himself  after  what  manner  they  should  be 
slain;*  for  if  he  had  slaiu  them  there, 
he  suspected  the  people  of  the  country 
would  thereby  become  his  enemies;  for 
that  to  be  sure  they  would  never  bear  it, 
that  so  many  that  had  been  supplicants 
to  him  should  be  killed ;  and  to  oiler 
violence  to  them,  after  he  had  given  them 
assurance  of  their  lives,  he  could  not 
himself  bear  to  do  it.  However,  his 
friends  were  too  hard  for  him,  and  pre- 
tended that  nothing  against  Jews  could 
be   any  impiety,   and   that  he   ought    to 


*  This  is  the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  action 
that  Vespasian  ever  committed,  and  is  the  greatest 
stain  upon  his  character.  It  was  done  both  after 
public  assurance  given  of  sparing  the  prisoners' 
lives,  and  when  all  knew  and  confessed  thai  these 
prisoners  were  noway  guilty  of  any  sedition 
against  the  Romans. 


280 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


prefer  what  was  profitable  before  what 
was  fit  to  be  done,  where  both  could  not 
be  made  consistent.  So  he  gave  them  an 
ambiguous  liberty  to  do  as  they  advised, 
and  permitted  the  prisoners  to  go  along 
no  other  road  than  that  which  led  to  Ti- 
berias only.  So  they  readily  believed 
what  they  desired  to  be  true,  and  went 
along  securely,  with  their  effects,  the  way 
which  was  allowed  them,  while  the  Ro- 
mans seized  upon  all  the  road  that  led  to 
Tiberias,  that  none  of  them  might  go  out 
of  it,  and  shut  them  up  in  the  city.  Then 
came  Vespasian,  and  ordered  them  all  to 
stand  in  the  stadium,  and  commanded 
them  to  kill  the  old  men,  together  with 
the  others  that  were  useless,  who  were  in 


number  1200.  Out  of  the  young  men  ho 
chose  6000  of  the  strongest,  and  sent  them 
to  Nero,  to  dig  through  the  Isthmus,  and 
sold  the  remainder  for  slaves,  being  30,400, 
besides  such  as  he  made  a  present  of  to 
Agrippa;  for  as  to  those  that  belonged  to 
his  kingdom,  he  gave  him  leave  to  do 
what  he  pleased  with  them ;  however,  the 
king  sold  these  also  for  slaves ;  but  for 
the  rest  of  the  multitude,  who  were 
Trachonites,  and  Gaulanites,  and  of  Hip- 
pos, and  some  of  Gadara,  the  greatest  part 
of  them  were  seditious  persons  and  fu- 
gitives, who  were  of  such  shameful  charac- 
ters that  they  preferred  war  before  peace. 
These  prisoners  were  taken  on  the  eighth 
day  of  the  month  Gorpiseus  [Elul]. 


BOOK  IY. 


CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  ONE  YEAR,  FROM  THE  SIEGE  OF 
GAMALA  TO  THE  COMING  OF  TITUS  TO  BESIEGE  JERUSALEM. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  siege  and  taking  of  Gamala. 
Now  all  those  Galileans  who,  after  the 
taking  of  Jotapata,  had  revolted  from  the 
Romans,  did,  upon  the  conquest  of  Tari- 
cheas,  deliver  themselves  up  to  them  again. 
And  the  Romans  received  all  the  fortresses 
and  the  cities,  excepting  Gischala,  and 
those  that  had  seized  upon  Mount  Tabor ; 
Gamala  also,  which  is  a  city  over-against 
Taricheae,  but  on  the  other  side  of  the 
lake,  conspired  with  them.  This  city  lay 
upon  the  borders  of  Agrippa's  kingdom, 
as  also  did  Sogana  and  Seleucia.  And 
these  were  both  parts  of  Gaulanitis;  for 
Sogona  was  a  part  of  that  called  the  Up- 
per Gaulanitis,  as  was  Gamala  of  the 
Lower;  while  Seleucia  was  situated  at  the 
lake  Semechonitis,  which  lake  is  thirty 
furlongs  in  breadth,  and  sixty  in  length  ; 
its  marshes  reach  as  far  as  the  place 
Daphne,  which,  in  other  respects,  is  a  de- 
licious place,  and  hath  such  fountains  as 
supply  water  to  what  is  called  Little  Jor- 
dan, under  the  temple  of  the  golden  calf,* 


*  litre  we  have  the  exact  situation  of  one  of 
Jeroboam's  "golden  calves,"  at  the  exit  of  Little 
Jordan  into  Great  Jordan,  near  a  place  called 
Daphne,  but  of  old  Dan.  lteland  suspects  that  we 
should  read  Dan  instead  of  Daphne,  there  being 
nowhere  else  any  mention  of  a  place  called  Daphne 
hereabouts. 


where  it  is  sent  into  Great  Jordan.  Now 
Agrippa  had  united  Sogana  and  Seleucia 
by  leagues  to  himself,  at  the  very  begin- 
ning of  the  revolt  from  the  Romans ;  yet 
did  not  Gamala  accede  to  them,  but  re- 
lied upon  the  difficulty  of  the  place,  which 
was  greater  than  that  of  Jotapata,  for  it 
was  situated  upon  a  rough  ridge  of  a  high 
mountain,  with  a  kind  of  neck  in  the  mid- 
dle :  where  it  begins  to  ascend,  it  length- 
ens itself,  and  declines  as  much  downward 
before  as  behind,  insomuch  that  it  is  like 
a  camel  in  figure,  from  whence  it  is  so 
named,  although  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try do  not  pronounce  it  accurately.  Both 
on  the  side  and  the  face  there  are  abrupt 
parts  divided  from  the  rest,  and  ending  in 
vast  deep  valleys;  yet  are  the  parts  be- 
hind, where  they  are  joined  to  the  moun- 
tain, somewhat  easier  of  ascent  than  the 
other;  but  then  the  people  belonging  to 
the  place  have  cut  an  oblicpie  ditch  there, 
and  made  that  hard  to  be  ascended  also. 
On  its  acclivity,  which  is  straight,  houses 
are  built,  and  those  very  thick  and  close 
to  one  another.  The  city  also  hangs  so 
strangely,  that  it  looks  as  if  it  would  fall 
down  upon  itself,  so  sharp  is  it  at  the  top. 
It  is  exposed  to  the  south ;  and  its  south- 
ern mount,  which  reaches  to  an  immense 
height,  was  in  the  nature  of  a  citadel  to 
the  city ;   and  above  that  was  a  precipice, 


Chap.  I  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS, 


281 


not  walled  about,  but  extending  itself  to 
an  immense  depth.  There  was  also  a 
spring  of  water  within  the  wall,  at  the 
utmost  limits  of  the  city. 

As  this  city  was  naturally  hard  to  be 
taken,  so  had  Josephus,  by  building  a  wall 
about  it,  made  it  still  stronger,  as  also  by 
ditches  and  mines  under  ground.  The 
people  that  were  in  it  were  made  more 
bold  by  the  nature  of  the  place  than  the 
people  of  Jotapata  had  been,  but  it  had 
much  fewer  fighting  men  in  it;  and  they 
had  such  a  confidence  in  the  situation  of 
the  place,  that  they  thought  the  enemy 
could  not  be  too  many  for  them ;  for  the 
city  had  been  filled  with  those  that  had 
fled  to  it  for  safety,  on  account  of  its 
strength :  on  which  account  they  had 
been  able  to  resist  those  whom  Agrippa 
sent  to  besiege  it  for  seven  months  to- 
gether. 

But  Vespasian  removed  from  Emmaus, 
where  he  had  last  pitched  his  camp  before 
the  city  Tiberias — (now  Emmaus,  if  it  be 
interpreted,  may  be  rendered  "  a  warm 
bath,"  for  therein  is  a  spring  of  warm 
water,  useful  for  healing) — and  came  to 
Gamala ;  yet  was  its  situation  such  that  he 
was  not  able  to  encompass  it  all  round 
with  soldiers  to  watch  it ;  but  where  the 
places  were  practicable,  he  set  men  to 
watch  it,  and  seized  upon  the  mountain 
which  was  over  it.  And  as  the  legions,  ac- 
cording to  their  usual  custom,  were  forti- 
fying their  camp  upon  that  mountain,  he 
began  to  cast  up  banks  at  the  bottom,  at 
the  part  toward  the  cast,  where  the  high- 
est tower  of  the  whole  city  was,  and 
where  the  fifteenth  legion  pitched  their 
camp ;  while  the  fifth  legion  did  duty  over 
against  the  midst  of  the  city,  and  while 
the  tenth  legion  filled  up  the  ditches  and 
valleys.  Now  at  this  time  it  was  that  as 
King  Agrippa  was  come  nigh  the  walls, 
and  was  endeavouring  to  speak  to  those 
that  were  on  the  walls  about  a  surrender, 
he  was  hit  with  a  stone  on  his  right  elbow 
by  one  of  the  slingers;  he  was  then  im- 
mediately surrounded  with  his  own  men. 
But  the  Bomans  were  excited  to  set  about 
the  siege,  by  their  indignation  on  the 
king's  account,  and  by  their  fear  on  their 
own  account,  as  concluding  that  those 
men  would  omit  of  no  kinds  of  barbarity 
against  foreigners  and  enemies,  who  were 
so  enraged  against  one  of  their  own  na- 
tion, and  one  that  advised  them  to  nothing 
but  what  was  for  their  own  advantage. 

Now  when   the  banks    were    finished, 


which  was  dono  on  the  sudden,  both  by 
the  multitude  of  hands,  and  by  their  be- 
ing accustomed  to  such  work,  they  brought 
the  machines  j  but  Chares  and  Joseph, 
who  were  the  most  potent  men  of  the 
city,  set  their  armed  men  in  order,  though 
already  in  a  fright,  because  they  did  not 
suppose  that  the  city  could  hold  out  long, 
since  they  had  not  a  sufficient  quantity 
either  of  water  or  of  other  necessaries. 
However,  these  their  leaders  encouraged 
them,  and  brought  them  out  upon  the 
wall,  and  for  a  while  indeed  they  drove 
away  those  that  were  bringing  the  ma- 
chines; but  when  those  machines  threw 
darts  and  stones  at  them,  they  retired  into 
the  city ;  then  did  the  Romans  bring  bat- 
tering-rams to  three  several  places,  and 
make  the  wall  shake  [and  fall].  They 
then  poured  in  over  the  parts  of  the  wall 
that  were  thrown  down,  with  a  mighty 
sound  of  trumpets  and  noise  of  armour, 
and  with  a  shout  of  the  soldiers,  and  brake 
in  by  force  upon  those  that  were  in  the 
city  ;  but  these  men  fell  upon  the  Romans 
for  some  time,  at  their  first  entrance,  and 
prevented  their  going  any  farther,  and 
with  great  courage  beat  them  back;  and 
the  Bomans  were  so  overpowered  by  the 
greater  multitude  of  the  people  who  beat 
them  on  every  side,  that  they  were  obliged 
to  run  into  the  upper  parts  of  the  city. 
Whereupon  the  people  turned  about,  ami 
fell  upon  their  enemies,  who  hud  attacked 
them,  and  thrust  them  down  to  the  lower 
parts,  and,  as  they  were  distressed  by  the 
narrowness  and  difficulty  of  the  place, 
slew  them ;  and  as  these  Bomans  could 
neither  beat  those  back  that  were  above 
them,  nor  escape  the  force  of  their  own 
men  that  were  forcing  their  way  forward, 
they  were  compelled  to  fly  into  their  ene- 
mies' houses,  which  were  low  ;  but  these 
houses  being  thus  full  of  soldiers,  whose 
weight  they  could  not  bear,  fell  down  sud- 
denly ;  and  when  one  house  fell,  it  shook  a 
great  many  of  those  that  were  under  it,  as 
did  those  do  to  such  as  were  under  them 
By  this  means  a  vast  number  of  the  Bo- 
mans perished;  for  they  were  so  terribly 
distressed,  that  although  they  saw  the 
houses  subsiding,  they  were  compelled  to 
leap  upon  the  tops  of  them ;  so  that  a  great 
many  were  ground  to  powder  by  these 
ruins,  and  a  great  many  of  those  that  got 
from  under  them  lost  some  of  their  limbs, 
but  still  a  greater  number  were  suffocated 
by  the  dust  that  arose  from  those  ruius. 
The  people  of  (Jainala  supposed  this   tc 


282 


AVARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV 


be  an  assistance  afforded  them  by  God,  and 
without  regarding  what  damage  they  suf- 
fered themselves,  they  pressed  forward, 
and  thrust  the  enemy  upon  the  tops  of 
their  houses;  and  when  they  stumbled  in 
the  sharp  and  narrow  streets,  and  were 
perpetually  tumbling  down,  they  threw 
their  stones  or  darts  at  them,  and  slew 
them.  Now  the  very  ruins  afforded  them 
stones  enough  ;  and  for  iron  weapons,  the 
dead  men  of  the  enemy's  side  afforded 
tbem  what  they  wanted ;  for  drawing  the 
swords  of  those  that  were  dead,  they  made 
use  of  them  to  despatch  such  as  were 
only  half  dead ;  nay,  there  were  a  great 
number  who,  upon  their  falling  down  from 
the  top  of  the  houses,  stabbed  themselves, 
and  died  after  that  manner;  nor  indeed 
was  it  easy  for  those  that  were  beaten 
back  to  fly  away  ;  for  they  were  so  unac- 
quainted with  the  ways,  and  the  dust  was 
so  thick,  that  they  wandered  about  with- 
out knowing  one  another,  and  fell  down 
dead  among  the  crowd. 

Those  therefore  that  were  able  to  find 
the  ways  out  of  the  city  retired.  But 
now  Vespasian  always  stayed  among  those 
that  were  hard  set;  for  he  was  deeply  af- 
fected with  seeing  the  ruins  of  the  city 
falling  upon  his  army,  and  forgot  to  take 
care  of  his  own  preservation.  He  went 
up  gradually  toward  the  highest  parts  of 
the  city  before  he  was  aware,  and  was  left 
in  the  midst  of  dangers,  having  only  a 
very  few  with  him;  for  even  his  son  Titus 
was  not  with  him  at  that  time,  having 
been  then  sent  into  Syria  to  Mucianus. 
However,  he  thought  it  not  safe  to  fly, 
nor  did  he  esteem  it  a  fit  thing  for  him  to 
do;  but  calling  to  mind  the  actions  he  had 
done  from  his  youth,  and  recollecting  his 
courage,  as  if  he  had  been  excited  by  a 
divine  fury,  he  covered  himself  and  those 
that  were  with  him  with  their  shields,  and 
formed  a  testudo  over  both  their  bodies 
and  their  armour,  and  bore  up  against  the 
enemy's  attacks,  who  came  running  down 
from  the  top  of  the  city  :  and  without 
showing  any  dread  at  the  multitude  of 
the  men  or  of  their  darts,  he  eudured  all, 
until  the  enemy  took  notice  of  that  divine 
courage  that  was  within  him,  and  remit- 
ted of  their  attacks;  and  when  they 
pressed  less  zealously  upon  him,  he  retired, 
though  without  showing  his  back  to  them, 
till  he  was  gotten  out  of  the  walls  of  the 
city.  Now  a  great  number  of  the  Ro- 
mans  fell  in  this  battle,  among  whom  was 
Ebutius,  the  decurion,  a  man  who  appear- 


ed not  only  in  this  engagement,  wherein 
he  fell,  but  everywhere,  and  in  former  en- 
gagements, to  be  of  the  truest  courage, 
and  one  that  had  done  very  great  mis- 
chief to  the  Jews.  But  there  was  a  cen- 
turion, whose  name  was  Gallus,  who,  dur- 
ing this  disorder,  being  encompassed 
about,  he  and  ten  other  soldiers  privately 
crept  into  the  house  of  a  certain  person, 
where  he  heard  them  talking  at  supper 
what  the  people  intended  to  do  against 
the  Romans,  or  about  themselves,  (for 
both  the  man  himself  and  those  with  him 
were  Syrians.)  So  he  got  up  in  the 
night-time,  and  cut  all  their  throats,  and 
escaped,  together  with  his  soldiers,  to  the 
Romans. 

And  now  Vespasian  comforted  his  army, 
which  was  much  dejected  by  reflecting  on 
their  ill  success,  and  because  they  had 
never  before  fallen  into  such  a  calamity, 
and  besides  this  because  they  were  great- 
ly ashamed  that  they  had  left  their  gene- 
ral alone  in  great  dangers.  As  to  what 
concerned  himself,  he  avoided  to  say  any 
thing,  that  he  might  by  no  means  seem 
to  complain  of  it;  but  he  said  that  "  we 
ought  to  bear  manfully  what  usually  falls 
out  in  war,  and  this,  by  considering  what 
the  nature  of  war  is  and  how  it  can  never 
be  that  we  must  conquer  without  blood- 
shed on  our  own  side ;  for  there  stands 
about  us  that  fortune  which  is  of  its  own 
nature  mutable ;  that  while  they  had  killed 
so  many  ten  thousands  of  the  Jews,  they 
had  now  paid  their  small  share  of  the 
reckoning  to  fate ;  and  as  it  is  the  part  of 
weak  people  to  be  too  much  puffed  up 
with  good  success,  so  is  it  the  part  of 
cowards  to  be  too  much  affrighted  at  that 
which  is  ill ;  for  the  change  from  the  one  to 
the  other  is  sudden  on  both  sides;  and  he  is 
the  best  warrior  who  is  of  a  sober  mind  un- 
der misfortunes,  that  he  may  continue  in 
that  temper,  and  cheerfully  recover  what 
hath  been  lost  formerly ;  and  as  for  what 
had  now  happened,  it  was  neither  owing 
to  their  own  effeminacy  nor  to  the  valour 
of  the  Jews,  but  the  difficulty  of  the 
place  was  the  occasion  of  their  advantage, 
and  of  our  disappointment.  Upon  re- 
flecting on  which  matter  one  might  blame 
your  zeal  as  perfectly  ungovernable ;  for 
when  the  enemy  had  retired  to  their  high- 
est fastnesses,  you  ought  to  have  restrained 
yourselves,  and  not,  by  presenting  your- 
selves at  the  top  of  the  city,  to  be  exposed 
to  dangers ;  but  upon  your  having  obtained 
!  the  lower  parts  of  the  city,  you  ought  to 


Cn^p.  I.] 


WARS  OF    THE    JEWS. 


•j-:: 


have  provoked  those  that  had  retired 
thither  to  a  safe  and  settled  battle;  where- 
as, in  rushing  so  hastily  upon  victory,  you 
took  no  care  of  your  own  safety.  l>ut 
this  incautiousncss  in  war,  and  this  mad- 
ness of  zeal,  is  not  a  Roman  maxim. 
While  we  perform  all  that  we  attempt  by 
skill  and  good  order,  that  procedure  is 
only  the  part  of  barbarians,  and  is  what 
the  Jews  chiefly  support  themselves  by. 
We  ought  therefore  to  return  to  our  own 
virtue,  and  to  be  rather  angry  than  any 
longer  dejected  at  this  unlucky  mis- 
fortune ;  and  let  every  one  seek  for  his 
own  consolation  from  his  own  hand ;  for 
by  this  means  he  will  avenge  those  that 
have  been  destroyed,  and  punish  those 
that  have  killed  them.  For  myself,  I 
will  endeavour,  as  I  have  now  done,  to  go 
first  before  you  against  your  enemies  in 
every  engagement,  and  to  be  the  last  that 
retires  from  it." 

So  Vespasian  encouraged  his  army  by 
this  speech  ;  but  for  the  people  of  Gamala, 
it  happened  that  they  took  courage  for  a 
little  while,  upon  such  great  and  unac- 
countable success  as  they  had  had.  But 
when  they  considered  with  themselves 
that  they  had  now  no  hopes  of  any  terms 
of  accommodation,  and  reflecting  upon  it 
that  they  could  not  get  away,  and  that 
their  provisions  began  already  to  be  short, 
they  were  exceedingly  cast  down,  and  their 
courage  failed  them ;  yet  did  they  not 
neglect  what  might  be  for  their  preser- 
vation, so  far  as  they  were  able,  but  the 
most  courageous  among  them  guarded  those 
parts  of  the  wall  that  were  beaten  down, 
while  the  more  infirm  did  the  same  to  the 
rest  of  the  wall  that  still  remained  round 
the  city.  And  as  the  Romans  raised  their 
banks,  and  attempted  to  get  into  the 
city  a  second  time,  a  great  many  of  them 
fled  out  of  the  city  through  impractica- 
ble valleys,  where  no  guards  were  placed, 
as  also  through  subterraneous  caverns ; 
while  those  that  were  afraid  of  being 
caught,  and  for  that  reason  stayed  in  the 
city,  perished  for  want  of  food;  for  what 
food  they  had  was  brought  together  from 
all  quarters,  and  reserved  for  the  fight- 
ing men. 

And  these  were  the  hard  circumstances 
the  people  of  Gamala  were  in.  But  now 
Vespasian  went  about  other  work,  by  the 
by,  during  this  siege,  and  that  was  to 
subdue  those  that  had  seized  upon  Mount 
Tabor,  a  place  that  lies  in  the  middle  be- 
tween the  Great  Plain  and  Scythopolis, 


whose  top  is  elevated  as  high  as  thirty 
furlongs,*  and  is  hardly  to  be  ascended 
on  its  north  side;  its  top  is  a  plain  of 
twenty-six  furlongs,  and  all  encompassed 
with  a  wall.  Now,  Josephus  erected  this 
so  long  a  wall  in  forty  days'  time,  and 
furnished  it  with  other  materials,  and 
with  water  from  below,  for  the  inhabitants 
only  made  use  of  rain-water;  as,  there- 
fore, there  was  a  great  multitude  of  people 
gotten  together  upon  this  mountain,  Ves- 
pasian sent  Placidus,  with  GOO  horsemen, 
thither.  Now,  as  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  ascend  the  mountain,  he  invited 
many  of  them  to  peace,  by  the  offer  of  his 
right  hand  for  their  security,  and  of  his 
intercession  for  them.  Accordingly,  they 
came  down,  but  with  a  treacherous  design, 
as  well  as  he  had  the  like  treacherous ; 
design  upon  them  on  the  other  side 
for  Placidus  spoke  mildly  to  them,  as 
aiming  to  take  them  when  he  got  them 
into  the  plain  ;  they  also  came  down,  as 
complying  with  his  proposals,  but  it  was 
in  order  to  fall  upon  him  when  he  was 
not  aware  of  it :  however,  Placidus's  stra- 
tagem was  too  hard  for  theirs ;  for  when 
the  Jews  began  to  fight,  he  pretended  to 
ruu  away,  and  when  they  were  in  pursuit 
of  the  Romans,  he  enticed  them  a  great 
way  along  the  plain,  and  then  made  his 
horsemen  turn  back ;  whereupon  he  beat 
them,  and  slew  a  great  number  of  them, 
and  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  rest  of  the 
multitude,  and  hindered  their  return.  So 
they  left  Tabor,  and  fled  to  Jerusalem, 
while  the  people  of  the  country  came  to 
terms  with  him,  for  their  water  failed 
them,  and  so  they  delivered  up  the  moun- 
tain and  themselves  to  Placidus. 


*  These  numbers  in  Josephus,  of  thirty  furlongs' 
ascent  to  the  top  of  Mount  Tabor,  whether  we 
estimate  it  by  winding  and  gradual,  or  by  perpen- 
dicular altitude,  and  of  twenty-six  furlongs'  cir- 
cumference upon  the  top,  as  also  fifteen  furlongs 
for  this  ascent  in  Polybius,  with  Geruinus's  perpen- 
dicular altitude  of  almost  fourteen  furlongs,  do  none 
of  them  agree  with  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Maundrel, 
who  says  he  was  not  an  hour  in  getting  up  to  the 
top  of  this  Mount  Tabor,  and  that  the  area  of  the 
top  is  an  oval  of  about  two  furlongs  in  length, 
and  one  in  breadth.  We  may  rather  suppose  Jo- 
sephus wrote  three  'furlongs  for  the  ascent,  instead 
of  thirty;  and  six  furlongs  for  the  circumference 
at  the  top,  instead  of  twenty-six, — since  a  mountain 
of  only  three  furlongs'  perpendicular  altitude  may 
easily  require  near  an  hour's  ascent;  and  the  cir- 
cumference of  an  oval  of  the  foregoing  quantity, 
is  near  six  furlongs.  Nor  certainly  could  such  a 
vast  circumference  as  twenty-six  furlongs,  or  three 
miles  and  a  quarter,  at  that  height,  be  encompassed 
with  a  wall,  including  a  trench  and  other  fortifi- 
cations, in  the  small  interval  of  forty  days,  as  Jo- 
sephus here  says  they  were  by  himself. 


2S4 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IT. 


But  of  the  people  of  Gamala,  those 
that  were  of  the  bolder  sort  fled  away,  and 
hid  themselves,  while  the  more  infirm 
perished  by  famine ;  but  the  men  of  war 
sustained  the  siege  till  the  two-and- 
twentieth  day  of  the  month  Hyperbere- 
tseus  [Tisri],  when  three  soldiers  of  the 
fifteenth  legion,  about  the  morning  watch, 
got  under  a  high  tower  that  was  near, 
and  undermiued  it  without  making  any 
noise;  nor  when  they  either  came  to  it, 
which  was  in  the  night-time,  nor  when 
they  were  under  it,  did  those  that  guarded 
it  perceive  them.  These  soldiers  then, 
upon  their  coming,  avoided  making  a 
noise,  and  when  they  had  rolled  away  five 
of  its  strongest  stones,  they  went  away 
hastily;  whereupon  the  tower  fell  down 
on  a  sudden,  with  a  great  noise,  and  its 
guard  fell  headlong  with  it ;  so  that  those 
that  kept  guard  at  other  places  were 
under  such  disturbance  that  they  ran 
away  ;  the  Romans  also  slew  many  of 
those  that  ventured  to  oppose  them,  among 
whom  was  Joseph,  who  was  slain  by  a 
dart,  as  he  was  running  away  over  that 
part  of  the  wall  that  was  broken  down  : 
but  as  those  that  were  in  the  city  were 
greatly  affrighted  at  the  noise,  they  ran 
hither  and  thither,  and  a  great  conster- 
nation fell  upon  them,  as  though  all  the 
enemy  had  fallen  in  at  once  upon  them. 
Then  it  was  that  Chares;  w.ho  was  ill,  and 
under,  the  physician's  hands,  gave  up  the 
ghost,  the  fear  he  was  in  greatly  contri- 
buting to  make  his  distemper  fatal  to 
him.  But  the  Romans  so  well  remem- 
bered their  former  ill  success,  that  they 
did  not  enter  the  city  till  the  three- 
and-twentieth  day  of  the  forementioned 
month. 

At  which  time  Titus,  who  was  now  re- 
turned, out  of  the  indignation  he  had  at 
the  destruction  the  Romans  had  under- 
gone while  he  was  absent,  took  200  chosen 
horsemen,  and  some  footmen  with  him, 
and  entered  without  noise  into  the  city. 
Now,  as  the  watch  perceived  that  he  was 
coming,  they  made  a  noise,  and  betook 
themselves  to  their  arms ;  and  as  this  his 
entrance  was  presently  known  to  those 
that  were  in  the  city,  some  of  them  caught 
hold  of  their  children  and  their  wives, 
and  drew  them  after  them,  and  fled  away 
to  the  citadel,  with  lamentations  and  cries, 
while  others  of  them  went  to  meet  Titus, 
and  were  killed  perpetually ;  but  so  many 
of  them  as  were  hindered  from  running 
up  to  the  citadel,  not  knowing  what  in 


the  world  to  do,  fell   among  the  Roman 
guards,  while    the   groans   of  those   that 
were  killed  were  prodigiously  great  every- 
where, and  blood  ran  down  over  all  the 
lower  parts  of  the  city,  from  the  upper. 
But  then  Vespasian  himself  came  to  his 
assistance  against  those  that  had  fled  to 
the  citadel,  and  brought  his  whole  army 
with  him  :  now  this  upper  part  of  the  city 
was  every  way  rocky,  and  difficult  of  as- 
cent, and  elevated  to  a  vast  altitude,  and 
very  full  of  people  on  all  sides,  and  en- 
compassed  with   precipices,  whereby  the 
Jews  cut  off  those  that  came  up  to  them, 
and  did  much  mischief  to  others  by  their 
darts   and   the  large    stones  which   they 
rolled  down  upon  them,  while  they  were 
themselves  so  high  that  the  enemies'  darts 
could  hardly  reach  them.    However,  there 
arose  such  a  divine  storm  against  them  as 
was  instrumental  to  their  destruction ;  this 
carried  the  Roman  darts  upon  them,  and 
made  those  which  they  threw  return  back, 
and    drove    them    obliquely   away    from 
them  :  nor  could  the  Jews  indeed  stand 
upon   their  precipices,  by  reason   of  the 
violence  of  the  wind,  having  nothing  that 
was  stable  to  stand  upon,  nor  could  they 
see  those  that  were  ascending  up  to  them ; 
so   the  Romans  got  up  and   surrounded 
them,  and  some   they   slew  before   they 
could  defend  themselves,  and   others  as 
they  were  delivering  up  themselves ;  and 
the  remembrance  of  those  that  were  slain 
at   their    former  entrance  into  the  city- 
increased  their  rage  against  them  now;  a 
great  number  also  of  those  that  were  sur- 
rounded on  every  side,  and  despaired  of 
escaping,  threw  their  children  and  their 
wives,  and  themselves  also,  down  the  pre- 
cipices,  into   the  valley  beneath,'  which, 
near  the  citadel,  had  been  dug  hollow  to 
a  vast  depth  ;  but  so  it  happened,  that  the 
anger  of  the  Romans  appeared  not  to  be 
so  extravagant  as  was    the   madness    of 
those  that  were  now  taken,  while  the  Ro- 
mans slew  but  4000,  whereas  the  number 
of  those  that  had  thrown  themselves  down 
was  found  to  be  5000 ;  nor  did  any  one 
escape  except  two  women,  who  were  the 
daughters  of  Philip,  and  Philip  himsolf 
was  the   son  of  a  certain  eminent  man 
called  Jacimus,  who  had  been  general  of 
King  Agrippa's  army ;  and  these  did  there- 
fore escape,   because   they  lay  concealed 
from  the  sight  of  the  Romans  when  the 
city  was  taken ;  for  otherwise  they  spared 
not  so  much  as  the  infants,  of  whom  many 
were  flung  down  by  them  from  the  citadel 


Chap.  II.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


And  thus  was  Gamala  taken  on  the  three- 
and-tweutieth  day  of  the  month  Ilyper- 
beretseus  [Tisri],  whereas  the  city  had 
first  revolted  on  the  four-and-twentieth 
day  of  the  month  Gorpiieus  [Elul]. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  surrender  of  the  small  city  of  Gischala — John 
of  Gischala  flics  to  Jerusalem. 

Now,  no  place  of  Galilee  remained  to 
be  taken  but  the  small  city  of  Gischala, 
whose  inhabitants  yet  were  desirous  of 
peace  ;  for  they  were  generally  husband- 
men, and  always  applied  themselves  to 
cultivate  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  How- 
ever, tliere  were  a  great  number  that 
belonged  to  a  band  of  robbers,  that  were 
already  corrupted,  and  had  crept  in  among 
them,  and  some  of  the  governing  part  of 
the  citizens  were  sick  of  the  same  dis- 
temper. It  was  John,  the  son  of  a  cer- 
tain man  whose  name  was  Levi,  that 
drew  them  into  this  rebellion,  and  en- 
couraged them  in  it.  He  was  a  cunning 
knave,  and  of  a  temper  that  could  put  on 
various  shapes;  very  rash  in  expecting 
great  things,  and  very  sagacious  in  bring- 
ing about  what  he  hoped  for.  It  was 
known  to  everybody  that  he  was  fond  of 
war,  in  order  to  thrust  himself  into  au- 
thority ;  and  the  seditious  part  of  the 
people  of  Gischala  were  under  his  ma- 
nagement, by  whose  means  the  populace, 
who  seemed  ready  to  send  ambassadors 
in  order  to  a  surrender,  waited  for  the 
coming  of  the  Romans  in  battle-array. 
Vespasian  sent  against  them  Titus,  with 
1000  horsemen,  but  withdrew  the  tenth 
legion  to  Scythopolis,  while  he  returned 
to  Cesarea  with  the  two  other  legions, 
that  he  might  allow  them  to  refresh  them- 
selves after  their  hard  and  long  campaign, 
thinking  withal  that  the  plenty  which  was 
in  those  cities  would  improve  their  bodies 
and  their  spirits,  against  the  difficulties 
they  were  to  go  through  afterward;  for 
he  saw  there  would  be  occasion  for  great 
pains  about  Jerusalem,  which  was  not  yet 
taken,  because  it  was  the  royal  city,  and 
the  principal  city  of  the  whole  nation ; 
and  because  those  that  had  run  away  from 
the  war  in  other  places  got  all  together 
thither.  It  was  also  naturally  strong, 
and  the  walls  that  were  built  round  it 
made  him  not  a  little  concerned  about 
it.  Moreover,  he  esteemed  the  men  that 
were  in  it  to  be  so  courageous  and  bold, 
that  even  without  the   consideration   of 


the  walls,  it  would  be  hard  to  subdue 
them  j  for  which  reason  he  took  care  of 

and  exercised  his  soldiers  beforehand  for 
the  work,  as  they  do  wrestlers  before  they 
begiu  their  undertaking. 

Now  Titus,  as  he  rode  up  to  Gischala, 
found  it  would  be  easy  for  him  to  take 
the  city  upon  the  first  onset;  but  knew 
withal,  that  if  he  took  it  by  force,  the 
multitude  would  be  destroyed  by  the  sol- 
diers without  mercy.  (Now  he  was  already 
satiated  with  the  shedding  of  blood,  and 
pitied  the  major  part,  who  would  then 
perish,  without  distinction,  together  with 
the  guilty.)  So  he  was  rather  desirous 
the  city  might  be  surrendered  up  to  hiiu 
on  terms.  Accordingly,  when  he  saw  the 
wall  full  of  those  men  that  were  of  the 
corrupted  party,  he  said  to  them, — "  That 
he  could  not  but  wonder  what  it  was  they 
depended  on,  when  they  alone  stayed  to 
fight  the  Romans,  after  every  other  city 
was  taken  by  them;  especially  when  they 
have  seen  cities  much  better  fortified  than 
theirs  is,  overthrown  by  a  single  attack 
upon  them ;  while  as  many  as  have  in- 
trusted themselves  to  the  security  of  the 
Romans'  right  hands,  which  he  now  of- 
fers to  them,  without  regarding  their  for- 
mer insolence,  do  enjoy  their  own  pos- 
sessions in  safety;  for  that  while  they  had 
hopes  of  recovering  their  liberty,  they 
might  be  pardoned ;  but  that  their  con- 
tinuance still  in  opposition,  when  they  saw 
that  to  be  impossible,  was  inexcusable ; 
for  that,  if  they  will  not  comply  with  such 
humane  offers,  and  right  bauds  for  secu- 
rity, they  should  have  experience  of  such 
a  war  as  would  spare  nobody,  aud  should 
soon  be  made  sensible  that  their  wall 
would  be  but  a  trifle,  when  battered  by 
the  Roman  machines;  in  depending  on 
which,  they  demonstrate  themselves  to  be 
the  only  Galileans  that  were  no  better 
than  arrogaut  slaves  and  captives. 

Now  none  of  the  populace' durst  not 
only  not  make  a  reply,  but  durst  not  so 
much  as  get  upon  the  wall,  for  it  was  all 
taken  up  by  the  robbers,  who  were  also 
the  guard  at  the  gates,  in  order  to  prevent 
any  of  the  rest  from  going  out  in  order  to 
propose  terms  of  submission,  and  from 
receiving  any  of  the  horsemen  into  the 
city.  Rut  John  returned  Titus  this  an- 
swer, That  for  himself  he  was  content  to 
hearken  to  his  proposals,  and  that  he 
would  either  persuade  or  force  those  that 
refused  them.  Yet  he  said,  that  Titus 
ought  to  have  such  regard  to  the  Jewish 


286 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV 


law,  as  to  grant  them  leave  to  celebrate 
that  day,  which  was  the  seventh  day  of 
the  week,  on  which  it  was  unlawful  not 
only  to  remove  their  arms,  but  even  to 
treat  of  peace  also  ;  and  that  even  the  Ro- 
mans were  not  ignorant  how  the  period 
of  the  seventh  day  was  among  them  a 
cessation  from  all  labours;  and  that  he 
who  should  compel  them  to  transgress  the 
Jaw  about  that  day  would  be  equally  guil- 
ty  with  those  that  were  compelled  to  trans- 
gress it :  and  that  this  delay  could  be  of  no 
advantage  to  him  ;  for  why  should  anybody 
think  of  doing  any  thing  in  the  night,  un- 
less it  was  to  fly  away  ?  which  he  might 
prevent  by  placing  his  camp  round  about 
them  :  and  that  they  should  think  it  a 
great  point  gained,  if  they  might  not  be 
obliged  to  transgress  the  laws  of  their 
country;  and  that  it  would  be  a  right 
thing  for  him,  who  designed  to  grant  them 
peace,  without  their  expectation  of  such 
a  favour,  to  preserve  the  laws  of  those 
they  saved  inviolable.  Thus  did  this  man 
put  a  trick  upon  Titus,  not  so  much  out 
of  regard  to  the  seventh  day  as  to  his 
own  preservation,  for  he  was  afraid  lest  he 
should  be  quite  deserted  if  the  city  should 
be  taken,  and  had  his  hopes  of  life  in 
that  night,  and  in  his  flight  therein.  Now 
this  was  the  work  of  God,  who  therefore 
preserved  this  John,  that  he  might  bring 
on  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem ;  as  also 
it  was  his  work  that  Titus  was  prevailed 
with  by  this  pretence  for  a  delay,  and  that 
he  pitched  his  camp  farther  off  the  city 
at  Cydessa.  This  Cydessa  was  a  strong 
Mediterranean  village  of  the  Tyrians, 
which  always  hated  and  made  war  against 
the  Jews;  it  had  also  a  great  number  of 
inhabitants,  and  was  well  fortified;  which 
made  it  a  proper  place  for  such  as  were 
enemies  to  the  Jewish  nation. 

Now,  in  the  night-time,  when  John  saw 
that  there  was  no  Roman  guard  about  the 
city,  he  seized  the  opportunity  directly, 
and,  taking  with  him  not  only  the  armed 
men  that  were  about  him,  but  a  consider- 
able number  of  those  that  had  little  to 
do,  together  with  their  families,  he  fled 
to  Jerusalem.  And,  indeed,  though  the 
man  was  making  haste  to  get  away,  and 
was  tormented  with  fears  of  being  a  cap- 
tive, or  of  losing  his  life,  yet  did  he  pre- 
vail with  himself  to  take  out  of  the  city 
along  with  him  a  multitude  of  women  and 
children,  as  far  as  twenty  furlongs ;  but 
there  he  left  them  as  he  proceeded  farther 
on   his  journey,  where  those  that  were 


left  behind  made  sad  lamentations  ;  fot 
the  farther  every  one  was  come  from  his 
own  people,  the  nearer  they  thought  them- 
selves to  be  to  their  enemies.  They  also 
affrighted  themselves  with  this  thought, 
that  those  who  would  carry  them  into  cap 
tivity  were  just  at  hand,  and  still  turned 
themselves  back  at  the  mere  noise  they 
made  themselves  in  this  their  hasty  flight, 
as  if  those  from  whom  they  fled  were 
just  upon  them.  Many  also  of  them 
missed  their  ways;  and  the  earnestness 
of  such  as  aimed  to  outgo  the  rest,  threw 
down  many  of  them.  And  indeed  there 
was  a  miserable  destruction  made  of  the 
women  and  children  ;  while  some  of  them 
took  courage  to  call  their  husbands  and 
kinsmen  back,  and  to  beseech  them,  with 
the  bitterest  lamentations,  to  stay  for 
them;  but  John's  exhortation,  who  cried 
out  to  them  to  save  themselves,  and  fly 
away,  prevailed.  He  said  also,  that  if  the 
Romans  should  seize  upon  those  whom 
they  left  behind,  they  would  be  revenged 
on  them  for  it.  So  this  multitude  that 
run  thus  away  was  dispersed  abroad,  ac- 
cording as  each  of  them  was  able  to  run, 
one  faster  or  slower  than  another. 

Now  on  the  next  day  Titus  came  to  the 
wall,  to  make  the  agreement;  whereupon 
the  people  opened  their  gates  to  him,  and 
came  out  to  him,  with  their  children  and 
wives,  and  made  acclamations  of  joy  to 
him,  as  to  one  that  had  been  their  bene- 
factor, and  had  delivered  the  city  out  of 
custody  :  they  also  informed  him  of  John's 
flight,  and  besought  him  to  spare  them, 
and  to  come  in  and  bring- the  rest  of  those 
that  were  for  innovations  to  punishment; 
but  Titus,  not  so  much  regarding  the 
supplications  of  the  people,  sent  part  of  his 
horsemen  to  pursue  after  Jolm,  but  they 
could  not  overtake  him,  far  he  was  gotten 
to  Jerusalem  before  ;  they  also  slew  6000 
of  the  women  and  children  who  went  out 
with  him,  but  returned  back  and  brought 
with  them  almost  3000.  However,  Titus 
was  greatly  displeased  that  he  had  not 
been  able  to  bring  this  John,  who  had  de- 
luded him,  to  punishment;  yet  he  had 
captives  enough,  as  well  as  the  corrupted 
part  of  the  city,  to  satisfy  his  anger,  when 
it  missed  of  John.  So  he  entered  the 
city  in  the  midst  of  acclamations  of  joy ; 
and  when  he  had  given  orders  to  the  sol- 
diers to  pull  down  a  small  part  of  the 
wall,  as  of  a  city  taken  in  war,  he  repressed 
those  that  had  disturbed  the  city  rather 
by  threatenings  than  by  executions;    for 


Chap.  III.] 

he  thought  that  many  would  accuse  inno- 
cent persons  out  of  their  own  animosities 
and  quarrels,  if  he  should  attempt  tc  dis- 
tinguish those  that  were  worthy  of  pu- 
nishment from  the  rest;  and  that  it  was 
better  to  let  a  guilty  person  alone  in  his 
fears,  than  to  destroy  with  him  any  one 
that  did  not  deserve  it;  for  that  probably 
such  an  one  might  be  taught  prudence  by 
the  fear  of  the  punishment  he  had  deserved, 
and  have  a  shame  upon  him  for  his  former 
offences,  when  he  had  been  forgiven,  but 
that  the  punishment  of  such  as  have  been 
once  put  to  death  could  never  be  relieved. 
However,  he  placed  a  garrison  in  the 
city  for  its  security,  by  which  means  he 
should  restrain  those  that  were  for  innova- 
tions, and  should  leave  those  that  were 
peaceably  disposed  in  greater  security. 
And  thus  was  all  Galilee  taken ;  but 
this  not  till  after  it  had  cost  the  Romans 
much  pains  before  it  could  be  taken  by 
them. 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


287 


CHAPTER  III. 

Concerning  John  of  Gischala — The  Zealots,  and 
the  high  priest  Ananus — The  Jews  raise  sedi- 
tions one  against  another. 

Now,  upon  John's  entry  into  Jerusa- 
lem, the  whole  body  of  the  people  were 
in  an  uproar,  and  10,000  of  them  crowd- 
ed about  every  one  of  the  fugitives  that 
were  come  to  them,  and  inquired  of  them 
what  miseries  had  happened  abroad,  when 
their  breath  was  so  short,  and  hot,  and 
quick,  that  of  itself  it  declared  the  great 
distress  they  were  in ;  yet  did  they  talk 
largely  under  their  misfortunes,  and  pre- 
tended to  say  that  they  had  not  fled  away 
from  the  Romans,  but  came  thither  in  or- 
der to  fight  them  with  less  hazard;  for 
that  it  would  be  an  unreasonable  and  a 
fruitless  thing  for  them  to  expose  them- 
selves to  desperate  hazards  about  Gischala, 
and  such  weak  cities,  whereas  they  ought 
to  lay  up  their  weapons  and  their  zeal, 
and  reserve  it  for  their  metropolis.  But 
when  they  related  to  them  the  taking  of 
Gischala,  and  their  decent  departure,  as 
they  pretended,  from  that  place,  many  of 
the  people  understood  it  to  be  no  better 
than  a  flight ;  and  especially  when  the 
people  were  told  of  those  that  were  made 
captives,  they  were  in  great  confusion,  and 


those  whom  he  had  left  behind  him,  but 
went  about  among  all  the  people,  ami  per- 
suaded them  to  go  to  war,  by  the  hopes 
he  gave  them.  He  affirmed  that  the  af- 
fairs of  the  Romans  were  in  a  weak  con- 
dition, and  extolled  his  own  power.  He 
also  jested  upon  the  ignorance  of  the  un- 
skilful, as  if  those  Romans,  although 
they  should  take  to  themselves  wings, 
could  never  fly  over  the  wall  of  Jerusa- 
lem, who  found  such  great  difficulties  in 
taking  the  villages  of  Galilee,  and  had 
broken  their  engines  of  war  against  their 
walls. 

These  harangues  of  John's  corrupted  a 
great  part  of  the  young  men,  and  puffed 
them  up  for  the  war;  but  as  to  the  most 
prudent  part,  and  those  in  years,  there 
was  not  a  man  of  them  but  foresaw  what 
was  coming,  and  made  lamentation  on  that 
account,  as  if  the  city  was  already  un- 
done, and  in  this  confusion  were  the  peo- 
ple; but  then  it  must  be  observed,  that 
the  multitude  that  came  out  of  the  coun- 
try were  at  discord  before  the  Jerusalem 
sedition  began ;  for  Titus  went  from  Gis- 
chala to  Cesarea;  and  Vespasian  from 
Jainnia  and  Azotus,  and  took  them  both ; 
and  when  he  had  put  garrisons  into  them 
he  came  back  with  a  great  number  of  the 
people,  who  were  come  over  to  him,  upon 
his  giving  them  his  right  hand  for  their 
preservation.  There  were  besides  disor- 
ders and  civil  wars  in  every  city ;  and  all 
those  that  were  at  quiet  from  the  Romans 
turned  their  hands  one  against  another. 
There  was  also  a  bitter  contest  between 
those  that  were  fond  of  war  and  those 
that  were  desirous  of  peace.  At  the  first 
this  quarrelsome  temper  caught  hold  of 
private  families,  who  could  not  agree 
among  themselves  ;  after  which  those  peo- 
ple that  were  the  dearest  to  one  another, 
brake  through  all  restraints  with  regard 
to  each  other,  and  every  one  associated 
with  those  of  his  own  opinion,  and  began 
already  to  stand  in  opposition  one  to 
another;  so  that  seditions  arose  every- 
where, while  those  that  were  for  innova- 
tions, and  were'desirous  of  war,  by  their 
youth  and  boldness,  were  too  hard  for  the 
aged  and  the  prudent  men ;  and,  in  the 
first  place,  all  the  people  of  every  place 
betook  themselves  tc  rapine;  after  which 
they  got  together  in  bodies,  in  order  to 
rob  the  people  of  the  country,  insomuch 
that  for  barbarity  and  iniquity  those  of 
the  same  nation  did  noway   differ    from 


guessed   those  things  to  be  plain   indica 

tions  that  they  should  be  taken  also ;  but 

for  John,  he  was  very  little  concerned  for  |  the  Romans;  nay,  it  seemed  to  be  a  much 


^rl 


288 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


lighter  thing  to  be  ruined  by  the  Romans 
than  by  themselves. 

Now  the  lloman  garrisons,  which  guard- 
ed the  cities,  partly  out  of  their  uneasi- 
ness to  take  such  trouble  upon  them,  and 
partly  out  of  the  hatred  they  bore  to  the 
Jewish  nation,  did  little  or  nothing  to- 
wards relieving  the  miserable,  till  the  cap- 
tains of  these  troops  of  robbers,  being 
satiated  with  rapines  in  the  country,  got 
all  together  from  all  parts,  and  became  a 
band  of  wickedness,  and  all  together  crept 
into  Jerusalem,  which  was  now  become  a 
city  without  a  governor,  and,  as  the  an- 
cient custom  was,  received  without  dis- 
tinction all  that  belonged  to  their  nation  ; 
and  these  they  then  received,  because  all 
men  supposed  that  those  who  came  so  fast 
into  the  city,  came  out  of  kindness,  and 
for  their  assistance,  although  these  very 
men,  besides  the  seditions  they  raised, 
were  otherwise  the  direct  cause  of  the 
city's  destruction  also;  for  as  they  were  an 
unprofitable  and  a  useless  multitude,  they 
spent  those  provisions  beforehand,  which 
might  otherwise  have  been  sufficient  for 
the  fighting  men.  Moreover,  besides  the 
bringing  on  of  the  war,  they  were  the  oc- 
casion of  sedition  and  famine  therein. 

There  were,  besides  these,  other  rob- 
bers that  came  out  of  the  country,  and 
came  into  the  city,  and  joining  to  them 
those  that  were  worse  than  themselves, 
omitted  no  kind  of  barbarity  ;  for  they  did 
not  measure  their  courage  by  their  ra- 
pines and  plunderings  only,  but  proceeded 
as  far  as  murdering  men ;  and  this  not  in 
the  night-time  or  privately,  or  with  regard 
to  ordinary  men,  but  did  it  openly  in  the 
daytime,  and  began  with  the  mosteminent 
persons  in  the  city ;  for  the  first  man  they 
meddled  with  was  Antipas,  one  of  the 
royal  lineage,  and  the  most  potent  man 
in  the  whole  city,  insomuch  that  the  public 
treasures  were  committed  to  his  care ;  him 
they  took  and  confined,  as  they  did  in  the 
next  place  to  Levias,  a  person  of  great 
note,  with  Sophas,  the  son  of  Raguel ; 
both  of  whom  were  of  royal  lineage  also. 
And  besides  these,  they  did  the  same  to 
the  principal  men  of  the  country.  This 
caused  a  terrible  consternation  among  the 
people ;  and  every  one  contented  himself 
with  taking  care  of  his  own  safety,  as 
they  would  do  if  the  city  had  been  taken 
in  war. 

But  these  were  not  satisfied  with  the 
bonds  into  which  they  had  put  the  men 
before  mentioned ;  nor  did  they  think  it 


safe  for  them  to  keep  them  thus  in  custody 
long,  since  they  were  men  very  powerful,' 
and  had  numerous  families  of  their  own 
that  were  able  to  avenge  them.  Nay, 
they  thought  the  very  people  would  per- 
haps be  so  moved  at  these  unjust  pro- 
ceedings as  to  rise  in  a  body  against 
them  :  it  was  therefore  resolved  to  have 
them  slain.  Accordingly,  they  sent  one 
John,  who  was  the  most  bloody-minded 
of  them  all,  to  do  that  execution  :  this 
man  was  also  called  "  the  son  of  Dorcas,''* 
in  the  language  of  our  country.  Ten 
more  men  went  along  with  him  into  the 
prison,  with  their  swords  drawn,  and  so 
they  cut  the  throats  of  those  that  were  in 
custody  there.  The  grand  lying  pretence 
these  men  made  for  so  flagrant  an  enormity 
was  this,  that  these  man  had  had  con- 
ferences with  the  Romans  for  a  surrender 
of  Jerusalem  to  them;  and  so  they  said 
they  had  slain  only  such  as  were  traitors 
to  their  common  liberty.  Upon  the  whole, 
they  grew  the  more  insolent  upon  this 
bold  prank  of  theirs,  as  though  they  had 
been  the  benefactors  and  saviours  of  the 
city. 

Now,  the  people  were  come  to  that 
degree  of  meanness  and  fear,  and  these 
robbers  to  that  degree  of  madness,  that 
these  last  took  upon  them  to  appoint  high 
priests.  So  when  they  had  disannulled 
the  succession,  according  to  those  families 
out  of  whom  the  high  priests  used  to  be 
made,  they  ordained  certain  unknown  and 
ignoble  persons  for  that  office,  that  they 
might  have  their  assistance  in  their  wicked 
undertakings;  for  such  as  obtained  this 
highest  of  all  honours,  without  any  desert, 
were  forced  to  comply  with  those  that 
bestowed  it  on  them.  They  also  set  the 
principal  men  at  variance  one  with  another, 
by  several  sorts  of  contrivances  and  tricks, 
and  gained  the  opportunity  of  doing  what 
they  pleased,  by  the  mutual  quarrels  of 
those  who  might  have  obstructed  their 
measures;  till  at  length,  when  they  were 
satiated  with  the  unjust  actions  they  had 
done  toward  men,  they  transferred  their 
contumelious  behaviour  to  God  himself, 
and  came  into  the  sanctuary  with  polluted 
feet. 


*  This  name,  Dorcas,  in  Greek,  was  Tabitha  in 
Ilebrew  or  Syriae,  as  Acts  ix.  36.  Accordingly, 
some  of  the  manuscripts  set  it  down  here  Tabetha 
or  Tabeta.  Nor  can  the  context  in  Josephus  be 
made  out  but  by  supposing  the  reading  to  have 
been  this:  "The  son  of  Tabitha;  which  in  the 
language  of  our  country  denotes  Dorcas"  [or  a 
doe"!. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAUS    OF   THE   JEWS. 


289 


And  now  the  multitude  were  going  to 
rise  against  them  already;   for  AnanuB, 
the  rrfost  ancient  of  the  high  priests,  per- 
suaded them  to  it.  He  was  a  very„prudent 
man,  and  had  perhaps  saved  the  city  if  he 
could  but  have  escaped  the  hands  of  those 
that   plotted   against   him.     Those    men 
made  the  temple  of  God  a  stronghold  for 
them,   and  a  place  whither  they  might 
resort,  in  order  to  avoid  the  troubles  they 
feared   from    the  people;    the   sanctuary 
was  now  become  a  refuge  and  a  hold  of 
tyranny.    They  also  mixed  jesting  among 
the  miseries  they  introducod,  which  was 
more  intolerable  than  what  they  did;  for, 
in  order  to  try  what  surprise  the  people 
would  be  under,  and  how  far  their  own 
power  extended,  they  undertook  to   dis- 
pose  of   the   high-priesthood   by  casting 
lots  for  it,  whereas,  as  we  have  said  al- 
ready, it  was  to  descend  by  succession  in 
a  family.     The  pretence  they  made  for 
this  strange  attempt  was  an  ancient  prac- 
tice, while  they  said  that  of  old  it  was 
determined  by  lot;  but  in  truth,  it  was 
no  better  than  a  dissolution  of  an  unde- 
niable law,  and  a  cunning  contrivance  to 
seize  upon  the  government,  derived  from 
those  that  presumed  to  appoint  governors 
as  they  themselves  pleased. 

Hereupon  they  sent  for  one  of  the  pon- 
tifical tribes,  which  is  called  Eniachim,* 
and  cast  lots  which  of  it  should  be  the 
high  priest.     By  fortune,  the  lot  so  fell 
as  to  demonstrate  their  iniquity  after  the 
plainest   manner,    for   it    fell   upon   one 
whose   name  was   Phannias,  the   son   of 
Samuel,  of  the  village  Aphtha.    He  was  a 
man    not    only   unworthy   of    the    high- 
priesthood,  but  that  did  not  well  know 
what   the    high-priesthood  was :     such   a 
mere  rustic  was   he  !    yet  did  they  hale 
this  man,  without  his  own  consent,  out  of 
the  country,  as  if  they  were  acting  a  play 
upon  the  stage,  and  adorned  him  with  a 
counterfeit  face ;  they  also  put  upon  him 
the  sacred  garments,  and  upon  every  oc- 
casion instructed  him  what  he  was  to  do. 
This  horrid  piece  of  wickedness  was  sport 
and   pastime  with  them,   but  occasioned 
the  other  priests,  who  at  a  distance  saw 
their  law  made  a  jest  of,  to  shed  tears, 
and  sorely  lament  the  dissolution  of  such 
a  sacred  dignity. 

And  now  the  people   could  no  longer 

*  This  tribe  or  course  of  the  high  priests  or 
priests,  here  called  Euiachim,  seems  to  be  that  in 
1  Chron.  xxiv.  12,  "the  course  of  Jakiin,  or 
Eliakim." 

Vol.  II.— 19 


bear  the  insolence  of  this  procedure,  but    J 
did  altogether  run  zealously,  in  order  to    j 
overthrow  that  tyranny;  and  indeed  they 
were   Gorian,  the  son   of  Joseplms,    and 
Symeon,  the   son   of  Gamaliel,  who  en- 
couraged them,  by  going  up  and  down 
when   they  were  assembled   together  in 
crowds,  and  as  they  saw  them  alone,  to 
bear  no  longer,  but  to  inflict  puuishment 
upon    these  pests  and  plagues  of    their 
freedom,  and  to  purge  the  temple  of  these 
bloody  polluters  of  it.    The  best  esteemed 
also  of  the  high   priests,  Jesus,  the  son 
of  Gamala,  and  Anauus  the  son  of  Ananus, 
when  they  were  at  their  assemblies,  bit- 
terly reproached  the  people  for  their  sloth, 
and  excited  them  against  the  Zealots;  for 
that  was   the  name  they  w?ut  by,  as  if 
they  were  zealous  in  good  undertakings, 
and  were  not  rather  zealou?  in  the  worst 
actions,  and  extravagant  in  them  beyond 
the  example  of  others. 

And  now,  when  the  multitude  were 
gotten  together  to  an  assembly,  and  every 
one  was  in  indignation  at  these  men  s 
seizing  upon  the  sanctuary,  at  their  rapine 
and  murders,  but  had  not  yet  begun  their 
attacks  upon  them,  (the  reason  of  which 
was  this,  that  they  imagined  it  to  be  a 
difficult  thing  to  suppress  these  Zealots, 
as  indeed  the  case  was,)  Ananus  stood  in 
the  midst  of  them,  and  casting  his  eyes 
frecpuently  at  the  temple,  and  having  a 
flood  of  tears  in  his  eyes,  he  said,  '■  Cer- 
tainly, it  had  been  good  for  me  to  die  be- 
fore I  had  seen  the  house  of  God  full  of 
so  many  abominations,  or  these  sacred 
places,  that  ought  not  to  be  trodden  upon 
at  random,  filled  with  the  feet  of  these 
bloodshedding  villains;  yet  do  I,  who  am 
clothed  with  the  vestments  of  the  high- 
priesthood,  and  am  called  by  that  most 
venerable  name  [of  high  priest],  still  live, 


and  am  but  too  fond  of  living,  aud  cannot 
endure  to  undergo  a  death  which  would 
be  the  glory  of  my  old  age  ;  and  if  I  were 
the  only  person  concerned,  and,  as  it  were, 
in  a  desert,  I  would  give  up  my  life,  and 
that  alone  for  God's  sake;  for  to  what 
purpose  is  it  to  live  among  a  people  in- 
sensible of  their  calamities,  and  where 
there  is  no  notion  remaining  of  auy  remedy 
for  the  miseries  that  are  upon  them  ?  for 
when  you  are  seized  upon,  you  bear  it ! 
and  when  you  are  beaten,  you  are  silent  I 
and  when  the  people  are  murdered,  nobody 
dare  so  much  as  send  out  a  groan  openly ! 
O  bitter  tyranny  that  we  are  under !  But 
why  do  I  complain  of  the  tyrants  ?    Was 


290 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


it  not  you,  and  your  sufferance  of  them, 
that  have  nourished  them  ?  Was  it  not 
you  that  overlooked  those  that  first  of  all 
got  together,  for  they  were  then  but  a 
few,  and  by  your  silence  made  them  grow 
to  be  many  ;  and  by  conniving  at  them 
when  they  took  arms,  in  effect  armed  them 
against  yourselves  ?  You  ought  to  have 
then  prevented  their  first  attempts,  when 
they  fell  to  reproaching  your  relations ; 
but  by  neglecting  that  care  in  time,  you 
have  encouraged  these  wretches  to  plunder 
men.  When  houses  were  pillaged,  no- 
body said  a  word,  which  was  the  occasion 
why  they  carried  off  the  owners  of  those 
houses ;  and  when  they  were  drawn  through 
the  midst  of  the  city,  nobody  came  to  their 
assistance.  They  then  proceeded  to  put 
those  whom  you  had  betrayed  into  their 
hands,  into  bonds.  I  do  not  say  how 
many,  and  of  what  characters  those  men 
were  whom  they  thus  served,  but  certainly 
they  were  such  as  were  accused  by  none, 
and  condemned  by  none ;  and  since  nobody 
succoured  them  when  they  were  in  bonds, 
the  consequence  was,  that  you  saw  the 
same  persons  slain.  We  have  seen  this 
also ;  so  that  still  the  best  of  the  herd  of 
brute  animals,  as  it  were,  have  been  still 
led  to  be  sacrificed,  when  yet  nobody  said 
one  word,  or  moved  his  right  hand  for 
their  preservation.  Will  you  bear,  there- 
fore,— will  you  bear  to  see  your  sanctuary 
trampled  on  ?  and  will  you  lay  steps  for 
these  profane  wretches,  upon  which  they 
may  mount  to  higher  degrees  of  insolence  ? 
Will  not  you  pluck  them  down  from  their 
exaltation  ?  for  even  by  this  time,  they 
had  proceeded  to  higher  enormities,  if 
they  had  been  able  to  overthrow  any  thing 
greater  than  the  sanctuary.  They  have 
seized  upon  the  strongest  place  of  the 
whole  city ;  you  may  call  it  the  temple, 
if  you  please,  though  it  be  like  a  citadel 
or  fortress.  Now,  while  you  have  tyranny 
in  so  great  a  degree  walled  in,  and  see 
your  enemies  over  your  heads,  to  what 
purpose  is  it  to  take  counsel  ?  and  what 
have  you  to  support  your  minds  withal  ? 
Perhaps  you  wait  for  the  Romans,  that 
they  may  protect  our  holy  places  :  are  our 
matters  then  brought  to  that  pass?  and  are 
we  come  to  that  degree  of  misery,  that  our 
enemies  themselves  are  expected  to  pity 
us  ?  0  wretched  creatures  !  will  not  you 
rise  up,  and  turn  upon  those  that  strike 
you  ?  which  you  may  observe  in  wild 
beasts  themselves,  that  they  will  avenge 
themselves  on   those   that   strike   them. 


Will  not  you  call  to  mind,  every  one  of 
you,  the  calamities  you  yourselves  have 
suffered  ?  nor  lay  before  your  eyes  what 
afflictions  you  yourselves  have  undergone? 
and  will  not  such  things  sharpen  your 
souls  to  revenge  ?  Is  therefore  that  most 
honourable  and  most  natural  of  our  pas- 
sions utterly  lost — I  mean  the  desire  of 
liberty  ?  Truly,  we  are  in  love  with 
slavery,  and  in  love  with  those  that  lord 
it  over  us,  as  if  we  had  received  that  prin- 
ciple of  subjection  from  our  ancestors  ! 
yet  did  they  undergo  many  and  great  wars 
for  the  sake  of  liberty,  nor  were  they  so 
far  overcome  by  the  power  of  the  Egyp- 
tians, or  the  Medes,  but  that  they  still  did 
what  they  thought  fit,  notwithstanding 
their  commands  to  the  contrary.  And 
what  occasion  is  there  now  for  a  war  with 
the  Romans  ?  (I  meddle  not  with  deter- 
mining whether  it  be  an  advantageous  and 
profitable  war  or  not.)  What  pretence  is 
there  for  it?  Is  it  not  that  we  may  enjoy 
our  liberty  ?  Besides,  shall  we  not  bear 
the  lords  of  the  habitable  earth  to  be 
lords  over  us,  and  yet  bear  tyrants  of  our 
own  country?  Although  I  must  say  that 
submission  to  foreigners  may  be  borne, 
because  fortune  "hath  already  doomed  us 
to  it,  while  submission  to  wicked  people 
of  our  own  nation  is  too  unmanly,  and 
brought  upon  us  by  our  own  consent. 
However,  since  I  have  had  occasion  to 
mention  the  Romans,  I  will  not  conceal  a 
thing  that,  as  I  am  speaking,  comes  into 
my  mind,  and  affects  me  considerably ; 
— it  is  this,  that  though  we  should  be 
taken  by  them,  (God  forbid  the  event 
should  be  so  !)  yet  can  we  undergo  no- 
thing that  will  be  harder  to  be  borne  than 
what  those  men  have  already  brought 
upon  us.  How  then  can  we  avoid  shedding 
of  tears,  when  we  see  the  Roman  donations 
in  our  temples,  while  we  withal  see  those 
of  our  own  nation  taking  our  spoils,  and 
plundering  our  glorious  metropolis,  and 
slaughtering  our  men,  from  which  enor- 
mities those  Romans  themselves  would 
have  abstained  ?  to  see  those  Romans 
never  going  beyond  the  bounds  allotted 
to  profane  persons,  nor  venturing  to  break 
in  upon  any  of  our  sacred  customs ;  nay, 
having  horror  on  their  minds  when  they 
view  at  a  distance  those  sacred  walls, 
while  some  that  have  been  born  in  this 
very  country,  and  brought  up  in  our 
customs,  and  called  Jews,  do  walk  about 
in  the  midst  of  the  holy  places,  at  the 
very  time  when  their  hands  are  still  warm 


Chap.  III.] 


WAES    OF    THE   JEWS. 


2!»1 


with  tbe  slaughter  of  their  own  country- 
men.    Besides,  can  any  one  be  afraid  of 
a  war  abroad ;  and  that  with  such  as  will 
have  comparatively  much  greater  modera- 
tion than  our  own  people  have  ?  For  truly, 
if  we  may  suit  our  words  to  the  things 
they   represent,   it  is  probable  one   may 
hereafter  find  the  Romans  to  be  the  sup- 
porters of  our  laws,  and  those  within  our- 
selves the  subverters  of  them.     And  now 
I  am   persuaded    that   every  one  of  you 
here  comes  satisfied  before  I  speak,  that 
these   overthrowers  of  our   liberties    de- 
serve to  be  destroyed,  and  that  nobody  can 
so  much  as  devise  a  punishment  that  they 
have  not  deserved  by  what  they  have  done, 
and  that  you  are  all  provoked  against  them 
by  those  their  wicked  actions,  whence  you 
have    suffered  so  greatly.      But  perhaps 
many  of  you  are  affrighted  at  the  multi- 
tude of  those  Zealots,  and  at  their  auda- 
ciousness, as  well  as  the  advantage  they 
have  over  us  in  their  being  higher  in  place 
than  we  are ;  for  these  circumstances,  as 
they  have  been  occasioned  by  your  negli- 
gence, so  will  they  become  still  greater  by 
being  still  longer  neglected  ;  for  their  mul- 
titude is  every  day  augmented,  by  every 
ill  man's  running  away  to  those  that  are 
like  to  themselves,  and   their  audacious- 
ness is  therefore  inflamed,  because  they 
meet  with  no  obstruction  to  their  designs. 
And  for  their  higher  place,  they  will  make 
use  of  it  for  engines  also,  if  we  give  them 
time  to  do  so  :  but  be  assured  of  this,  that 
if  we  go  up  to  fight  them,  they  will  be 
made  tamer  by  their  own  consciences ;  and 
what  advantages  they  have  in   the  height 
of  their  situation,  they  will  lose  by  the 
opposition  of  their  reason  ;  perhaps  also, 
God  himself,  who  hath  been  affronted  by 
them,  will  make  what  they  throw  at  us 
return  against  themselves,  and   these  im- 
pious wretches  will  be  killed  by  their  own 
darts  :  let  us  but  make  our  appearance  be- 
fore them,  and  they  will  come  to  nothing. 
However,  it  is  aright  thing,  if  there  should 
be  any  danger  in  the  attempt,  to  die  be- 
fore these  holy  gates,  and  to  spend  our 
very  lives,   if  not  for    the   sake  of  our 
children  and  wives,  yet  for  God's  sake, 
and  for  the  sake  of  his  sanctuary.     I  will 
assist   you,  both    with    my   counsel    and 
with  my  hand ;  nor  shall  any  sagacity  of 
ours  be    wanting  for  your  support;    nor 
shall  you  see  that  I  will  be  sparing  of 
my  body  either." 

By  these  motives  Ananus  encouraged 
the  multitude  to  go  against  the  Zealots, 


although  he  knew  how  difficult  it  would 
be  to  disperse  them,  because  of  their  mul- 
titude, and  their  youth,  and  the  courage 
of  their  souls;  but  chiefly,  because  of 
their  consciousness  of  what  they  had 
done,  since  they  would  not  yield,  as  not 
so  much  as  hoping  for  pardon  at  the  last 
for  those  their  enormities.  However, 
Ananus  resolved  to  undergo  whatever  suf- 
ferings might  come  upon  him,  rather  than 
overlook  things,  now  they  were  in  such 
great  confusion.  So  the  multitude  cried 
out  to  him  to  lead  them  on  against  those 
whom  he  had  described  in  his  exhortation 
to  them  ;  and  every  one  of  them  was  most 
readily  disposed  to  run  any  hazard  whatso- 
ever on  that  account. 

Now  while  Ananus  was  choosing  out  his 
men,  and  putting  those  that  were  proper 
for  his  purpose  in    array  for  fighting,   the 
Zealots  got  information  of   his   undertak- 
ing, (for    there    were  some  who  went  to 
them,  and  told  them  all  that  the.  people 
were  doing,)  and  were  irritated  at  it ;  and 
leaping    out  of    the     temple    in    crowds, 
and   by  parties,  spared  none  whom  they 
met  with.      Upon  this,  Ananus  got  the 
populace    together   on   the    sudden,   who 
were  more  numerous  indeed  than  the  Zea- 
lots, but  inferior  to  them   in   arms,  be- 
cause they  had  not  been  regularly  put  into 
array  for  fighting ;  but  the  alacrity  that 
everybody  showed,  supplied  all  their  defects 
on  both  sides,  the  citizens  taking  up  so 
great  a  passion  as  was  stronger  than  arms, 
and  deriving  a  degree  of  courage  from  the 
temple,  more  forcible  than  any  multitude 
whatsoever;    and    indeed     these    citizens 
thought  it  was   not  possible  for  them  to 
dwell  in  the  city,  unless  they  could  cut 
off  the  robbers  that  were  in  it.     The  Zea- 
lots also  thought,   that   unless  they  pre- 
vailed, there  would  be  no  punishment  so 
bad    but    it  would  be  inflicted  on  them. 
So  their  conflicts  were  conducted  by  their 
passions;  and  at  the  first  they  only  cast 
stones  at  each  other  in  the  city,  and  be- 
fore the  temple,  and  threw  their  javelins 
at  a  distance  ;  but  when  either  of  them 
were  too  hard  for  the  other,  they   made 
use  of  their  swords;  and  a  great  slaughter 
was  made  on  both  sides,  and  a  great  num- 
ber were  wounded.     As  for  the  dead  bo- 
dies of  the  people,  their  relations  carried 
them  out  to  their  own  houses;    but  when 
any  one  of  the  Zealots  were  wounded,  he 
went  up  into  the  temple,  and  defiled  that 
sacred  floor  with  his  blood,  insomuch  that 
one  may  say  it  was  their  blood  alone  that 


29k2 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


polluted  our  sanctuary.  Now  in  these  con- 
flicts the  robbers  always  sallied  out  of  the 
temple,  and  were  too  hard  for  their  enemies ; 
but  the  populace  grew  very  angry,  and  be- 
came more  and  more  numerous,  and  re- 
proached those  that  gave  back,  and  those 
behind  would  not  afford  room  to  those  that 
were  going  off,  but  forced  them  on  again, 
till  at  length  they  made  their  whole  body 
to  turn  against  their  adversaries,  and  the 
robbers  could  no  longer  oppose  them,  but 
were  forced  gradually  to  retire  into  the 
temple ;  when  Ananus  and  his  party  fell 
into  it  at  the  same  time  together  with 
them.  This  horribly  affrighted  the  rob- 
bers, because  it  deprived  them  of  the  first 
court;  so  they  fled  into  the  inner  court 
immediately,  aud  shut  the  gates.  Now, 
Ananus  did  not  think  fit  to  make  any  at- 
tack against  the  holy  gates,  although  the 
others  threw  their  stones  and  darts  at  them 
from  above.  He  also  deemed  it  unlawful 
to  introduce  the  multitude  into  that  court 
before^  they  were  purified;  he  therefore 
chose  out  of  them  all  by  lot,  6000  armed 
men,  and  placed  them  as  guards  in  the 
cloisters ;  so  there  was  a  succession  of 
6uch  guards  one  after  another,  and 
every  one  was  forced  to  attend  in  his 
course;  although  many  of  the  chief  of 
the  city  were  dismissed  by  those  that  then 
took  on  them  the  government,  upon  their 
hiring  some  of  the  poorer"  sort,  and  send- 
ing them  to  keep  the  guard  in  their  stead. 
Now  it  was  John,  who,  as  we  told  you, 
ran  away  from  Gischala,  and  was  the  oc- 
casion of  all  these  being  destroyed.  He 
was  a  man  of  great  craft,  and  bore  about 
him  in  his  soul  a  strong  passion  after  ty- 
ranny, and  at  a  distance  was  the  adviser  in 
these  actions;  and  indeed  at  this  time  he 
pretended  to  be  of  the  people's  opinion, 
and  went  all  about  with  Ananus,  when  he 
consulted  the  great  men  every  day,  and  in 
the  night-time  also  when  he  went  round 
the  watch;  but  he  divulged  their  secrets 
to  the  Zealots ;  and  every  thing  that  the 
people  deliberated  about  was  by  his  means 
known  to  their  enemies,  even  before  it 
had  been  well  agreed  upon  by  themselves; 
and  by  way  of  contrivance  how  he  might 
not  be  brought  into  suspicion,  he  cultivated 
the  greatest  friendship  possible  with 
Ananus,  and  with  the  chief  of  the  peo- 
ple; yet  did  this  overdoing  of  his  turn 
against  him,  for  he  flattered  them  so  ex- 
travagantly, that  he  was  but  the  more  sus- 
pected; and  his  constant  attendance  every- 
where, even  when  he  was  not  invited  to 


be  present,  made  him  strongly  suspected 
of  betraying  their  secrets  to  the  enemy; 
for  they  plainly  perceived  that  they  un- 
derstood all  the  resolutions  taken  against 
them  at  their  consultations.  Nor  was 
there  any  one  whom  they  had  so  much 
reason  to  supect  of  that  discovery  as  this 
John  ;  yet  was  it  not  easy  to  get  quit  of 
him,  so  potent  was  he  grown  by  his  wicked 
practices.  He  was  also  supported  by 
many  of  those  eminent  men  who  were  to 
be  consulted  upon  all  considerable  affairs; 
it  was  therefore  thought  reasonable  to 
oblige  him  to  give  them  assurance  of  his 
good-will  upon  oath ;  accordingly  John 
took  such  an  oath  readily,  that  he  would 
be  on  the  people's  side,  and  would  not  be- 
tray any  of  their  counsels  or  practices  to 
their  enemies,  and  would  assist  them  in 
overthrowing  those  that  attacked  them, 
and  that  both  by  his  hand  and  his  advice. 
So  Ananus  and  his  party  believed  his 
oath,  and  did  now  receive  him  to  their 
consultations  without  further  suspicion ; 
nay,  so  far  did  they  believe  him,  that  they 
sent  him  as  their  ambassador  into  the  tem- 
ple to  the  Zealots,  with  proposals  of  ac- 
commodation ;  for  they  were  very  desirous 
to  avoid  the  pollution  of  the  temple  as 
much  as  they  possibly  could,  and  that  no 
one  of  their  nation  should  be  slain  therein. 
But  now  this  John,  as  if  his  oath  had 
been  made  to  the  Zealots,  and  for  confirma- 
tion of  his  good-will  to  them,  and  not 
against  them,  went  into  the  temple,  and 
stood  in  the  midst  of  them  and  spake  as 
follows  : — That  he  had  run  many  hazards 
on  their  account,  and  in  order  to  let  them 
know  of  every  thing  that  was  secretly 
contrived  against  them  by  Ananus  and  his 
party ;  but  that  both  he  and  they  should 
be  cast  into  the  most  imminent  danger, 
unless  some  providential  assistance  were 
afforded  them;  for  that  Ananus  made  no 
longer  delay,  but  had  prevailed  with  the 
people  to  send  ambassadors  to  Vespasian 
to  invite  him  to  come  presently  aud  take 
the  city;  and  that  he  had  appointed  a  fast 
for  the  next  day  against  them,  that  they 
might  obtain  admission  into  the  temple, 
on  a  religious  account,  or  gain  it  by  force, 
and  fight  with  them  there;  that  he  did 
not  see  how  long  they  could  either  endure 
a  siege,  or  how  they  could  fight  against  so 
many  enemies.  Pie  added  further,  that 
it  was  by  the  providence  of  God  he  was 
himself  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  them  for 
an  accommodation ;  for  that  Ananus  did 
therefore  offer  them  such  proposals,  that 


Chap.  IV.] 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


203 


he  might  come  upon  them  when  they  wire 
unarmed ;  that  they  ought  to  choose  one 
of  these  two  methods ;  either  to  intercede 
with  those  that  guarded  them,  to  save 
their  lives,  or  to  provide  some  foreign  as- 
sistance for  themselves  ;  that  if  they  fos- 
tered themselves  with  the  hopes  of  par- 
don, in  case  they  were  subdued,  they  had 
forgotten  what  desperate  things  they  had 
done,  or  could  suppose,  that  as  soon  as  the 
actors  repented,  those  that  had  suffered 
by  them  must  be  presently  reconciled  to 
them  :  while  those  that  have  done  inju- 
ries, though  they  pretend  to  repent  of 
them,  are  frequently  hated  by  the  others 
for  that  sort  of  repentance;  and  that  suf- 
ferers, when  they  get  the  power  into  their 
hands,  arc  usually  still  more  severe  upon 
the  actors  ;  that  the  friends  and  kindred 
of  those  that  had  been  destroyed  would 
always  be  laying  plots  against  them,  and 
that  a  large  body  of  people  were  very  an- 
gry on  account  of  their  gross  breaches 
of  their  laws  and  [illegal]  judicatures,  in- 
somuch that  although  some  part  might  com- 
miserate them,  those  would  be  quite  over- 
borne by  the  majority. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Idumeans,  being  sent  for  by  the  Zealots,  come 
immediately  to  Jerusalem. 

Now,  by  this  crafty  speech,  John  made 
the  Zealots  afraid ;  yet  durst  he  not  di- 
rectly name  what  foreign  assistance  he 
meant,  but  in  a  covert  way  only  intimated 
at  the  Idumeans;  but  now  that  he  might 
particularly  irritate  the  leaders  of  the 
Zealots,  he  calumniated  Ananus,  that  he 
was  about  a  piece  of  barbarity,  and  did 
in  a  special  manner  threaten  them.  These 
leaders  were  Eleazar,  the  son  of  Simon, 
who  seemed  the  most  plausible  man  of 
them  all,  both  in  considering  what  was  fit 
to  be  done,  and  in  the  execution  of  what 
he  had  determined  upon,  and  Zacharias, 
the  son  of  Pkalek  ;  both  of  whom  derived 
tluir  families  from  the  priests.  Now, 
wdieu  these  two  men  had  heard,  not  only 
the  common  threateniugs  which  belonged 
to  them  all,  but  those  peculiarly  levelled 
against  themselves;  and  besides,  how  An- 
anus and  his  party,  in  order  to  secure 
their  own  dominion,  had  invited  the  Ro- 
mans to  come  to  them,  for  that  also  was 
part  of  John's  lie,  they  hesitated  a  great 
while  what  they  should  do,  considering 
the  shortness  of  the  time  by  which  they 
\rere  straitened;  because  the  people  were 


prepared  to  attack  them  very  soon,  and 
because  the  suddenness  of  the  plot  laid 
against  them  had  almost  cut  off  their 
hopes  of  getting  any  foreign  assistance ; 
for  they  might  be  under  the  height  of 
their  afflictions  before  any  of  their  con- 
federates could  be  informed  of  it.  How- 
ever, it  was  resolved  to  call  in  the  Idu- 
means ;  so  they  wrote  a  short  letter  to  this 
effect : — That  Ananus  had  imposed  on  the 
people,  and  was  betraying  their  metropolis 
to  the  Romans;  that  they  themselves  had 
revolted  from  the  rest,  and  were  in  custody 
in  the  temple,  on  account  of  the  preserva- 
tion of  their  liberty  ;  that  there  was  but 
a  small  time  left,  wherein  they  might  hope 
for  their  deliverance  ;  and  that  unless  they 
would  come  immediately  to  their  assist- 
ance, they  should  themselves  be  soon  in 
the  power  of  Ananus,  and  the  city  would 
be  in  the  power  of  the  Romans.  They 
also  charged  the  messengers  to  tell  many 
more  circumstances  to  the  rulers  of  the 
Idumeans.  Now,  there  were  two  active 
men  proposed  for  the  carrying  of  this  mes- 
sage, and  such  as  were  well  able  to  speak, 
and  to  persuade  them  that  things  were  in 
this  posture,  and  what  was  a  qualification 
still  more  necessary  than  the  former,  they 
were  vei^  swift  of  foot;  for  they  knew 
well  enough  that  these  would  immediately 
comply  With  their  desires,  as  being  ever  a 
tumultuous  and  disorderly  nation,  always 
on  the  watch  upon  every  motion,  delight- 
ing in  mutations;  and  upon  your  flattering 
them  ever  so  little,  and  petitioning  them, 
they  soon  take  their  arms,  and  put  them- 
selves into  motion,  and  make  haste  to  a 
battle,  as  if  it  were  to  a  feast.  There 
was  indeed  occasion  for  quick  despatch  iu 
the  carrying  of  this  message;  in  which 
point  the  messengers  were  noway  defective. 
Both  their  names  were  Ananias;  and 
they  soon  came  to  the  rulers  of  the  Idu- 
means. 

Now,  these  rulers  were  greatly  sur- 
prised at  the  contents  of  the  letter,  and 
at  what  those  that  came  with  it  further 
told  them  ;  whereupon  they  ran  about  the 
nation  like  madmen,  and  made  procla- 
mation that  the  people  should  come  to 
war  ;  so  a  multitude  was  suddenly  got 
together,  sooner  indeed  than  the  time  ap- 
pointed in  the  proclamation,  and  every- 
body caught  up  their  arms,  in  order  to 
maintain  the  liberty  of  their  metropolis; 
and  20,000  of  them  were  put  into  battle- 
array,  ami  came  to  Jerusalem,  under  four 
commanders,  John,  and  Jacob,  the  son  jf 


294 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


Sosas;  and  besides  these  were  Simon,  the 
son  of  Cathlas,  and  Phineas,  the  son  of 
Clusothus. 

Now  this  exit  of  the  messengers  was 
not  known  either  to  Ananus  or  to  the 
guards  ;  but  the  approach  of  the  Idumeans 
was  known  to  him  ;  for  as  he  knew  of  it 
before  they  came,  he  ordered  the  gates  to 
be  shut  against  them,  and  that  the  walls 
should  be  guarded.  Yet  did  not  he  by 
any  means  think  of  fighting  against  them, 
but,  before  they  came  to  blows,  to  try 
what  persuasions  would  do.  Accordingly, 
Jesus,  the  eldest  of  the  high  priests  next 
to  Ananus,  stood  upon  the  tower  that  was 
over  against  them,  and  said  thus : — 
"  Many  troubles,  indeed,  and  those  of 
various  kinds,  have  fallen  upon  this  city, 
yet  iu  none  of  them  have  I  so  much 
wondered  at  her  fortune  as  now,  when  you 
are  come  to  assist  wicked  men,  and  this 
after  a  manner  very  extraordinary  ;  for  I 
see  that  you  are  come  to  support  the  vilest 
of  men  against  us,  and  this  with  so  great 
alacrity,  as  you  could  hardly  put  on  the 
like,  in  case  our  metropolis  had  called  you 
to  her  assistance  against  barbarians;  and 
if  I  had  perceived  that  your  army  was 
composed  of  men  like  unto  those  who  in- 
vited them,  I  had  not  deemed  your  at- 
tempt so  absurd ;  for  nothing  does  so 
much  cement  the  minds  of  men  together 
as  the  alliance  there  is  between  their  man- 
ners ;  but  now  for  these  men  who  have 
invited  you,  if  you  were  to  examine  them 
one  by  one,  every  one  of  them  would  be 
found  to  have  deserved  10,000  deaths; 
for  the  very  rascality  and  offscouring  of 
the  whole  country,  who  have  spent  in  de- 
bauchery their  own  substance,  and,  by 
way  of  trial  beforehand,  have  madly  plun- 
dered the  neighbouring  villages  and  cities, 
in  the  upshot  of  all,  have  privately  run 
together  into  this  holy  city.  They  are 
robbers,  who,  by  their  prodigious  wicked- 
ness, have  profaned  this  most  sacred  floor, 
and  who  are  to  be  now  seen  drinking 
themselves  drunk  in  the  sanctuary,  and 
expendiug  the  spoils  of  those  whom  they 
have  slaughtered  upon  their  insatiable 
bellies.  As  for  the  multitude  that  is  with 
you,  one  may  see  them  so  decently  adorned 
in  their  armour,  as  it  would  become  them 
to  be,  had  their  metropolis  called  them  to 
*ier  assistance  against  foreigners.  What 
can  a  man  call  this  procedure  of  yours,  but 
the  sport  of  fortune,  when  he  sees  a  whole 
nation  coming  to  protect  a  sink  of  wicked 
wretches  ?    I  have  for  a  good  while  been 


in  doubt  what  it  could  possibly  be  that 
should  move  you  to  do  this  so  suddenly ; 
because  certainly  you  would  not  take  on 
your  armour  on  the  behalf  of  robbers,  and 
against  a  people  of  kin  to  you,  without 
some  very  great  cause  for  your  so  doing; 
but  we  have  a  hint  that  the  Romans  are 
pretended,  and  that  we  are  supposed  to  be 
going  to  betray  this  city  to  them;  for 
some  of  your  men  have  lately  made  a 
clamour  about  those  matters,  and  have 
said  they  are  come  to  set  their  metropolis 
free.  Now,  we  cannot  but  admire  at  these 
wretches  in  their  devising  such  a  lie  as 
this  against  us ;  for  they  knew  there  was 
no  other  way  to  irritate  against  us  men 
that  were  naturally  desirous  of  liberty, 
and  on  that  account  the  best  disposed  to 
fight  against  foreign  enemies,  but  by 
framing  a  tale  as  if  we  were  going  to  be- 
tray that  most  desirable  thing,  liberty. 
But  you  ought  to  consider  what  sort  of 
people  they  are  that  raise  this  calumny, 
and  against  what  sort  of  people  that  ca- 
lumny is  raised,  and  to  gather  the  truth 
of  things,  not  by  fictitious  speeches,  but 
out  of  the  actions  of  both  parties;  for 
what  occasion  is  there  for  us  to  sell  our- 
selves to  the  Romans,  while  it  was  in  our 
power  not  to  have  revolted  from  them  at 
the  first,  or,  when  we  had  once  revolted, 
to  have  returned  under  their  dominion 
again,  and  this  while  the  neighbouring 
countries  were  not  yet  laid  waste  ?  Whereas 
it  is  not  an  easy  thing  to  be  reconciled  to 
the  Romans,  if  we  were  desirous  of  it, 
now  they  have  subdued  Galilee,  and  are 
thereby  become  proud  and  insolent ;  and 
to  endeavour  to  please  them  at  the  time 
when  they  are  so  near  us,  would  bring 
such  a  reproach  upon  us  as  were  worse 
than  death.  As  for  myself,  indeed,  I 
should  have  preferred  peace  with  them 
before  death ;  but  now  we  have  once  made 
war  upon  them,  and  fought  with  them,  I 
prefer  death  with  reputation,  before  living 
in  captivity  under  them.  But  further, 
whether  do  they  pretend  that  we,  who  are 
the  rulers  of  the  people,  have  sent  thus 
privately  to  the  Romans,  or  hath  it  been 
done  by  the  common  suffrages  of  the 
people  ?  If  it  be  ourselves  only  that  have 
done  it,  let  them  name  those  friends  of 
ours  that  have  been  sent,  as  our  servants, 
to  manage  this  treachery.  Hath  any  one 
been  caught  as  he  went  out  on  this  errand, 
or  seized  upon  as  he  came  back  ?  Are  they 
in  possession  of  our  letters  ?  How  could 
we  be  concealed  from  such  a  vast  number 


J 


CiiAr.  IV.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


295 


of  our  fellow-citizens,  among  whom  we 
are  conversant  every  hour,  while  what  is 
done  privately  in  the  country  is,  it  seems, 
known  by  the  Zealots,  who  are  but  few  in 
number,  and  under  confinement  also,  and 
are  not  able  to  come  out  of  the  temple 
iuto  the  city  !  Is  this  the  first  time  that 
they  are  become  sensible  how  they  ought 
to  be  punished  for  their  insolent  actions  ! 
For  while  these  men  were  free  from  the  fear 
they  are  now  under,  there  was  no  suspicion 
raised  that  any  of  us  were  traitors.  But 
if  they  lay  this  charge  against  the  people, 
this  must  have  been  done  at  a  public  con- 
sultation, and  not  one  of  the  people  must 
have  dissented  from  the  rest  of  the  assem- 
bly :  in  which  case  the  public  fame  of 
this  matter  would  have  come  to  you  sooner 
than  any  particular  indication.  But  how 
could  that  be?  Must  there  not  then  have 
been  ambassadors  sent  to  confirm  the 
agreements  ?  And  let  them  tell  us  who 
this  ambassador  was  that  was  ordained 
for  that  purpose.  But  this  is  no  other 
than  a  pretence  of  such  men  as  are  loath 
to  die,  and  are  labouring  to  escape  those 
punishments  that  hang  over  them ;  for 
if  fate  had  determined  that  this  city  was 
to  be  betrayed  into  its  enemies'  hands, 
no  other  than  these  men  that  accuse  us 
falsely  could  have  the  impudence  to  do  it, 
there  beiug  no  wickedness  wanting  to 
complete  their  impudent  practices  but  this 
only,  that  they  become  traitors.  And 
now  you,  Idumeans,  are  come  hither  al- 
ready with  your  arms,  it  is  your  duty,  in 
the  first  place,  to  be  assisting  to  your  me- 
tropolis, and  to  join  with  us  in  cutting  off 
those  tyrants  that  have  infringed  the  rules 
of  our  regular  tribunals ;  that  have  tram- 
pled upon  our  laws,  and  made  their  swords 
the  arbitrators  of  right  and  wrong;  for 
they  have  seized  upon  men  of  great  emi- 
nence, and  under  no  accusation,  as  they 
stood  in  the  midst  of  the  market-place, 
and  tortured  them  with  putting  them  into 
bonds,  and,  without  bearing  to  hear  what 
they  had  to  say,  or  what  supplications  they 
made,  they  destroyed  them.  You  may, 
if  you  please,  come  into  this  city,  though 
not  in  the  way  of  war,  and  take  a  view  of 
the  marks  still  remaining  of  what  I  now 
say,  and  may  see  the  houses  that  have 
been  depopulated  by  their  rapacious  hands, 
with  those  wives  and  families  that  are  in 
black,  mourning  for  their  slaughtered  re- 
lations ;  as  also  you  may  hear  their  groans 
and  lamentations  all  the  city  over ;  for 
there  is  nobody  but  hath  tasted  of  the  iu- 
3C 


cursions  of  these  profane  wretches,  who 
have  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  madness, 
as  not  only  to  have  transferred  their  im- 
pudent robberies  out  of  the  country,  aud 
the  remote  cities,  into  this  city,  the  very 
face  and  head  of  the  whole  nation,  but 
out  of  the  city  into  the  temple  also;  for 
that  is  now  made  their  receptacle  and 
refuge,  and  the  fountain-head  whence  their 
preparations  are  made  against  us.  And 
this  place,  which  is  adored  by  the  habitable 
world,  and  honoured  by  such  as  only  know 
it  by  report,  as  far  as  the  ends  of  the  earth, 
is  trampled  upon  by  these  wild  beasts, 
born  among  ourselves.  They  now  triumph 
in  the  desperate  condition  they  are  already 
in,  when  they  hear  that  one  people  is 
going  to  fight  against  another  people,  aud 
one  city  against  another  city, and  that  your 
nation  hath  gotten  an  army  together  against 
its  own  bowels.  Instead  of  which  proce- 
dure, it  were  highly  fit  and  reasonable,  as 
I  said  before,  for  you  to  join  with  us  in 
cutting  off  these  wretches,  and  in  parti- 
cular to  be  revenged  on  them  for  putting 
this  very  cheat  upon  you ;  I  meau,  for 
having  the  impudence  to  invite  you  to 
assist  them,  of  whom  they  ought  to  have 
stood  in  fear,  as  ready  to  punish  them. 
But  if  you  have  some  regard  to  these 
men's  invitation  of  you,  yet  may  you  lay 
aside  your  arms,  and  come  into  the  city 
under  the  notion  of  our  kindred,  aud  take 
upon  you  a  middle  name  between  that  of 
auxiliaries  and  of  enemies,  aud  so  become 
judges  in  this  case.  However,  consider 
what  these  men  will  gain  by  being  called 
into  judgment  before  you,  for  such  un- 
deniable and  such  flagrant  crimes,  whq 
would  not  vouchsafe  to  hear  such  as  had 
no  accusations  laid  against  them  to  speak 
a  word  for  themselves.  However,  let  them 
gain  this  advantage  by  your  coming.  But 
still,  if  you  will  neither  take  our  part  in 
that  indignation  we  have  at  these  men, 
nor  judge  between  us,  the  third  thing  I 
have  to  propose  is  this,  that  you  let  us 
both  alone,  and  neither  insult  upon  our 
calamities,  nor  abide  with  these  plotters 
against  their  metropolis;  for  though  you 
should  have  ever  so  great  a  suspicion  that 
some  of  us  have  discoursed  with  the  lto- 
mans,  it  is  in  your  power  to  watch  the 
passages  into  the  city;  aud  in  case  any 
thing  that  we  have  been  accused  of  is 
brought  to  light,  then  to  come  and  defend 
your  metropolis,  and  to  inflict  punishment 
on  those  that  are  found  guilty;  for  the 
enemy   cannot  prevent  you   who  are  sc 


296 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


near  to  the  city.  But  if,  after  all,  none 
of  these  proposals  seem  acceptable  and 
moderate,  do  not  you  wonder  that  the 
gates  are  shut  against  you,  while  you  bear 
your  arms  about  you." 

Thus  spake  Jesus;  yet  did  not  the  mul- 
titude of  the  Idumeans  give  any  attention 
to  what  he  said,  but  were  in  a  rage,  be- 
cause they  did  not  meet  with  a  ready  en- 
trance into  the  city.  The  generals  also 
had  indignation  at  the  offer  of  laying 
down  their  arms,  and  looked  upon  it  as 
equal  to  a  captivity,  to  throw  them  away 
at  any  man's  injunction  whomsoever.  But 
Simon,  the  son  of  Cathlas,  one  of  their 
commanders,  with  much  ado  quieted  the 
tumult  of  his  own  men,  and  stood  so  that 
the  high  priests  might  hear  him,  and  said 
as  follows : — "  I  can  no  longer  wonder 
that  the  patrons  of  liberty  are  under  cus- 
tody in  the  temple,  since  there  are  those 
that  shut  the  gates  of  our  common  city* 
to  their  own  nation,  and  at  the  same  time 
are  prepared  to  admit  the  Bomans  into  it; 
nay,  perhaps,  are  disposed  to  crown  the 
gates  with  garlands  at  their  coming,  while 
they  speak  to  the  Idumeans  from  their 
own  towers,  and  enjoin  them  to  throw 
down  their  arms  winch  they  have  taken 
up  for  the  preservation  of  its  liberty ; 
and  while  they  will  not  intrust  the  guard 
of  our  metropolis  to  their  kindred,  profess 
to  make  them  judges  of  the  differences 
that  are  among  them ;  nay,  while  they 
accuse  some  men  of  having  slain  others, 
without  a  legal  trial,  they  do  themselves 
condemn  a  whole  nation,  after  an  igno- 
minious manner,  and  have  now  walled  up 
that  city  from  their  own  nation,  which 
used  to  be  open  even  to  all  foreigners  that 
came  to  worship  there.  We  have  indeed 
come  in  great  haste  to  you,  and  to  a  war 
against  our  own  countrymen  ;  and  the 
reason  why  we  have  made  such  haste  is 
this,  that  we  may  preserve  that  freedom 
which  you  are  so  unhappy  as  to  betray. 
You  have  probably  been  guilty  of  the  like 
crimes  against  those  whom  you  keep  in 
custody,  and  have,  I  suppose,  collected 
together  the  like  plausible  pretences  agaiust 
them  also  that  you  make  use  of  against 


*  This  appellation  of  Jerusalem,  (given  it  lure 
bjT  Simon,  the  general  of  the  Idumeans,)  "the 
common  city"  of  the  Idumeans,  who  were  proselytes 
of  justice,  as  well  as  of  the  original  native  Jews, 
greatly  confirms  that  maxim  of  the  rabbins,  that 
"Jerusalem  was  not  assigned,  or  appropriated,  to 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin  or  Jutlah,  but  every  tribe 
had  equal  right  to  it  at  their  coming  to  worship 
there  at  the  several  festivals." 


us ;  after  which  you  have  gotten  the  ma- 
tery  of  those  within  the  temple,  and 
keep  them  in  custody,  while  they  are  only 
taking  care  of  the  public  affairs  You 
have  also  shut  the  gates  of  the  city  in 
general  against  nations  that  are  the  most 
nearly  related  to  you;  and  while  you  give 
such  injurious  commands  to  others,  you 
complain  that  you  have  been  tyrannized 
over  by  them,  and  fix  the  name  of  unjust 
governors  upon  such  as  are  tyrannized 
over  by  yourselves.  Who  can  bear  this, 
your  abuse  of  words,  while  they  have  a 
regard  to  the  contrariety  of  your  actions, 
unless  you  mean  this,  that  those  Idumeans 
do  now  exclude  you  out  of  our  metropolis, 
whom  you  exclude  from  the  sacred  offices 
of  your  own  country  !  One  may  indeed 
justly  complain  of  those  that  are  besieged 
in  the  temple,  that  when  they  had  courage 
enough  to  punish  those  tyrants,  whom  you 
call  eminent  men,  and  free  from  any  accu- 
sations, because  of  their  being  your  com- 
panions in  wickedness,  they  did  not  begin 
with  you,  and  thereby  cut  off  beforehand 
the  most  dangerous  parts  of  this  treason. 
But  if  these  men  have  been  more  merci- 
ful than  the  public  necessity  required,  we 
that  are  Idunreans  will  preserve  this  house 
of  God,  and  will  fight  for  our  common 
country,  and  will  oppose  by  war  as  well 
those  that  attack  them  from  abroad,  as 
those  that  betray  them  from  within. 
Here  will  we  abide  before  the  walls  in 
our  armour,  until  either  the  Bomans  grow 
weary  in  waiting  for  you,  or  you  become 
friends  to  liberty,  and  repent  of  what  you 
have  done  against  it."  . 

And  now  did  the  Idumeans  make  an 
acclamation  to  what  Simon  had  said;  but 
Jesus  went  away  sorrowful,  as  seeing  that 
the  Idumeans  were  against  all  moderate 
counsels,  and  that  the  city  was  besieged 
on  both  sides;  nor  indeed  were  the  minds 
of  the  Idumeans  at  rest;  for  they  were  in 
a  rage  at  the  injury  that  had  been  offered 
them  by  their  exclusion  out  of  the  city ; 
and  when  they  thought  the  Zealots  had 
been  strong,  but  saw  nothing  of  theirs  to 
support  them,  they  were  in  doubt  about 
the  matter,  and  many  of  them  repented 
that  they  had  come  thither.  But  the 
shame  that  would  attend  them  in  case 
they  returned  without  doing  any  thing  at 
all,  so  far  overcame  that  their  repentance, 
that  they  lay  all  night  before  the  wall, 
though  in  a  very  bad  encampment ;  for 
there  broke  out  a  prodigious  storm  in  the 
night,  with  the  utmost  violence,  and  very 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


207 


strong  winds,  with  the  largest  showers  of 
rain,  with  continual  lightnings,  terrible 
thunderings,  and  amazing  concussions  and 
bcllowings  of  the  earth,  that  was  in  an 
earthquake.  These  things  were  a  mani- 
fest indication  that  some  destruction  was 
coming  upon  men,  when  the  system  of 
the  world  was  put  into  this  disorder ;  and 
any  one  would  guess  that  these  wonders 
foreshowed  some  grand  calamities  that 
were  coming. 

Now  the  opinion  of  the  Idumeans  and 
of  the  citizens  was  one  and  the  same. 
The  Idumeans  thought  that  God  was  an- 
gry at  their  taking  arms,  and  that  they 
would  not  escape  punishment  for  their 
making  war  upon  their  metropolis.  Ana- 
nus  and  his  party  thought  that  they  had 
conquered  without  fighting,  and  that  God 
acted  as  a  general  for  them  ;  but  truly 
they  proved  both  ill  conjectures  at  what 
was  to  come,  and  made  those  events  to  be 
ominous  to  their  enemies,  while  they  were 
themselves  to  undergo  the  ill  effects  of 
them ;  for  the  Idumeans  fenced  one  another 
by  uniting  their  bodies  into  one  band,  and 
thereby  kept  themselves  warm,  and  con- 
necting their  shields  over  their  heads,  were 
not  so  much  hurt  by  the  rain.  But  the 
Zealots  were  more  deeply  concerned  for 
the  danger  these  men  were  in  than  they 
were  for  themselves,  and  got  together,  and 
looked  about  them,  to  see  whether  they 
could  devise  any  means  of  assisting  them. 
The  hotter  sort  of  them  thought  it  best  to 
force  their  guards  with  their  arms,  and  after 
that  to  fall  into  the  midst  of  the  city,  and 
publicly  open  the  gates  to  those  that  came  to 
their  assistance;  as  supposing  the  guards 
would  be  in  disorder,  and  give  way  at  such 
an  unexpected  attempt  of  theirs,  especially 
as  the  greater  part  of  them  were  unarmed 
and  unskilled  in  the  affairs  of  war ;  and  that 
besides,  the  multitude  of  the  citizens  would 
not  be  easily  gathered  together,  but  confined 
to  their  houses  by  the  storm;  and  that  if 
there  were  any  hazard  in  their  undertaking, 
it  became  them  to  suffer  any  thing  what- 
soever themselves,  rather  than  to  overlook 
so  great  a  multitude  as  were  miserably  pe- 
rishing on  their  account.  But  the  more 
prudent  part  of  them  disapproved  of  this 
forcible  method,  because  they  saw  not  only 
the  guards  about  them  very  numerous,  but 
the  walls  of  the  city  itself  carefully  watch- 
ed, by  reason  of  the  Idumeans.  They 
also  supposed  that  Ananus  would  be  every- 
where, and  visit  the  guards  every  hour; 
which  indeed  was  done  upon  other  nights, 


but  was  omitted  that  night,  not  by  reason 
of  any  slothfulness  of  Ananus,  but  by  the 
overbearing  appointment  of  fate,  that  so 
both  he  himself  might  perish,  and  the 
multitude  of  the  guards  might  perish  with 
him;  for  truly,  as  the  night  was  far  gone, 
and  the  storm  very  terrible,  Ananus  gave 
the  guards  in  the  cloisters  leave  to  go  to 
sleep ;  while  it  came  into  the  heads  of 
the  Zealots  to  make  use  of  the  saws  be- 
longing to  the  temple,  and  to  cut  the  bars 
of  the  gates  to  pieces.  The  noise  of  the 
wind,  and  that  not  inferior  sound  of  the 
thunder,  did  here  also  conspire  with  their 
designs,  that  the  noise  of  the  saws  was  not 
heard  by  the  others. 

So  they  secretly  went  out  of  the  templo 
to  the  wall  of  the  city,  and  made  use  of 
their  saws,  and  opened  that  gate  which 
was  over  against  the  Idumeans.  Now  at 
first  there  came  a  fear  upon  the  Idumeans 
themselves,  which  disturbed  them,  as 
imagining  that  Ananus  and  his  party  were 
coming  to  attack  them,  so  that  every  one 
of  them  had  his  right  hand  upon  his  sword, 
in  order  to  defend  himself;  but  they  soon 
came  to  know  who  they  were  that  came  to 
them,  and  were  entered  the  city.  And 
had  the  Idumeans  then  fallen  upon  the 
city,  nothing  could  have  hindered  them 
from  destroying  the  people,  every  man  of 
them,  such  was  the  rage  they  were  in  at 
that  time;  but  they  first  of  all  made  haste 
to  get  the  Zealots  out  of  custody,  which 
those  that  brought  them  in  earnestly  desired 
them  to  do,  and  not  overlook  those  for 
whose  sake  they  were  come,  in  the  midst 
of  their  distresses,  nor  to  bring  them  into 
a  still  greater  danger;  far  that  when  they 
had  once  seized  upon  the  gaards  it  would 
be  easy  for  them  to  fall  upon  the  city ; 
but  that  if  the  city  were  once  alarmed, 
they  would  not  then  be  able  to  overcome 
those  guards,  because  as  soon  as  they 
should  perceive  they  were  there,  they 
would  put  themselves  in  order  to  fight 
them,  and  would  hinder  their  coming  into 
the  temple. 


CHAPTER  V. 

Cruelty  of  the  Idumeans  and  the  Zealots — Slaugh- 
ter of  Ananus,  Jesus,  and  Zacharias. 

This  advice  pleased  the  Idumeans,  and 
they  ascended  through  the  city  to  the 
temple.  The  Zealots  were  also  in  great 
expectation  of  their  coming,  and  earnestly 
waited  for  them.  When  therefore  these 
were  entering,  they  also  came,  boldly    ut 


29S 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


of  the  inner  temple,  and  mixing  them- 
selves with  the  Idumeans,  they  attacked 
the  guards ;  and  some  of  those  that  were 
upon  the  watch,  but  were  fallen  asleep, 
they  killed  as  they  were  asleep ;  but  as 
those  that  were  now  awakened  made  a  cry, 
the   whole   multitude  arose,  and  in    the 
amazement  they  were  in  caught  hold  of 
their  arms  immediately,  and  betook  them- 
selves to  their  own  defence ;  and  so  long 
as  they  thought  they  were  only  the  Zea- 
lots   who   attacked    them    they   went  on 
boldly,  as  hoping  to  overpower  them  by 
their  numbers  ;  but  when  they  saw  others 
pressing  in  upon  them  also,  they  perceived 
the  Idumeans  were  got  in ;  and  the  great- 
est part  of  them  laid    aside  their  arms, 
together  with  their  courage,  and  betook 
themselves  to  lamentation.     But  some  few 
of   the   younger  sort  covered  themselves 
with  their  armour,  and  valiantly  received 
the  Idumeans,  and  for  a  while   protected 
the  multitude  of   old  men.     Others,  in- 
deed, gave  a  signal  to  those  that  were  in 
the  city  of  the  calamities  they  were  in ; 
but  when  these  were  also  made  sensible 
that  the  Idumeans  were  come  in,  none  of 
them  durst  come  to  their  assistance ;  only 
they  returned  the  terrible  echo  of  wailing 
and  lamenting  their  misfortunes.     A  great 
howling  of  the  women  was  excited  also, 
and  every  one  of  the  guards  were  in  dan- 
ger of  being  killed.    '  The   Zealots  also 
joined  in  the  shouts  raised   by  the  Idu- 
means ;  and  the  storm  itself  rendered  the 
cry  more  terrible ;  nor  did  the  Idumeans 
spare  anybody ;  for  as  they  are  naturally 
a  most  barbarous  and  bloody  nation,  and 
had  been  distressed  by  the  tempest,  they 
made  use  of  their  weapons  against  those 
that  had  shut  the  gates  against  them,  and 
acted  in  the  same  manner  as  to  those  that 
supplicated  for  their  lives  and  to  those 
that  fought  them,  insomuch  that  they  ran 
through  those  with  their  swords,  who  de- 
sired them  to  remember  the  relation  there 
was  between  them,  and  begged  of  them  to 
have    regard    to   their    common    temple. 
Now    there   was  at  present   neither   any 
place   for  flight,  nor    any  hope   for   pre- 
servation ;   but  as  they  were  driven  one 
upon  another  in  heaps,  so  were  they  slain. 
Thus  the  greater  part  were  driven  together 
by  force,  as  there  was  now  no  place  of  re- 
tirement, and   the  murderers  were  upon 
them ;  and,  having  no  other  way,  threw 
themselves  down  headlong  into  the  city  ; 
whereby,  in  my  opinion,  they  underwent 
a  more   miserable   destruction  than  that 


which  they  avoided,  because  that  was  a 
voluntary  one.  And  now  the  outer  tem- 
ple was  all  of  it  overflowed  with  blood ; 
and  that  day,  as  it  came  on,  saw  8500 
dead  bodies  there. 

But  the  rage  of  the  Idumeans  was  not 
satiated   by   these   slaughters;    but  they 
now  betook  themselves  to  the  city,  and 
plundered  every  house,  and  slew  every  one 
they  met ;  and  for  the  multitude,  they  es- 
teemed it  needless  to  go  on  with  killing 
them,  but  they  sought  for  the  high  priests, 
and  the  generality  went  with  the  greatest 
zeal  against  them ;  and  as  soon  as  they 
caught  them  they  slew  them,  and   then 
standing  upon  their  dead  bodies,  in  way 
of  jest,  upbraided  Ananus  with  his  kind- 
ness to  the  people,  and   Jesus  with  his 
speech  made  to  them  from  the  wall.     Nay, 
they  proceeded  to  that  degree  of  impiety 
as  to  cast  away  their  dead  bodies  without 
burial,  although  the  Jews  used  to  take  so 
much  care  of  the  burial  of  men,  that  they 
took  down  those  that  were  condemned  and 
crucified,  and  buried  them  before  the  going 
down  of  the  sun.     I  should  not  mistake 
if  I  said  that  the  death  of  Ananus  was  the 
beginning  of  the  destruction  of  the  city, 
and  that  from  this  very  day  may  be  dated 
the  overthrow  of  her  wall,  and  the  ruin  of 
her  affairs,  whereon  they  saw  their  high 
priest,  and  the  procurer  of  their  preser- 
vation, slain  in  the  midst  of  their  city. 
He  was  on  other  accounts  also  a  venerable, 
and  a  very  just  man ;    and    besides    the 
grandeur  of   that    nobility,  and    dignity, 
and  honour  of  which  he  was  possessed,  he 
had  been  a  lover  of  a  kind  of  parity;  even 
with  regard  to  the  meanest  of  the  people; 
he  was  a  prodigious  lover  of  liberty,  and 
an  admirer  of  a  democracy  in  government; 
and  did  ever  prefer  the  public  welfare  be- 
fore   his    own    advantage,   and   preferred 
peace  above  all  things;  for  he  was  tho- 
roughly sensible  that  the  Romans  were  not 
to  be  conquered.     He  also  foresaw  that  of 
necessity  a  war  would   follow,  and    that 
unless  the   Jews  made  up    matters  with 
them    very  dexterously,  they   would    be 
destroyed  :  to  say  all  in  a  word,  if  Ananus 
had    survived    they    had   certainly    com- 
pounded matters ;    for  he  was  a  shrewd 
man  in  speaking  and  persuading  the  peo- 
ple, and  had  already  gotten  the  mastery 
of  those  that  opposed  his  designs,  or  were 
for  the  war.     And  the  Jews  had  then  put 
abundance  of  delays  in  the  way  of  the 
Romans,  if  they  had  had  such  a  general 
as  he  was.     Jesus  was  also  joined  with 


Chap.  Y.J 

him;  and  although  ho  was  inferior  to  him 
upou  the  comparison,  he  was  superior  to  the 
rest ;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that  it  was 
because  God  had  doomed  this  city  to  de- 
struction, as  a  polluted  city,  and  was  re- 
solved to  purge  his  sanctuary  by  fire,  that 
he  cut  off  these  their  great  defenders  and 
wellwishers,  while  those  that  a  little  before 
had  worn  the  sacred  garments,  and  had  pre- 
sided over  the  public  worship,  and  had 
been  esteemed  venerable  by  those  that 
dwelt  on  the  whole  habitable  earth  when 
they  came  into  our  city,  were  cast  out 
naked,  and  seen  to  be  the  food  of  dogs 
and  wild  beasts.  And  I  cannot  but  ima- 
gine that  virtue  itself  groaned  at  these 
men's  case,  and  lamented  that  she  was 
here  so  terribly  conquered  by  wickedness. 
And  this  at  last  was  the  end  of  Ananus 
and  Jesus. 

Now  after  these  were  slain,  the  Zealots 
and  the  multitude  of  the  Idumeans  fell 
upon  the  people  as  upon  a  flock  of  profane 
animals,  and  cut  their  throats  ;  and,  for 
the  ordinary  sort,  they  were  destroyed  in 
what  place  soever  they  caught  them.  But 
for  the  noblemen  and  the  youth,  they 
first  caught  them  and  bound  them,  and 
shut  them  up  in  prison,  and  put  off  their 
slaughter,  in  hopes  that  some  of  them 
would  turn  over  to  their  party;  but  not 
one  of  them  would  comply  with  their  de- 
sires, but  all  of  them  preferred  death  be- 
fore beiug  enrolled  among  such  wicked 
wretches  as  acted  against  their  own  coun- 
try. But  this  refusal  of  theirs  brought 
upon  them  terrible  torments ;  for  they 
were  so  scourged  and  tortured,  that  their 
bodies  were  not  able  to  sustain  their  tor- 
ments, till  at  length,  and  with  difficulty, 
they  had  the  favour  to  be  slain.  Those 
whom  they  caught  in  the  daytime  were 
slain  in  the  night,  and  then  their  bodies 
were  carried  out  and  thrown  away,  that 
there  might  be  room  for  other  prisoners ; 
and  the  terror  that  was  upon  the  people  was 
so  great,  that  no  one  had  courage  enough 
either  to  weep  openly  for  the  dead  man 
that  was  related  to  him,  or  bury  him  ;  but 
those  that  were  shut  up  in  their  own 
houses,  could  only  shed  tears  in  secret, 
and  durst  not  even  groan  without  great 
caution,  lest  any  of  their  enemies  should 
hear  them;  for  if  they  did,  those  that 
mourned  for  others  soon  underwent  the 
same  death  with  those  whom  they  mourned 
for.  Only  in  the  night-time  they  would 
take  up  a  little  dust  and  throw  it  upon 
their  bodies;  and  even  some  that  were  the 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


29$ 


most  ready  to  expose  themselves  to  danger, 
would  do  it  in  the  daytime  :  and  there 
were  12,000  of  the  better  sort  who  pe- 
rished in  this  manner. 

And  now  these  Zealots  and  Idumeans 
were  quite  weary  of  barely  killing  men ; 
so  they  had  the  impudence  of  setting  up 
fictitious  tribunals  and  judicatures  for  that 
purpose;  and  as  they  intended  to  have 
Zacharias,  the  son  of  Baruch,  one  of  the 
most  eminent  of  the  citizens,  slain, — so 
what  provoked  them  against  him  was,  that 
hatred  of  wickedness  and  love  of  liberty 
which  were  so  eminent  in  him  :  he  was 
also  a  rich  man,  so  that  by  taking  him  off, 
they  did  not  only  hope  to  seize  his  effects, 
but  also  to  get  rid  of  a  man  that  had 
great  power  to  destroy  them.  So  they 
called  together,  by  a  public  proclamation, 
seventy  of  the  principal  men  of  the  popu- 
lace, for  a  show  as  if  they  were  real 
judges,  while  they  had  no  proper  authori- 
ty. Before  these  was  Zacharias  accused 
of  a  design  to  betray  their  polity  to  the 
Romans,  and  having  traitorously  sent  to 
Vespasian  for  that  purpose.  Now  there 
appeared  no  proof  or  sign  of  what  he  was 
accused;  but  they  afhrnied  themselves  that 
they  were  well  persuaded  that  so  it  was, 
and  desired  that  such  their  affirmation 
might  be  taken  for  sufficient  evidence. 
Now  when  Zacharias  clearly  saw  that  there 
was  no  way  remaining  for  his  escape  from 
them,  as  having  been  treacherously  called 
before  them,  and  then  put  in  prison,  but 
not  with  any  intention  of  a  legal  trial,  he 
took  great  liberty  of  speech  in  that  despair 
of  life  he  was  under.  Accordingly  he 
stood  up,  and  laughed  at  their  pretended 
accusation,  and  in  a  few  words  confuted 
the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge ;  after  which 
he  turned  his  speech  to  his  accusers,  and 
went  over  distinctly  all  their  transgres- 
sions of  the  law,  and  made  heavy  lamenta- 
tions upon  the  confusion  they  had  brought 
public  affairs  to  :  in  the  mean  time  the 
Zealots  grew  tumultuous,  and  had  much 
ado  to  abstain  from  drawing  their  swords, 
although  they  designed  to  preserve  the  ap- 
pearance and  show  of  judicature  to  tho 
end.  They  were  also  desirous,  on  other 
accounts,  to  try  the  judges,  whether  they 
would  be  mindful  of  what  was  just  at 
their  own  peril.  Now  the  seventy  judges 
brought  in  their  verdict,  that  the  person 
accused  was  not  guilty — as  choosing  rather 
to  die  themselves  with  him,  than  to  have 
his  death  laid  at  their  doors :  hereupon 
there  arose  a  great  clamour  of  the  Zealots 


300 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV 


upon  Lis  acquittal,  and  tbey  all  had  indig- 
nation at  the  judges,  for  not  understand- 
ing that  the  authority  that  was  given  them 
was  but  in  jest.  So  two  of  the  boldest  of 
them  fell  upon  Zacharias  in  the  middle  of 
the  temple,  and  slew  him;  and  as  he  fell 
down  dead  they  bantered  him,  and  said, 
"  Thou  hast  also  our  verdict,  and  this  will 
prove  a  more  sure  acquittal  to  thee  than 
the  other."  They  also  threw  him  down 
out  of  the  temple  immediately  into  the 
valley  beneath  it.  Moreover,  they  struck 
the  judges  with  the  backs  of  their  swords, 
by  way  of  abuse,  and  thrust  them  out  of 
the  court  of  the  temple,  and  spared  their 
lives  with  no  other  design  than  that,  when 
they  were  dispersed  among  the  people  in 
the  city,  they  might  become  their  messen- 
gers, to  let  them  know  they  were  no  bet- 
ter than  slaves. 

But  by  this  time  the  Idumeans  repented 
of  their  coming,  and  were  displeased  at 
what  had  been  done  ;  and  when  they  were 
assembled  together  by  one  of  the  Zealots, 
who  had  come  privately  to  them,  he  de- 
clared to  them  what  a  number  of  wicked 
pranks  they  had  themselves  done  in  con- 
junction with  those  that  invited  them,  and 
gave  a  particular  account  of  what  mis- 
chiefs had  been  done  against  their  metropo- 
lis. He  said,  that  they  had  taken  arms, 
as  though  the  high  priests  were  betraying 
their  metropolis  to  the  Romans,  but  had 
found  no  indication  of  any  such  treach- 
ery; but  that  they  had  succoured  those 
that  had  pretended  to  believe  such  a 
thing,  while  they  did  themselves  the  works 
of  war  and  tyranny  after  an  insolent  man- 
ner. It  had  been,  indeed,  their  business 
to  have  hindered  them  from  such  their 
proceedings  at  the  first,  but  seeing  they 
had  once  been  partners  with  them  in  shed- 
ding the  blood  of  their  own  countrymen, 
it  was  high  time  to  put  a  stop  to  such 
crimes,  and  not  continue  to  afford  any 
more  assistance  to  such  as  were  subverting 
the  laws  of  their  forefathers  ;  for  that  if 
any  had  taken  it  ill  that  the  gates  had 
been  shut  against  them,  and  tliey  had  not 
been  permitted  to  come  into  the  city,  yet 
that  those  who  had  excluded  them  had 
been  punished,  and  Ananus  was  dead,  and 
that  almost  all  those  people  had  been  de- 
stroyed in  one  night.  That  one  might 
perceive  many  of  themselves  now  repent- 
ing for  what  they  had  done,  and  might 
eee  the  horrid  barbarity  of  those  that  had 
invited  them,  and  that  they  had  no  regard 
to  such  as  had  saved  them ;  that  they  were 


so  impudent  as  to  perpetrate  the  vilest 
things,  under  the  eyes  of  those  who  had 
supported  them,  and  that  their  wicked  ac- 
tions would  be  laid  to  the  charge  of  the 
Idumeans,  and  would  be  so  laid  to  their 
charge,  till  somebody  obstructed  their  pro- 
ceedings, or  separated  himself  from  the 
same  wicked  action ;  that  they  therefore 
ought  to  retire  home,  since  the  imputation 
of  treason  appeared  to  be  a  calumny,  and 
that  there  was  no  expectation  of  the 
coming  of  the  Romans  at  that  time,  and 
that  the  government  of  the  city  was  se- 
cured by  such  walls  as  could  not  easily  be 
thrown  down ;  and,  by  avoiding  any  further 
fellowship  with  those  bad  men,  to  make 
some  excuse  for  themselves,  as  to  what 
they  had  been  so  far  deluded  as  to  have 
been  partners  with  them  hitherto. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Idumeans  return  home — The  Zealots  continue 
their  slaughter  of  the  citizens — Vespasian  dis- 
suades the  Romans  from  proceeding  in  the  Jew- 
ish war. 

The  Idumeans  complied  with  these  per- 
suasions; and,  in  the  first  place,  they  set 
those  that  were  in  the  prison  at  liberty, 
being  about  2-000  of  the  populace,  who 
thereupon  fled  away  immediately  to  Si- 
mon, one  whom  we  shall  speak  of  presently. 
After  which  these  Idumeans  retired  from 
Jerusalem,  and  went  home;  which  depart- 
ure of  theirs  was  a  great  surprise  to  both 
parties;  for  the  people,  not  knowing  of 
their  repentance,  pulled  up  their  courage 
for  awhile,  as  eased  of  so  many  of  their  ene- 
mies, while  the  Zealots  grew  more  inso- 
lent, not  as  deserted  by  their  confederates, 
but  as  freed  from  such  men  as  might  hin- 
der their  designs  and  put  some  stop  to 
their  wickedness.  Accordingly,  they  made 
no  longer  any  delay,  nor  took  any  delibe- 
ration in  their  enormous  practices,  but 
made  use  of  the  shortest  methods  for  all 
their  executions ;  and  what  they  had  once 
resolved  upon,  they  put  in  practice  sooner 
than  any  one  could  imagine;  but  their 
thirst  was  chiefly  after  the  blood  of  valiant 
men,  and  men  of  good  families ;  the  one 
sort  of  whom  they  destroyed  out  of  envy, 
the  other  out  of  fear ;  for  they  thought 
their  whole  security  lay  in  leaving  no  po- 
tent men  alive  ;  on  which  account  they  slew 
Gorion,  a  person  eminent  in  dignity,  and 
on  account  of  his  family  also  ;  he  was  also 
for  democracy,  and  of  as  great  boldness 
and  freedom  of  spirit  as  were  any  of  the 
Jews  whosoever ;  the  principal  thing  that 


Chap.  VI.] 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


301 


ruined  him,  added  to- his  other  advantages, 
was  his  free  speaking.      Nor  did  Niger  of 
Perea  escape  their  hands  ;  he  had  been  a 
man  of  great  valour  in  their  war  with  the 
Romans,  but  was  now  drawn  through  the 
middle   of    the    city,    and,    as    he    went, 
he    frequently    cried     out,    and     showed 
the  scars  of  his  wounds ;    and  when   he 
was  drawn  out  of  the  gates,  and  despaired 
of  his  preservation,  he  besought    them  to 
grant  him  a  burial ;  but  as  they  had  threat- 
ened   him  beforehand  not  to  grant    him 
any  spot  of  earth   for  a  grave,  which  he 
chiefly  desired  of  them,  so  did  they  slay 
him   [without  permitting  him   to  be  bu- 
ried].    Now  when  they  were  slaying  him, 
he  made  his  imprecation  upon  them,  that 
they  might  undergo  both  famine  and  pesti- 
lence in    this   war,  and  besides  all  that, 
they  might  come  to  the  mutual  slaughter 
of  one    another;  all  which  imprecations 
God  confirmed  against  these  impious  men, 
and  was  what  came  most  justly  upon  them, 
when  not  long  afterward  they  tasted  of 
their  own  madness  in    their  mutual  sedi- 
tions one  against  another.     So  when  this 
Niger  was  killed,  their  fears  of  being  over- 
turned were  diminished,  and  indeed  there 
was  no  part  of  the  people  but  they  found 
out  .some  pretence  to  destroy  them ;  for 
some  were  therefore  slain,  because  they 
had  had  differences  with  some  of  them ; 
and  as  to  those  that  had  not  opposed  them 
in  times  of  peace,  they  watched  seasona- 
ble opportunities  to  gain   some  accusation 
against  them;  and  if  any  one  did  not  come 
near  them  at  all,  he  was  under  their  sus- 
picion as  a  proud  man  ;  if  any  one  came 
with    boldness,  he   was  esteemed   a  con- 
temner of  them;  and  if  any  one  came  as 
aiming  to  oblige  them,  he  was  supposed  to 
have  some  treacherous  plot  against  them; 
while    the   only   punishment    of   crimes, 
whether   they    were   of    the    greatest  or 
smallest  sort,  was  death.     Nor  could  any 
one  escape,  unless  he  were  very  inconsider- 
able, either  on  account   of  the   meanness 
of  his  birth,  or  on  account  of  his  fortune. 
And  now  all  the  rest  of  the  command- 
ers of  the  Romans  deemed  this  sedition 
among  their  enemies  to  be  of  great  advan- 
tage to  them,  and  were  very  earnest  to 
march  to  the  city ;  and  they  urged  Vespa- 
sian, as  their  lord  and  general  in  all  cases, 
to  make  haste,  and  said  to  him,  that  "  the 
providence  of  God  is  on  our  side,  by  set- 
ting our  enemies  at  variance  against  one 
another  ;  that  still  the  change  in  such  cases 
may  be  sudden,  and  the  Jews  may  quick- 


ly be  at  one  again,  either  because  they 
may  be  tired  out  with  (heir  civil  miseries, 
or  repent  them  of   such   doings  "       But 
Vespasian  replied,  that  they  were  greatly 
mistaken  in  what  they  thought  fit  to  be 
done,  as  those  that,  upon  the  theatre,  love 
to  make  a  show  of  their  hands  and  of  their 
weapons,  but  do  it  at  their  own  hazard, 
without  considering  what  was  for  their  ad- 
vantage and  for  their  security,  for  that  if 
they  now  go  and  attack  the  city  immedi- 
ately, they  shall  but  occasion  their  ene- 
mies to  unite  together,  and  shall  convert 
their  force,  now  it  is  in  its  height,  against 
themselves;  but  if  they  stay  awhile  they 
shall   have  fewer   enemies,   because   they 
will   be  consumed  in   this  sedition  :  that 
God  acts  as  a  general  of  the  Romans  bet- 
ter than  he  can  do,  and  is  giving  the  Jews 
up   to   them    without  any   pains  of  their 
own,  and  granting  their  army  a  victory 
without  any  danger;  that   therefore   it  is 
their  best  way,  while  their  enemies  are 
destroying    each    other    with    their    own 
hands,  and  falling  into  the  greatest  of  mis- 
fortunes, which   is   that  of  sedition,  to  sit 
still  as  spectators  of  the  dangers  they  run 
into,  rather  than  to  fight  hand  to  hand 
with  men  that    love   murdering,  and  are 
mad  one  against  another.     "  But  if  any 
one  imagines   that  the  glory  of  victory, 
when  it  is  gotten  without  fighting,  will  be 
more   insipid,  let   him    know  this   much, 
that  a  glorious  success,  quietly  obtained, 
is  more  profitable  than  the  dangers  of  a 
battle ;  for  we  ought  to  esteem  those  that 
do  what  is  agreeable  to  temperance  and 
prudence,  no  less  glorious  than  those  that 
have   gained    great   reputation    by    their 
actions  in  war  :  that  he  shall  lead  on  his 
army  with  greater  force  when  their  enemies 
are  diminished,  and  his  own  army  refreshed 
after  the  continual  labours  they  bad  under- 
gone.    However,  that  this  is  not  a  proper 
time  to  propose  to  ourselves  the  glory  of 
victory;  for  that  the  Jews  are  not  now 
employed  in  making  of  armour  or  build- 
ing of  walls,   nor  indeed  in  getting  to- 
gether auxiliaries,  while  the  advantage  will 
be  on  their  side  who  give  them  such  op- 
portunity of  delay;    but  that  the  Jews 
are  vexed  to  pieces   every  day  by  their 
civil  wars  and  dissensions,  and  are  under 
greater    misfortunes  than,  if   they   were 
once  taken,  could  be  inflicted  on  them  by 
us.     Whether,    therefore,   any  one    hath 
regard  to  what  is  for  our  safety,  he  ought 
to  suffer  these  Jews  to  destroy  one  another; 
or  whether  he  hath  regard  to  the  greater 


302 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV 


glory  of  the  action,  we  ought  by  no  means 
to  meddle  with  these  men,  now  they  are 
afflicted  with  a  distemper  at  home;  for 
should  we  now  conquer  them,  it  would  be 
said  the  conquest  was  not  owing  to  our 
bravery,  but  to  their  sedition." 

And  now  the  commanders  joined  in 
their  approbation  of  what  Vespasian  had 
said,  and  it  was  soon  discovered  how  wise 
an  opinion  he  had  given ;  and  indeed 
many  there  were  of  the  Jews  that  de- 
serted every  day,  and  fled  away  from  the 
Zealots,  although  their  flight  was  very 
difficult,  since  they  had  guarded  every 
passage  out  of  the  city,  and  slew  every 
one  that  was  caught  at  them,  as  taking 
it  for  granted  they  were  going  over  to  the 
Romans ;  yet  did  he  who  gave  them 
money  get  clear  off,  while  he  only  that 
gave  them  none  was  voted  a  traitor.  So 
the  upshot  was  this,  that  the  rich  pur- 
chased their  flight  by  money,  while  none 
bul  the  poor  were  slain.  Along  all  the 
roads  also  vast  numbers  of  dead  bodies 
lay  in  heaps,  and  even  many  of  those  that 
were  so  zealous  in  deserting,  at  length 
chose  rather  to  perish  within  the  city ; 
for  the  hopes  of  burial  made  death  in  their 
own  city  appear  of  the  two  less  terrible 
to  them.     But  these  Zealots  came  at  last 


trampled  upon  all  the  laws  of  man,  and 
laughed  at  the  laws  of  God ;  and  for  the 
oracles  of  the  prophets,  they  ridiculed 
them  as  the  tricks  of  jugglers;  yet  did 
these  prophets  foretell  many  things  con- 
cerning [the  rewards  of]  virtue,  and 
[punishments  of]  vice,  which  when  these 
Zealots  violated,  they  occasioned  the  ful- 
filling of  those  very  prophecies  belonging 
to  their  own  country ;  for  there  was  a 
certain  ancient  oracle  of  those  men,  that 
the  city  should  then  be  taken,  and  the 
sanctuary  burnt,  by  right  of  war,  when  a 
sedition  should  invade  the  Jews,  and  their 
own  hand  should  pollute  the  temple  of 
God.*  Now,  while  these  Zealots  did  not 
[quite]  disbelieve  these  predictions,  they 
made  themselves  the  instruments  of  their 
accomplishment. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tyranny    of    John — Massada    plundered    by   the 
Zealots — Vespasian  takes  Gadara. 

By  this  time  John  was  beginning  to 
tyrannize,  and  thought  it  beneath  him  to 
accept  of  barely  the  same  honours  that 
others  had;  aud  joining  to  himself  by 
degrees  a  party-  of  the  most  wicked  of 
them  all,  he  broke  off  from  the  rest  of 


to    that    degree   of  barbarity,  as   not    to    the  faction.     This  was  brought  about  by 


bestow  a  burial  either  on  those  slain  in 
the  city,  or  on  those  that  lay  along  the 
roads ;  but  as  if  they  had  made  an  agree- 
ment to  cancel  both  the  laws  of  their 
country  and  the  laws  of  nature,  and,  at 
the  same  time  that  they  defiled  men  with 
their  wicked  actions,  they  would  pollute 
the  Divinity  itself  also,  they  left  the  dead 
bodies  to  putrefy  under  the  sun :  and  the 
same  punishment  was  allotted  to  such  as 
buried  any,  as  to  those  that  deserted, 
which  was  no  other  than  death  ;  while  he 
that  granted  the  favour  of  a  grave  to 
another,  would  presently  stand  in  need  of 
a  grave  himself.  To  say  all  in  a  word, 
no  other  gentle  passion  was  so  entirely 
lost  among  them  as  mercy ;  for  what  were 
the  greatest  objects  of  pity  did  most  of 
all  irritate  these  wretches,  and  they  trans- 
ferred their  rage  from  the  living  to  those 
that  had  been  slain,  and  from  the  dead  to 
the  living.  Nay,  the  terror  was  so  very 
great,  that  he  who  survived  called  them 
that  were  first  dead  happy,  as  being  at 
rest  already ;  as  did  those  that  were  under 
torture  in  the  prisons'  declare  that,  upon 
this  comparison,  those  that  lay  unburied 
were  the  happiest.    These  men,  therefore, 


his  still  disagreeing  with  the  opinions  of 
others,  and  giving  out  injunctions  of  his 
own,  in  a  very  imperious  manner  :  so  that 
it  was  evident  he  was  setting  up  a  mo- 
narchical power.  Now  some  submitted  to 
him  out  of  their  fear  of  him,  and  others 
out  of  their  good-will  to  him ;  for  he  was 
a  shrewd  man  to  entice  men  to  him,  both 
by  deluding  them  and  putting  cheats  upon 
them.  Nay,  many  there  were  that  thought 
they  should  be  safer  themselves,  if  the 
causes  of  their  past  insolent  actions  should 
now  be  reduced  to  one  head,  and  not  to  a 
great  many.  His  activity  was  so  great, 
and  that  both  in  action  and  counsel,  that 
he  had  not  a  few  guards  about  him ;  yet 
was  there  a  great  party  of  his  antagonists 
that  left  him ;  among  whom  envy  at  him 
weighed  a  great  deal,  while  they  thought 
it  a  very  heavy  thing  to  be  in  subjection 
to  one  that  was  formerly  their  equal.  But 


*  This  prediction,  that  the  city  (Jerusalem) 
should  then  "be  taken,  and  the  sanctuary  burnt  by 
right  of  war,  when  a  sedition  should  invade  the 
Jews,  and  their  own  hands  should  pollute  that 
temple,"  or,  as  it  is,  b.  vi.  chap,  ii.,  "  when  any 
one  should  begin  to  slay  his  countrymen  in  the 
city,"  is  wanting  in  our  present  copies  of  the  Old 
Testament. 


Chap.  VII.] 

the  main  reason  that  moved  men  against 
him  was  the  dread  of  monarchy,  for  they 
could  not  hope  easily  to  put  an  end  to 
his  power,  if  he  had  once  obtained  it ; 
and  yet  they  knew'  that  he  would  have 
this  pretence  always  against  them,  that 
they  had  opposed  him  when  he  was  first 
advanced  j  while  every  one  chose  rather 
to  suffer  any  thing  whatsoever  in  war, 
than  that,  when  they  had  been  in  a  volun- 
tary slavery  for  some  time,  they  should 
afterward  perish.  So  the  sedition  was 
divided  into  two  parts,  and  John  reigned 
in  opposition  to  his  adversaries  over  one 
of  them :  but  for  their  leaders,  they 
watched  one  another,  nor  did  they  at  all, 
or  at  least  very  little,  meddle  with  arms 
in  their  quarrels ;  but  they  fought  ear- 
nestly against  the  people,  and  contended 
one  with  another  which  of  them  should 
bring  home  the  greatest  prey.  But  be- 
cause the  city  had  to  struggle  with  three 
of  the  greatest  misfortunes,  war,  and  ty- 
ranny, and  sedition,  it  appeared,  upon  the 
comparison,  that  the  war  was  the  least 
troublesome  to  the  populace  of  them  all. 
Accordingly  they  ran  away  from  their  own 
houses  to  foreigners,  and  obtained  that 
preservation  from  the  Romans  which  they 
despaired  to  obtain  among  their  own 
people. 

And  now  a  fourth  misfortune  arose,  in 
order  to  bring  our  nation  to  destruction. 
There  was  a  fortress  of  very  great  strength 
not  far  from  Jerusalem,  which  had  been 
built  by  our  ancient  kings,  both  as  a  repo- 
sitory for  their  effects  in  the  hazards  of 
war,  and  for  the  preservation  of  their 
bodies  at  the  same  time.  It  is  called 
Massada.  Those  that  were  called  Sicarii 
had  taken  possession  of  it  formerly;  but 
at  this  time  they  overran  the  neighbouring 
countries,  aiming  only  to  procure  to  them- 
selves necessaries;  for  the  fear  they  were 
then  in  prevented  their  further  ravages ; 
but  when  once  they  were  informed  that 
the  Roman  army  lay  still,  and  that  the 
Jews  were  divided  between  sedition  and 
tyranny,  they  boldly  undertook  greater 
matters ;  and  at  the  feast  of  unleavened 
bread,  which  the  Jews  celebrate  in  memo- 
ry of  their  deliverance  from  the  Egyptian 
bondage,  when  they  were  sent  back  into 
the  country  of  their  forefathers,  they  came 
down  by  night,  without  being  discovered 
by  those  that  could  have  prevented  them, 
and  overran  a  certain  small  city  called 
Engeddi :  in  which  expedition  they  pre- 
vented   those    citizens    that   could    have 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


303 


stopped  them,  before  they  could  arm  them- 
selves and  fight  them.  They  also  dis- 
persed them,  and  cast  them  out  of  the  city. 
As  for  such  as  could  not  run  away,  being 
women  and  children,  they  slew  of  them 
above  700.  Afterward,  when  they  had 
carried  every  thing  out  of  their  bouses, 
and  had  seized  upon  all  the  fruits  that 
were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  they 
brought  them  into  Massada.  And,  indeed, 
these  men  laid  all  the  villages  that  were 
about  the  fortress  waste,  and  made  the 
whole  country  desolate  :  while  there  came 
to  them  every  day  from  all  parts,  not  a 
few  men  as  corrupt  as  themselves.  At 
this  time  all  the  other  regions  of  Judea 
that  had  hitherto  been  at  rest  were  in  mo- 
tion, by  means  of  the  robbers.  Now,  as 
it  is  in  a  human  body,  if  the  principal 
part  be  inflamed,  all  the  members  are  sub- 
ject to  the  same  distemper,  so  by  means 
of  the  sedition  and  disorder  that  was  in 
the  metropolis,  had  the  wicked  men  that 
were  in  the  country  opportunity  to  ravage 
the  same.  Accordingly,  when  every  one 
of  them  had  plundered  their  own  villages, 
they  then  retired  into  the  desert  ;  yet 
were  these  men  that  now  got  together  and 
joined  in  the  conspiracy  by  parties,  too 
small  for  an  army,  and  too  many  for  a 
gang  of  thieves  :  and  thus  did  they  fall 
upon  the  holy  places*  and  the  cities ;  yet 
did  it  now  so  happen  that  they  were  some- 
times very  ill  treated  by  those  upon  whom 
they  fell  with  such  violence,  and  were 
taken  by  them  as  men  are  taken  in  war : 
but  still  they  prevented  any  further  punish- 
ment as  do  robbers,  who  as  soon  as  their 
ravages  [are  discovered]  run  their  way. 
Nor  was  there  now  any  part  of  Judea  that 
was  not  in  a  miserable  condition,  as  well 
as  its  most  eminent  city  also. 

These  things  were  told  Vespasian  by 
deserters;  for  although  the  seditious 
watched  all  the  passages  out  of  the  city, 
and  destroyed  all,  whosoever  they  were, 
that  came  thither,  yet  were  there  some 
that  had  concealed  themselves,  and,  when 
they  had  fled  to  the  Romans,  persuaded 
their  general  to  come  to  their  city's  assist- 
ance, and  save  the  remainder  of  the  people; 
informing  him  withal,  that  it  was  upon 


*  By  "  holy  places,"  as  distinct  from  cities,  must 
be  meant  "  houses  of  prayer"  out  of  cities ;  of 
which  we  find  mention  made  in  the  New  Testament* 
See  Luke  vi.  12;  Acts  xvi.  13,  16.  They  were  si- 
tuated sometimes  by  the  sides  of  rivers,  or  by  the 
seaside.  So  did  the  seventy-two  interpreters  go  to 
pray  every  morning  by  the  seaside,  before  they 
went    o  their  work. 


^ 


304 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV 


account  of  the  people's  good-will  to  the 
Romans  that  many  of  them  were  already 
slain,  and  the  survivors  in  danger  of  the 
same  treatment.  Vespasian  did  indeed 
already  pit}-  the  calamities  these  men 
were  in,  and  arose,  in  appearance,  as 
though  he  was  going  to  besiege  Jeru- 
salem,— but  in  reality  to  deliver  them 
from  a  [worse]  siege  they  were  already 
under.  However,  he  was  obliged  at  first 
to  overthrow  wbat  remained  elsewhere, 
and  to  leave  nothing  out  of  Jerusalem 
behind  him  that  might  interrupt  him  in 
that  siege.  Accordingly  he  marched 
against  Gadara,  the  metropolis  of  Perea, 
which  was  a  place  of  strength,  and  entered 
that  city  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  month 
Dystrus  [Adar] ;  for  the  men  of  power 
had  sent  an  embassage  to  him,- without 
the  knowledge  of  the  seditious,  to  treat 
about  a  surrender ;  which  they  did  out 
of  the  desire  they  had- of  peace,  and  for 
saving  their  effects,  because  many  of  the 
citizens  of  Gadara. were  rich  men.  This 
embassy  the  opposite  party  knew  nothing 
of,  but  discovered  it  as  Vespasian  was 
approaching  near  the  city.  However, 
they  despaired  of  keeping  possession  of 
the  city,  as  being  inferior  in  number  to 
their  enemies  who  were  within  the  city, 
and  seeing  the  Romans  very  near  to 
the  city ;  so  they  resolved  to  fly,  but 
thought  it  dishonourable-to  do  it  without 
shedding  some  blood,  and  revenging 
themselves  on  the  authors  of  this  sur- 
render; so  they  seized  upon  Dolesus  (a 
person  not  only  the  first  in  rank  and 
family  in  that  city,  but  one  that  seemed 
the  occasion  of  sending  such  an  embassy) 
and  slew  him,  and  treated  his  dead  body 
after  a  barbarous  manner,  so  very  violent 
was  their  anger  at  him,  and  then  ran  out 
of  the  city.  And  as  now  the  Roman 
army  was  just  upon  them,  the  people  of 
Gadara  admitted  Vespasian  with  joyful 
acclamations,  and  received  from  him  the 
security  of  his  right  hand,  as  also  a  gar- 
rison of  horsemen  and.  footmen,  to  guard 
them  against  the  excursions  of  the  runa- 
gates; for  as  to  their  wall,  they  had  pulled 
it  down  before  the  Romans  desired  them 
so  to  do,  that  they  might  thereby  give 
them  assurance  that  they  were  lovers  of 
peace,  and  that,  if  they  had  a  mind, 
they  could  not  now  make  war  against 
them. 

And  now  Vespasian  sent  Placidus 
against  those  that  had  fled  from  Gadara, 
with  500  horsemen  and  3000  footmen, 


while  he  returned  himself  to  Ccsarea, 
with  the  rest  of  the  army.  Rut  as  soon 
as  these  fugitives  saw  the  horsemen  that 
pursued  them  just  upon  their  backs,  and 
before  they  came  to  a* close  fight,  they  ran 
together  to  a  certain  village,  which  was 
called  Rethennabris,  where  finding  a  great 
multitude  of  young  men,  and  arming 
them,  partly  by  their  own  consent,  and 
partly  by  force,  they  rashly  and  suddenly 
assaulted  Placidus  and  the  troops  that 
were  with  him.  These  horsemen  at  the 
first  onset  gave  way  a  little,  as  contriving 
to  entice  them  farther  off  the  wall ;  and 
when  they  had  drawn  them  into  a 
place  fit  for  their  purpose,  they  made  their 
horse  encompass  them  round,  and  threw 
their  darts  at  them.  So  the  horsemen  cut 
off  the  flight  of  the  fugitives,  while  the 
foot  terribly  destroyed  those  that  fought 
against  them ;  for  those  Jews  did  no  more 
than  show  their  courage,  and  then  were 
destroyed ;  for  as  they  fell  upon  the  Ro- 
mans when  they  were  joined  close  to- 
gether, and,  as  it  were,  walled  about  with 
their  entire  armour,  they  were  not  able  to 
find  any  place  where  the  darts  could  en- 
ter, nor  were  they  any  way  able  to  break 
their  ranks,  while  they  were  themselves 
run  through  by  the  Roman  darts,  and, 
like  the  wildest  of  wild  beasts,  rushed 
upon  the  points  of  the  others'  swords ;  so 
some  of  them  were  destroyed,  as  cut  with 
their  enemies'  swords  upou  their  faces, 
and  others  were  dispersed  by  the  horsemen. 
Now  Placidus's  concern  was  to  exclude 
them  in  their  flight  from  getting  into  the 
village ;  and  causing  his  horse  to  march 
continually  on  that  side  of  them,  he  then 
turned  short  upon  them,  and  at  the  same 
time  his  men  made  use  of  their  darts,  and 
easily  took  their  aim  at  those  that  were 
the  nearest  to  them,  as  they  made  those 
that  were  farther  off  turn  back  by  the  ter- 
ror they  were  in,  till  at  last  the  most  cour- 
ageous of  them  brake  through  those  horse- 
men and  fled  to  the  wall  of  the  village. 
And  now  those  that  guarded  the  wall  were 
in  great  doubt  what  to  do;  for  they  could 
not  bear  the  thoughts  of  excluding  those 
that  came  from  Gadara,  because  of  their 
own  people  that  were  among  them;  and 
yet,  if  they  should  admit  them,  they  ex- 
pected to  perish  with  them,  which  came 
to  pass  accordingly ;  for  as  they  were 
crowding  together  at  the  wall,  the  Roman 
horsemen  were  just  ready  to  fall  in  with 
them.  However,  the  guards  prevented 
them,  and  shut  the  gates,  when  Placidus 


Chap.  VIII.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


made  an  assault  upon  them,  and  fighting 
courageously  till  it  was  dark,  he  got  pos- 
session of  the  wall,  and  of  the  people  that 
were  in  the  city,  when  the  useless  multi- 
tude were  destroyed  ;  but  those  that  were 
more  potent  ran  away ;  and  the  soldiers 
plundered  the  houses,  and  set  the  village 
on  fire.  As  for  those  that  ran  out  of  the 
village,  they  stirred  up  such  as  were  in 
the  country,  and  exaggerating  their  own 
calamities,  and  telling  them  that  the  whole 
army  of  the  Romans  were  upon  them, 
they  put  them  mto  great  fear  on  every 
side ;  so  they  got  in  great  numbers  to- 
gether, and  fled  to  Jericho,  for  they  knew 
no  other  place  that  could  afford  them  any 
hope  of  escaping,  it  being  a  city  that  had 
a  strong  wall  and  a  great  multitude  of 
inhabitants.  But  Placidus,  relying  much 
upon  his  horsemen  and  his  former  good 
success,  followed  them,  and  slew  all  that 
he  overtook,  as  far  as  Jordan  ;  and  when 
he  had  driven  the  whole  multitude  to  the 
riverside,  where  they  were  stopped  by  the 
current,  (for  it  had  been  augmented  lately 
by  rains,  and  was  not  fordable,)  he  put  his 
soldiers  in  array  over  against  them  ;  so  the 
necessity  the  others  were  in,  provoked  them 
to  hazard  a  battle,  because  there  was  no 
place  whither  they  could  flee.  They  then 
extended  themselves  a  very  great  way 
along  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  sustained 
the  darts  that  were  thrown  at  them  as  well 
as  the  attacks  of  the  horsemen,  who  beat 
many  of  them,  and  pushed  them  into  the 
current.  At  which  fight,  hand  to  hand, 
15,000  of  them  were  slain,  while  the  num- 
ber of  those  that  were  unwillingly  forced 
to  leap  into  Jordan  was  prodigious.  There 
were,  besides,  2200  taken  prisoners.  A 
mighty  prey  was  taken  also,  consisting  of 
asses,  and  sheep,  and  camels,  and  oxen. 

Now  this  destruction  that  fell  upon  the 
Jews,  as  it  was  not  inferior  to  any  of  the 
rest  in  itself,  so  did  it  appear  greater  than 
it  really  was;  and  this,  because  not  only 
the  whole  of  the  country  through  which 
they  fled  was  filled  with  slaughter,  and 
Jordan  could  not  be  passed  over,  by  rea- 
son of  the  dead  bodies  that  were  in  it,  but 
because  the  lake  Asphaltitis  was  also  full 
of  dead  bodies,  that  were  carried  down 
into  it  by  the  river.  And  now  Placidus, 
after  this  good  success  he  had,  fell  violently 
upon  the  neighbouring  smaller  cities  and 
villages ;  when  he  took  Abila,  and  Julias, 
and  Bezemoth,  and  all  those  that  lay  as 
far  as  the  lake  Asphaltitis,  and  put  such 
of  the  deserters  into  each  of  them  as  he 
Vol.  II.— 20 


thought  proper.  He  then  put  bis  soldiers 
on  board  the  Bhips,  and  Blew  such  as  bad 
fled   to  the  lake,  insomuch  that  all  Perea 

had  either  surrendered  themselves,  or  were 
taken  by  the  Romans,  as  far  as  Macherus, 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Commotions  in  Gal]  [Galatia] — Vespasian  hastens 
to  terminate  the  Jewish  war — Description  of 
Jericho,  the  Groat  Plain,  and  the  Lake  Asj.h.iltitis. 

In  the  mean  time,  an  account  came  that 
there  were  commotions  in  Gall,  and  that 
Vindex,  together  with  the  men  of  power 
in  that  country,  had  revolted  from  Ne- 
ro; which  affair  is  more  accurately  de- 
scribed elsewhere.  This  report,  thus  re- 
lated to  Vespasian,  excited  him  to  go  on 
briskly  with  the  war;  for  he  foresaw  al- 
ready the  civil  wars  which  were  coming 
upon  them,  nay,  that  the  very  government 
was  in  danger;  and  he  thought  if  he  could 
first  reduce  the  eastern  parts  of  the  em- 
pire to  peace,  he  should  make  the  fears  for 
Italy  the  lighter;  while,  therefore,  the  win- 
ter was  his  hindorance  [from  going  into 
the  field],  he  put  garrisons  into  the  villages 
and  smaller  cities  for  their  security ;  he 
put  decurions  also  into  the  villages,  and 
centurions  into  the  cities;  he  besides  this 
rebuilt  many  of  the  cities  that  had  been 
laid  waste ;  but  at  the  beginning  of  the 
spring  he  took  the  greatest  part  of  his 
army,  and  led  it  from  Cesarea  to  Antipa- 
tris,  where  he  spent  two  days  in  settling 
the  affairs  of  that  city,  and  then,  on  the 
third  day,  he  marched  on,  laying  waste 
and  burning  all  the  neighbouring  villages. 
And  when  he  had  laid  waste  all  the  places 
about  the  toparchy  of  Thamnas,  he  passed 
on  to  Lydda  and  Jamnia ;  and  when  both 
those  cities  had  come  over  to  him,  he 
placed  a  great  many  of  those  that  had 
come  over  to  him  [from  other  places]  as 
inhabitants  therein,  and  then  came  to  Em- 
maus,  where  he  seized  upon  the  passages 
which  led  theuce  to  their  metropolis,  and 
fortified  his  camp,  and  leaving  the  fifth 
legion  therein,  he  came  to  the  toparchy 
of  Bethletephon.  He  then  destroyed  that 
place,  and  the  neighbouring  places,  by 
fire,  and  fortified,  at  proper  places,  the 
strongholds  all  about  Idumea;  and  when 
he  had  seized  upon  two  villages,  which 
were  in  the  very  midst  of  Idumea,  Betaris, 
and  Caphartobas,  he  slew  above  10,000 
of  the  people,  and  carried  into  captivity 
above  1000,  and  drove  away  the  rest  of 
the  multitude,  and  placed  no  small  part 
of  his  own  forces  in  them,  who  overran 


306 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


and  laid  waste  the  whole  mountainous 
country ;  while  he,  with  the  rest  of  his 
forces,  returned  to  Etnmaus,  whence  he 
came  down  through  the  country  of  Sama- 
ria, and  hard  by  the  city  by  others  called 
Neapolis,  (or  Sichem,)  but  by  the  people 
of  that  country  Mabortha,  to  Corea,  where 
he  pitched  his  camp  on  the  second  day 
of  the  month  Dtesius  [Sivan]  ;  and  on  the 
day  following  he  came  to  Jericho;  on 
which  day  Trajan,  one  of  his  commanders, 
joined  him  with  the  forces  he  brought  out 
of  Perea,  all  the  places  beyond  Jordan 
being  subdued  already. 

Hereupon  a  great  multitude  prevented 
their  approach,  and  came  out  of  Jericho, 
and  fled  to  those  mountainous  parts  that 
lay  over  against  Jerusalem,  while  that 
part  which  was  left  behind  was  in  a  great 
measure  destroyed :  they  also  found  the 
city  desolate.  It  is  situated  in  a  plain  ; 
but  a  naked  and  barren  mountain,  of  a 
great  length,  hangs  over  it,  which  extends 
itself  to  the  land  about  Scythopolis  north- 
ward, but  as  far  as  the  country  of  Sodom, 
and  the  utmost  limits  of  the  lake  Asphal- 
titis  southward.  This  mountain  is  all  of 
it  very  uneven,  and  uninhabited  by  reason 
of  its  barrenness :  there  is  an  opposite 
mountain  that  is  situated  over  against  it, 
on  the  other  side  of  Jordan ;  this  last  be- 
gins at  Julias  and  the  northern  quarters, 
and  extends  itself  southward  as  far  as  So- 
morrhon,*  which  is  the  bounds  of  Petra, 
in  Arabia.  In  this  ridge  of  mountains 
there  is  one  called  the  Iron  Mountain,  that 
runs  in  length  as  far  as  Moab.  Now  the 
region  that  lies  in  the  middle,  between 
these  ridges  of  mountains,  is  called  the 
Great  Plain ;  it  reaches  from  the  village 
Ginnabris,  as  far  as  the  lake  Asphaltitis  ; 
its  length  is  230  furlongs,  and  its  breadth 
120,  and  it  is  divided  in  the  midst  by  Jor- 
dan. It  hath  two  lakes  in  it ;  that  of 
Asphaltitis,  and  that  of  Tiberias,  whose 
natures  are  opposite  to  each  other;  for  the 
former  is  salt  and  unfruitful ;  but  that  of 
Tiberias  is  sweet  and  fruitful.  This  plain 
is  much  burnt  up  in  summer  time ;  and, 
by  reason  of  the  extraordinary  heat,  con- 
tains a  very  unwholesome  air;  it  is  all 
destitute  of  water  excepting  the  river 
Jordan,  which  water  of  Jordan  is  the  oc- 
casion why  those  plantations  of  palm-trees 
that  are  near  its  banks  are  more  flourish- 
ing, and  much  more  fruitful,  while  those 
that  are  remote  from  it  are  not  so  flourish- 


*  Probably  the  same  as  Goinorrha. 


ing  or  fruitful.      Notwithstanding  which, 
there  is  a  fountain  by  Jericho,  that  runs 
plentifully,  and  is  very  fit   for  watering 
the  ground  :   it   arises   near  the  old  city, 
which  Joshua,  the  son  of  Nun,  the  gene 
ral   of  the  Hebrews,  took  the  first  of  all 
the  cities  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  by  right 
of  war.     The  report  is,  that  this  fountain, 
at    the  beginning,    caused    not    only  the 
blasting  of  the  earth  and  the  trees,  but  of 
the  children  born  of  women  ;  and  that  it 
was  entirely  of  a  sickly  and  corruptive  na- 
ture to  all  things  whatsoever,  but  that  it 
was  made  gentle,  and  very  wholesome  and 
fruitful,   by   the    prophet    Elisha.      This 
prophet  was  familiar  with  Elijah,  and  was 
his  successor,  who,  when  he  once  was  the 
guest  of  the  people  of  Jericho,  and  the 
men  of  the  place  had  treated   him  very 
kindly,  he  both  made  them  amends  as  well 
as  the  country,  by  a  lasting  favour ;  for  he 
went  out  of  the  city  to  this  fountain,  and 
threw   into  the  current  an  earthen  vessel 
full  of  salt ;  after  which,  he  stretched  out 
his    righteous    hand    unto    heaven,    and, 
pouring  out  a  mild  drink-offering,  he  made 
this  supplication,  that  the  current  might 
be  softened,  and  that  the  veins  of  fresh 
water  might  be  opened  :    that    God  also 
would  bring  into  the  place  a  more  temper- 
ate and  fertile  air  for    the  current,  and 
would   bestow    upon   the    people   of  that 
country  plenty  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth, 
and  a  succession  of  children;  and  that  this 
prolific  water  might  never  fail  them,  while 
they    continued    to    be-  righteous.*      To 
these  prayers  Elisha  joined  proper  opera- 
tions of  his  hands,  after  a  .skilful  manner, 
and  changed  the  fountain  ;  and  that  water, 
which  had  been  the  occasion  of  barren- 
ness and   famine   before,  from   that   time 
did  supply  a  numerous  posterity,  and  af- 
forded great   abundance    to  the  country. 
Accordingly,  the  power  of  it  is  so  great 
in  watering  the  ground,  that   if  it  do  but 
once  touch  a  country,  it  affords  a  sweeter 
nourishment  than  other  waters  do,  when 
they   lie  so  long  upon  them   till  they  are 
satiated   with   them.      For  which  reason, 
the  advantage  gained  from  other  waters, 
when  they  flow  in  great    plenty,  is  but 
small,  while  that  of  this  water  is  great 
when  it  flows  even  in  little  quantities.   Ac- 
cordingly it  waters  a  larger  space  of  ground 
than  any  other  waters  do,  and  passes  along 
a  plain  of  seventy  furlongs  long,  and  twen- 


*  This  prayer  of  Elisha  is  wanting  in  our  copies, 
2  Kings  ii.  21,  22  :  it  is  referred  to  in  the  Aposto. 
lieal  Constitutions,  b.  vii.  e.  37. 


Chap.  IX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS 


:,;,; 


ty  broad  ;  wherein  it  affords  nourishment 
to  those  most  excellent  gardens  that  are 
thickly  set  with  trees  There  are  in  it 
many  sorts  of  palm-trees  that  are  watered 
by  it,  different  from  each  other  in  taste 
and  name ;  the  better  sort  of  them,  when 
they  are  pressed,  yield  an  excellent  kind 
of  honey,  not  much  inferior  in  sweetness 
to  other  honey.  This  country  withal  pro- 
duces honey  from  bees :  it  also  bears  that 
balsam  which  is  the  most  precious  of  all 
the  fruits  in  that  place  ;  cypress-trees  also, 
and  those  that  bear  myrobalanum  ;  so  that 
he  who  should  pronounce  this  place  to  be 
divine  would  not  be  mistaken,  wherein  is 
such  plenty  of  trees  produced  as  are  very 
rare  and  of  the  most  excellent  sort.  And, 
indeed,  if  we  speak  of  those  other  fruits, 
it  will  not  be  easy  to  light  on  any  climate 
in  the  habitable  earth  that  can  well  be 
compared  to  it, — what  is  here  sown  comes 
up  in  such  clusters :  the  cause  of  which 
seems  to  me  to  be  the  warmth  of  the  air 
and  the  fertility  of  the  waters  ;  the  warmth 
calling  forth  the  sprouts,  and  making  them 
spread,  and  the  moisture  making  every 
one  of  them  take  root  firmly,  and  supply- 
ing that  virtue  which  it  stands  in  need  of 
in  summer  time.  Now  this  country  is 
then  so  badly  burnt  up,  that  nobody  cares 
to  come  at  it;  and  if  the  water  be  drawn 
up  before  sunrising,  and  after  that  exposed 
to  the  air,  it  becomes  exceeding  cold,  and 
becomes  of  a  nature  quite  contrary  to  the 
ambient  air  :  as  in  winter  again  it  becomes 
warm ;  and  if  you  go  into  it,  it  appears 
very  gentle.  The  ambient  air  is  here  also 
of  so  good  a  temperature,  that  the  people 
of  the  country  are  clothed  in  linen  only, 
even  when  snow  covers  the  rest  of  Judea. 
This  place  is  150  furlongs  from  Jerusalem, 
and  60  from  Jordan.  The  country  as  far 
as  Jerusalem  is  desert  and  stony ;  but 
that  as  far  as  Jordan  and  the  lake  As- 
phaltitis  lies  lower  indeed,  though  it  be 
equally  desert  and  barren.  But  so  much 
shall  suffice  to  have  been  said  about  Jericho, 
and  of  the  great  happiness  of  its  situation. 
The  nature  of  the  lake  Asphaltitis  is 
also  worth  describing.  It  is,  as  I  have 
said  already,  bitter  and  unfruitful.  It  is 
so  light  [or  thick]  that  it  bears  up  the 
heaviest  things  that  are  thrown  into  it; 
nor  is  it  easy  for  any  one  to  make  things 
sink  therein  to  the  bottom,  if  he  had  a 
mind  to  do  so.  Accordingly,  when  Ves- 
pasian went  to  see  it,  he  commanded  that 
some  who  could  not  swim,  should  have 
their    hands  tied    behind   them,  and    be 


thrown  into  the  deep,  when  it  so  happened 
that  they  all  swam,  as  if  a  wind  bad  forced 
them  upward.  Moreover,  the  change  of 
the  colour  of  this  lake  is  wonderful,  fir  it 
changes  its  appearance  thrice  every  day; 
and  as  the  rays  of  the  sun  fall  differently 
upon  it,  the  light  is  variously  reflected. 
However,  it  casts  up  black  clods  of  bitumen 
in  many  parts  of  it;  these  swim  at  the  top 
of  the  water,  and  resemble,  both  in  shape 
and  bigness,  headless  bulls;  and  when  the 
labourers  that  belong  to  the  lake  come  to 
it,  and  catch  hold  of  it  as  it  bangs  together, 
they  draw  it  into  their  ships;  but  when 
the  ship  is  full,  it  is  not  easy  to  cut  off 
the  rest,  for  it  is  so  tenacious  as  to  make 
the  ship  hang  upon  its  clods  till  they  set 
it  loose  with  blood,  and  with  urine,  to 
which  alone  it  yields.  This  bitumen  is 
not  only  useful  for  the  caulking  of  ships, 
but  for  the  cure  of  men's  bodies  :  accord- 
ingly it  is  mixed  in  a  great  many  medi- 
cines. The  length  of  this  lake  is  580  fur- 
longs, where  it  is  extended  as  far  as  Zoar, 
in  Arabia;  and  its  breadth  is  150.  The 
country  of  Sodom  borders  upon  it.  It  was 
of  old  a  most  happy  laud,  both  for  the 
fruits  it  bore  and  the  riches  of  its  cities, 
although  it  be  now  all  burnt  up.  It  is 
related  how,  for  the  impiety  of  its  inhabit- 
ants, it  was  burnt  by  lightning ;  in  con- 
sequence of  which  there  are  still  the 
remainders  of  that  diviue  fire ;  and  the 
traces  [or  shadows]  of  the  five  cities  are 
still  to  be  seen,  as  well  as  the  ashes  grow- 
ing in  their  fruits,  which  fruits  have  a 
colour  as  if  they  were  fit  to  be  eaten ;  but 
if  you  pluck  them  with  your  hands,  they 
dissolve  into  smoke  and  ashes.  And  thus 
what  is  related  of  this  land  of  Sodom 
hath  these  marks  of  credibility  which  our 
very  sight  affords  us. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Vespasian  makes  preparations  to  besiege  Jerusa- 
lem— Death  of  Nero — An  account  of  Simon  of 
Gerasa. 

And  now  Vespasian  had  fortified  all 
the  places  round  about  Jerusalem,  and 
erected  citadels  at  Jericho  and  Adida,  and 
placed  garrisons  in  them  both,  partly  out 
of  his  own  Romans,  and  partly  out  of  the 
body  of  his  auxiliaries.  He  also  sent 
Lucius  Annius  to  Gerasa  and  delivered  to 
him  a  body  of  horsemen  and  a  considerable 
number  of  footmen.  So  when  he  had 
taken  the  city,  which  he  did  at  the  first 
onset,  he  slew  1000  of  those  young  men 


308 


AVARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


who  had  not  prevented  him  by  flying 
away;  but  he  took  their  families  captive, 
and  permitted  his  soldiers  to  plunder  them 
of  their  effects;  after  which  he  set  fire  to 
their  houses,  and  went  away  to  the  ad- 
joining villages,  while  the  men  of  power 
fled  away,  and  the  weaker  part  were  des- 
troyed, and  what  was  remaining  was  all 
burnt  down.  And  now  the  war  having 
gone  through  all  the  mountainous  country, 
and  all  the  plain  country  also,  those  that 
were  at  Jerusalem  were  deprived  of  the 
liberty  of  going  out  of  the  city  ;  for  as  to 
such  as  had  a  mind  to  desert,  they  were 
watched  by  the  Zealots;  and  as  to  such  as 
were  not  yet  on  the  side  of  the  Romans, 
their  army  kept  them  iri,,by  encompassing 
the  city  round  about  on  all  sides. 

Now  as  Vespasian  was  returned  to  Ce- 
sarea,  and  was  getting  ready  with  all  his 
army  to  march  directly  to  Jerusalem,  he 
was  informed  that  Nero  was  dead,  after 
he  had  reigned  thirteen  years  and  eight 
days.      But  as  to  any  narration  after  what 
manner  he  abused  his  power  in  the  go- 
vernment, and  committed  the  managemeut 
of  affairs  to  those  vile  wretches,   Nym- 
phidius    and    Tigellinus,    his    unworthy 
freedmcn ;    and   how  he  had  a  plot  laid 
against  him  by  them,  and  was  deserted  by 
all  his  guards,  and  ran  away  with  four  of 
his  most  trusty  freedmen,  and  slew  him- 
self in  the  suburbs  of  Rome;   and  how 
those  that  occasioned  his  death  were,  in 
no  long  time,  brought  themselves  to  punish- 
ment ;  how  also  the  war  in  Gall  ended ; 
and  how  Galba  was  made  emperor,  and 
returned  out  of  Spain  to  Rome ;  and  how 
he  was  accused  by  the  soldiers  as  a  pusil- 
lanimous person,  and  slain  by  treachery  in 
the  middle  of  the  market-place  at  Rome, 
and  Otho  was  made  emperor;    with   his 
expedition    against    the    commanders    of 
Vitellius,  and  his  destruction  thereupon  ; 
and  besides  what' troubles  there  were  under 
Vitellius,  and  the  fight  that  was  about  the 
capitol ;    as    also   how   Antonius    Primus 
and  Mucianus  slew  Vitellius  and  his  Ger- 
man legions,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to 
that  civil  war,  I  have  omitted  to  give  an 
exact  account  of  them,  because  they  are 
well  known  by  all,  and  they  are  described 
by  a  great  number  of  Greek  and  Roman 
authors ;  yet  for  the  sake  of  the  connection 
of  matters,  and  that  my  history  may  not 
be  incoherent,  I  have,  just  touched  upon 
every  thing  briefly.     Wherefore  Vespasian 
put  off  at  first  his  expedition  against  Jeru- 
salem, and  stood  waiting  whither  the  em- 


[Book  vV 

pire  would  be  transferred  after  the  death 
of  Nero.  Moreover,  when  he  heard  that 
Galba  was  made  emperor,  he  attempted 
nothing  till  he  also  should  send  him  som6 
directions  about  the  war  :  however,  he  sent 
his  son  Titus  to  him,  to  salute  him,  and 
to  receive  his  commands  about  the  Jews. 
Upon  the  very  same  errand  did  King 
Agrippa  sail  along  with  Titus  to  Galba ; 
but  as  they  were  sailing  in  their  long  ships 
by  the  coasts  of  Achaia,  for  it  was  winter 
time,  they  heard  that  Galba  was  slain, 
before  they  could  get  to  him,  after  he  had 
reigned  seven  months  and  as  many  days. 
After  whom  Otho  took  the  government, 
and  undertook  the  management  of  public 
affairs.  So  Agrippa  resolved  to  go  on  to 
Rome  without  any  terror  on  account  of 
the  change  in  the  government;  but  Titus, 
by  a  divine  impulse,  sailed  back  from 
Greece  to  Syria,  and  came  in  great  haste 
to  Cesarea,  to  his  father.  And  now  they 
were  both  in  suspense  about  the  public 
affairs,  the  Roman  empire  being  then  in  a 
fluctuating  condition,  and  did  not  go  on 
with  their  expedition  against  the  Jews, 
but  thought  that  to  make  any  attack  upon 
foreigners  was  now  unseasonable  on  account 
of  the  solicitude  they  were  in  for  their  own 
country. 

And  now  there  arose  another  war  at 
Jerusalem.  There  was  a  son  of  Giora, 
one  Simon,  by  birth  of  Gerasa,  a  young 
man,  not  so  cunning  indeed  as  John  [of 
Gischala],  who  had  already  seized  upon 
the  city,  but  superior  in  strength  of  body 
and  courage ;  on  which  account,  when  he 
had  been  driven  away  from  that  Acrabat- 
tene  toparchy,  which  he  once  had,  by 
Ananus  the  high  priest,  he  came  to  those 
robbers  who  had  seized  upon  Massada.  At 
first  they  suspected  him,  and  only  per- 
mitted him  to  come  with  the  women  he 
brought  with  him  into  the  lower  part  of 
the  fortress,  while  they  dwelt  in  the  upper 
part  of  it  themselves.  However,  his 
manner  so  well  agreed  with  theirs,  and  he 
seemed  so  trusty  a  man,  that  he  went  out 
with  them,  and  ravaged  and  destroyed 
the  country  with  them  about  Massada ; 
yet  when  he  persuaded  them  to  undertake 
greater  things,  he  could  not  prevail  with 
them  so  to  do ;  for  as  they  were  accustomed 
to  dwell  in  that  citadel,  they  were  afraid 
of  going  far  from  that  which  was  their 
hiding-place  ;  but  he  affecting  to  tyrannize, 
and  being  fond  of  greatness,  when  he  had 
heard  of  the  death  of  Ananus,  left  them, 
and  went  into  the  mountainous  part  of 


Chap.  IX  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


309 


L 


the  country.  So  he  proclaimed  liberty 
to  those  in  slavery,  and  a  reward  to  those 
already  free,  and  got  together  a  set  of 
wicked  men,  from  all  quarters. 

And  as  he  had  now  a  strong  body  of 
men  about  him,  he  overran  the  villages 
that  lay  in  the  mountainous  country,  and 
when  there  were  still  more  and  more  that 
came  to  him,  he  ventured  to  go  down  into* 
the  lower  parts  of  the  country,  and  since 
he  had  now  become  formidable  to  the  cities, 
many  of  the  men  of  power  were  corrupted 
by  him ;  so  that  his  army  was  no  longer 
composed  of  slaves  and  robbers,  but  a 
great  many  of  the  populace  were  obedient 
to  him  as  to  their  king.  He  then  over- 
ran the  Acrabattcne  toparchy,  and  the 
places  that  reached  as  far  as  the  Great 
Idumea;  for  he  built  a  wall  at  a  certain 
village  called  Nain,  and  made  use  of  that 
as  a  fortress  for  his  own  party's  security ; 
and  at  the  valley  called  Paran  he  enlarged 
many  of  the  caves,  and  many  others  he 
found  ready  for  his  purpose ;  these  he 
made  use  of  as  repositories  for  his  trea- 
sures and  receptacles  for  his  prey,  and 
therein  he  laid  up  the  fruits  that  he  had 
got  by  rapine ;  and  many  of  his  partizans 
had  their  dwelling  in  them ;  and  he  made 
no  secret  of  it  that  he  was  exercising  his 
men  beforehand,  and  making  preparations 
for  the  assualt  of  Jerusalem.    , 

Whereupon  the  Zealots,  out  of  the 
dread  they  were  in  of  his  attacking  them, 
and  being  willing  to  prevent  one  that  was 
growing  up  to  oppose  them,  went  out 
against  him  with  their  weapons.  Simon 
met  them,  and  joining  battle  with  them, 
slew  a  considerable  number  of  them,  and 
drove  the  rest  before  him  into  the  city  : 
but  durst  not  trust  so  much  upon  his 
forces  as  to  make  an  assault  upon  the  walls; 
but  he  resolved  first  to  subdue  Idumea, 
and  as  he  had  now  20,000  armed  men,  he 
marched  to  the  borders  of  their  country. 
Hereupon  the  rulers  of  the  Idumeaus  got 
together  on  the  sudden  the  most  warlike 
part  of  their  people,  about  25,000  in 
number,  and  permitted  the  rest  to  be  a 
guard  to  their  own  country,  by  reason  of 
the  incursions  that  were  made  by  the 
Sicarii  that  were  at  Massada.  Thus  they 
received  Simon  at  their  borders,  where 
they  fought  him,  and  continued  the  bat- 
tle all  that  day;  and  the  dispute  lay 
whether  they  had  conquered  him  or  been 
conquered  by  him.  So  he  went  back  to 
Nain,  as  did  the  Idumeaus  return  home. 
Nor  was  it  long  ere  Simon  came  violently 


again  upon  thcir'country ;  when  he  pitch- 
ed his  camp  at  a  certain  village  called 
Thccoe,  and  sent  Elcazar,  one  of  his  com- 
panions, to  those  that  kept  garrison  at 
Herodium,  and  in  order. to  persuade  them 
to  surrender  that  fortress  to  him.  The 
garrison  received  this  man  readily,  while 
they  knew  nothing  of  what  he  came  about; 
but  as  soon  as  he  talked  of  the  surrender 
of  the  place,  they  fell  upon  him  with  their 
drawn  swords,  till  he  found  he  had  no 
place  for  flight,  when  he  threw  himself 
down  from  the  wall  into  the  valley  beneath  ; 
so  he  died  immediately  :  but  the  Idumeans, 
who  were  already  much  afraid  of  Simon's 
power,  thought  fit  to  take  a  view  of  the 
enemy's  army  before  they  hazarded  a  bat- 
tle with  him. 

Now,  there  was  one  of  their  command- 
ers, named  Jacob,  who  offered  to  serve 
them  readily  upou  that  occasion,  but  had 
it  in  his  mind  to  betray  them.  He  went, 
therefore,  from  the  village  Alurus,  where- 
in the  army  of  the  Idumeans  were  gotten 
together,  and  came  to  Simon,  and  at  the 
very  first  he  agreed  to  betray  his  country 
to  him,  and  took  assurances  upon  oath 
from  him  that  ho  should  always  have  him 
in  esteem,  and  then  promised  him  that  he 
would  assist  him  in  subduing  all  Idumea 
under  him ;  upon  which  account  he  was 
feasted  after  an  obliging  manner  by  Simon, 
and  elevated  by  his  mighty  promises;  and 
when  he  had  returned  to  his  own  men,  he 
at  first  belied  the  army  of  Simon,  and  said 
it  was  manifold  more  iu  number  than  what 
it  was;  after  which,  he  dexterously  per- 
suaded the  commanders,  and  by  degrees 
the  whole  multitude,  to  receive  Simon, 
and  to  surrender  the  whole  government  up 
to  him  without  fighting;  and  as  he  was 
doing  this,  he  invited  Simon  by  his  mes- 
sengers, and  promised  him  to  disperse  the 
Idumeans,  which  he  performed  also;  for 
as  soon  as  their  army  was  nigh  them,  he 
first  of  all  got  upon  his  horse,  and  fled, 
together  with  those  whom  he  had  cor- 
rupted :  hereupon  a  terror  fell  upon  the 
whole  multitude;  aud  before  it  came  to  a 
close  fight,  they  broke  their  ranks,  and 
every  one  retired  to  his  own  home. 

Thus  did  Simon  unexpectedly  march 
into  Idumea  without  bloodshed,  and  made 
a  sudden  attack  upon  the  city  Hebron, 
and  took  it;  wherein  begot  possession  of 
a  great  deal  of  prey,  aud  plundered  it  of 
a  vast  quantity  of  fruit.  Now,  the  peo- 
ple of  the  country  say  that  it  is  a  mora 
ancient  city,   not  only  thau  any  in  that 


310 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


country,  but  than  Memphis  in  Egypt,  and 
accordingly  its  age  is  reckoned  at  2300 
years.  They  also  relate  that  it  had  been 
the  habitation  of  Abram,  the  progenitor 
of  the  Jews,  after  he  had  removed  out  of 
Mesopotamia ;  and  they  say  that  his  pos- 
terity descended  from  thence  into  Egypt, 
whose  monuments  are  to  this  very  time 
shown  in  that  small  city;  the  fabric  of 
which  monuments  are  of  the  most  excel- 
lent marble,  and  wrought  after  the  most 
elegant  manner.  There  is  also  there  shown, 
at  the  distance  of  six  furlongs  from  the 
city,  a  very  large  turpentine-tree ;  and  the 
report  goes  that  this  tree  has  continued 
ever  since  the  creation  of  the  world. 
Thence  did  Simon  make  his  progress  over 
all  Idumea,  and  did  not  only  ravage  the 
cities  and  villages,  but  laid  waste  the 
whole  country;  for,  besides  those  that 
were  completely  armed,  he  had  40,000 
men  that  followed  him,  insomuch  that  he 
had  not  provisions  enough  to  suffice  such 
a  multitude.  Now,  besides  this  want  of 
provisions  that  he  was  in,  he  was  of  a 
barbarous  disposition,  and  bore  great  anger 
at  this  nation,  by  which  me£»ns  it  came  to 
pass  that  Idumea  was  greatly  depopulated ; 
and  as  one  may  see  all  the  woods  behind 
despoiled  of  their  leaves  by  locusts,  after 
they  had  been  there,  so  were  there  nothing 
left  behind  Simon's  army  but  a  desert. 
Some  places  they  burnt  down,  some  they 
utterly  demolished,  and  whatsoever  grew 
in  the  country,  they  either  trod  it  down 
or  fed  upon  it;  and  by  their  marches  they 
made  the  ground  that  was  cultivated,  hard- 
er and  more  untractable  than  that  which 
was  barren.  In  short,  there  was  no  sign 
remaining  of  those  places  that  had  been 
laid  waste,  that  ever  they  had  had  a  being. 
This  success  of  Simon  excited  the  Zea- 
lots afresh ;  and  though  they  were  afraid 
to  fight  him  openly  in  a  fair  battle,  yet  did 
they  lay  ambushes  in  the  passes,  and 
seized  upon  his  wife,  with  a  considerable 
number  of  her  attendants;  whereupon 
they  came  back  to  the  city  rejoicing,  as  if 
they  had  taken  Simon  himself  captive, 
and  were  in  present  expectation  that  he 
would  lay  down  his  arms,  and  make  sup- 
plication to  them  for  his  wife  ;  but  instead 
of  indulging  any  merciful  affection,  he 
grew  very  angry  at  them  for  seizing  his 
beloved  wife ;  so  he  came  to  the  wall  of 
Jerusalem,  and  like  wild  beasts  when 
they  are  wounded,  and  cannot  overtake 
those  that  wounded  them,  he  vented  his 
spleen  upon  all  persons  that  he  met  with. 


[Book  IV 

Accordingly,  he  caught  all  those  that  were 
come  out  of  the  city  gates,  either  to  gather 
herbs  or  sticks,  who  were  unarmed  and  in 
years;  he  then  tormented  them  and  de- 
stroyed them,  out  of  the  immense  rage  he 
was  in,  and  was  almost  ready  to  taste  the 
very  flesh  of  their  dead  bodies.  He  also 
cut  off  the  hands  of  a  great  many,  and 
.sent  them  into  the  city  to  astonish  his 
enemies,  and  in  order  to  make  the  people 
fall  into  a  sedition,  and  desert  those 
that  had  been  the  authors  of  his  wife's 
seizure.  He  also  enjoined  them  to  tell 
the  people  that  Simon  swore  by  the  God 
of  the  universe,  who  sees  all  things,  that 
unless  they  will  restore  him  his  wife,  he 
will  break  down  their  wall,  and  inflict  the 
like  punishment  upon  all  the  citizens, 
without  sparing  any  age,  and  without 
making  any  distinction  between  the  guilty 
and  the  innocent.  These  threatenings  so 
greatly  affrighted,  not  the  people  only,  but 
the  Zealots  themselves  also,  that  they  sent 
his  wife  back  to  him — when  he  became  a 
little  milder,  and  left  off  his  perpetual 
blood-shedding. 

But  now  sedition  and  civil  war  prevail- 
ed, not  only  over  Judea,  but  in  Italy,  also ; 
for  now  Galba  was  slain  in  the  midst  of 
the  Roman  market-place;  then  was  Otho 
made  emperor,  and  fought  against  Vitel- 
lius,  who  set  up  for  emperor  also ;  for  the 
legions  in  Germany  had  chosen  him  :  but 
when  he  gave  battle  to  Valens  and  Cecin- 
na,  who  were  Vitellius's  generals,  at  Be- 
triacum,  in  Gall,  Otho  gained  the  advan- 
tage on  the  first  day ;  but  on  the  second 
day  Vitellius's  soldiers  .had  the  victory  ; 
and  after  much  slaughter,  Otho  slew  him- 
self, when  he  had  heard  of  this  defeat  at 
Brixia,  and  after  he  had  managed  the  pub- 
lic affairs  three  months  and  two  days. 
Otho's  army  also  came  over  to  Vitellius's 
generals,  and  he  came  himself  down  to 
Homo  with  his  army  ;  but  in  the  mean 
time  Vespasian  removed  from  Cesarea,  on 
the  fifth  day  of  the  month  Dcesius  [Sivan], 
and  marched  against  those  places  of  Judea 
which  were  not  yet  overthrown.  So  he 
went  up  to  the  mountainous  country,  and 
took  those  two  toparchies  that  were  called 
the  Gophnitick  and  Acrabattene  toparchies. 
After  which  he  took  Bethel  and  Ephraim, 
two  small  cities;  and  when  he  had  put 
garrisons  into  them,  he  rode  as  far  as  Je- 
rusalem, in  which  march  he  took  many 
prisoners,  and  many  captives.  But  Cerea- 
lis,  one  of  his  commanders,  took  a  body 
of  horsemen  and  footmen,  and  laid  waste 


Chap.  IX.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


311 


that  part  of  Idumea  which  was  called  the 
Upper  Idumea,  and  attaoked  Capbethra, 
which  pretended  to  be  a  small  city,  and 
took  it  at  the  first  onset,  and  burnt  it 
down.  He  also  attacked  Capharabim,  and 
laid  siege  to  it,  for  it  had  a  very  strong 
wall ;  and  when  he  expected  to  spend  a 
long  time  in  that  siege,  those  that  were 
within  opened  their  gates  on  the  sudden, 
and  came  to  beg  pardon,  and  surrendered 
themselves  up  to  him.  When  Cerealis 
had  conquered  them,  he  went  to  Hebron, 
another  very  ancient  city.  I  have  told 
you  already  that  this  city  is  situated  in 
a  mountainous  country  not  far  off  Jeru- 
salem ;  and  when  he  had  broken  into  the 
city  by  force,  what  multitude  and  young 
men  were  left  therein  he  slew,  and  burnt 
down  the  city  ;  so  that  as  now  all  the  places 
were  taken,  excepting  Herodium,  and 
Massada,  and  Macherus,  which  were  in 
the  possession  of  the  robbers,  so  Jerusa- 
lem was  what  the  Romans  at  present 
aimed  at. 

And  now,  as  soon  as  Simon  had  set  his 
wife  free,  and  recovered  her  from  the  Zea- 
lots, he  returned  back  to  the  remainders 
of  Idumea,  and  driving  the  nation  all  be- 
fore him  from  all  quarters,  he  compelled  a 
great  number  of  them  to  retire  to  Jeru- 
salem ;  he  followed  them  himself  also  to 
the  city ;  and  encompassed  the  wall  all 
round  again ;  and  when  he  lighted  upon 
any  labourers  that  were  coming  thither  out 
of  the  country,  he  slew  them.  Now  this 
Simon,  who  was  without  the  wall,  was  a 
greater  terror  to  the  people  than  the  Ro- 
mans themselves,  as  were  the  Zealots  who 
were  within  it  more  heavy  upon  them  than 
both  of  the  others;  and  during  this  time  did 
the  mischievous  contrivances  and  courage 
[of  John]  corrupt  the  body  of  the  Galile- 
ans ;  for  these  Galileans  had  advanced  this 
John  and  made  him  very  potent,  who 
made  them  a  suitable  requital  from  the 
authority  he  had  obtained  by  their  means; 
for  he  permitted  them  to  do  all  things  that 
any  of  them  desired  to  do,  while  their  in- 
clination to  plunder  was  insatiable,  as  was 
their  zeal  in  searching  the  houses  of  the 
rich ;  and  for  the  murdering  of  the  men, 
and  abusing  of  the  women,  it  was  sport 
to  them.  They  also  devoured  what  spoils 
they  had  taken,  together  with  their  blood, 
and  indulged  themselves  in  feminine  wan- 
tonness, without  any  disturbance,  till  they 
were  satiated  therewith ;  while  they  decked 
their  hair,  and  put  on  women's  garments, 
and  were  besmeared  over  with  ointments; 
3D 


and  that  they  might  appear  very  comely, 
they  bad  paints  under  their  eyes,  and  imi- 
tated, not  only  the  ornaments,  hut  also 
the  lusts  of  women,  and  were  guilty  of 
such  intolerable  uncleanness,  that  they 
invented  unlawful  pleasures  of  that  sort. 
And  thus  did  they  roll  themselves  up  and 
down  the  city,  as  in  a  brothcl-housr,  and 
defiled  it  entirely  with  their  impure  actions  ; 
nay,  while  their  faces  looked  the  faces  of 
women,  they  killed  with  their  right  hands; 
and  when  their  gait  was  effeminate,  they 
presently  attacked  men,  and  became  war- 
riors, and  drew  their  swords  from  under 
their  finely  dyed  cloaks,  and  ran  every- 
body through  whom  they  alighted  upon. 
However,  Simon  waited  for  such  as  ran 
away  from  John,  and  was  the  more  bloody 
of  the  two ;  aud  he  who  had  escaped  the 
tyrant  within  the  wall,  was  destroyed  by 
the  other  that  lay  before  the  gates.  So 
that  all  attempts  of  flying  and  deserting 
to  the  Romans  were  cut  off,  if  any  had  a 
mind  so  to  do. 

Yet  did  the  army  that  was  under  John 
raise  a  sedition  against  him;  and  all  the 
Idumeans  separated  themselves  from  the 
tyrant,  and  attempted  to  destroy  him,  and 
this  out  of  their  envy  at  his  power  and 
hatred  of  his  cruelty  ;  so  they  got  to- 
gether, and  slew  many  of  the  Zealots,  and 
drove  the  rest  before  them  into  that  royal 
palace  that  was  built  by  Grapte,  who  was 
a  relation  of  Izates,  the  king  of  Adiabene ; 
the  Idumeans  fell  in  with  them,  and  drove 
the  Zealots  out  thence  into  the  temple, 
and  betook  themselves  to  plunder  John's 
effects;  for  both  he  himself  was  in  that 
palace,  and  therein  had  he  laid  up  the 
spoils  he  bad  acquired  by  his  tyranny.  In 
the  mean  time  the  multitude  of  those 
Zealots  that  were  dispersed  over  the  city, 
ran  together  to  the  temple  under  those 
that  had  fled  thither,  and  John  prepared 
to  bring  them  down  against  the  people  and 
the  Idumeans,  who  were  not  so  much 
afraid  of  being  attacked  by  them  (because 
they  were  themselves  better  soldiers  than 
they)  as  at  their  madness,  lest  they  should 
privately  sally  out  of  the  temple,  and  get 
among  them,  and  not  only  destroy  them, 
but  set  the  city  on  fire  also.  So  they  as- 
sembled themselves  together,  and  the  high 
priests  with  them,  and  took  counsel  after 
what  manner  they  should  avoid  their  as- 
sault. Now  it  was  God  who  turned  their 
opinions  to  the  worst  advice,  and  thence 
they  devised  such  a  remedy  to  get  them- 
selves free,  as  was  worse  than  the  disease 


S12 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV. 


itself.  Accordingly,  in  order  to  overthrow 
John,  they  determined  to  admit  Simon, 
and  earnestly  to  desire  the  introduction 
of  a  second  tyrant  into  the  city ;  which 
resolution  they  brought  to  perfection,  and 
sent  Matthias,  the  high  priest,  to  beseech 
this  Simon  to  come  into  them,  of  whom 
they  had  so  often  been  afraid.  Those  also 
that  had  fled  from  the  Zealots  in  Jerusa- 
lem joined  in  this  request  to  him,  out  of 
the  desire  they  had  of  preserving  their 
houses  and  their  effects.  Accordingly, 
he,  in  an  arrogant  manner,  granted  them 
his  lordly  protection,  and  came  into  the 
city,  in  order  to  deliver  it  from  the  Zea- 
lots. The  people  also  made  joyful  accla- 
mations to  him,  as  their  saviour  and  their 
preserver ;  but  when  he  was  come  in,  with 
his  army,  he  took  care  to  secure  his  own 
authority,  and  looked  upon  those  that  had 
invited  him  to  be  no  less  his  enemies  than 
those  against  whom  the  invitation  was  in- 
tended. 

And  thus  did  Simon  get  possession  of 
Jerusalem,  in  the  third  year  of  the  war, 
in  the  month  Xanthicus  [Nisan]  ;  where- 
upon John,  with  his  multitude  of  Zealots, 
as  being  both  prohibited  from  coming  out 
of  the  temple,  and  having  lost  their  pow- 
er in  the  city,  (for  Simon  and  his  party 
had  plundered  them  of  what  they  had,) 
were  in  despair  of  deliverance.  Simon 
also  made  an  assault  upon  the  temple, 
with  the  assistance  of  the  people,  while 
the  others  stood  upon  the  cloisters  and  the 
battlements,  and  defended  themselves  from 
their  assaults.  However,  a  considerable 
number  of  Simon's  party  fell,  and  many 
were  carried  off  wounded  ;  for  the  Zealots 
threw  their  darts  easily  from  a  superior 
place,  and  seldom  failed  of  hitting  their 
enemies ;  but  having  the  advantage  of 
situation,  and  having  withal  erected  four 
very  large  towers  beforehand,  that  their 
darts  might  come  from  higher  places,  one 
at  the  north-east  corner  of  the  court,  one 
above  the  Xystus,  the  third  at  another 
corner  over  against  the  lower  city,  and  the 
last  was  erected  above  the  top  of  the 
Pastophoria,  where  one  of  the  priests  stood 
of  course,  and  gave  a  signal  beforehand 
with  a  trumpet,*  at  the  beginning  of  every 
seventh  day,  in  the  evening  twilight,  as 
also  at  the  evening  when   the  day   was 


finished,  as  giving  notice  to  the  people 
when  they  were  to  leave  off  work,  and 
when  they  were  to  go  to  work  again.  Thes$ 
men  also  set  their  engines  to  cast  darts 
and  stones  wdthal,  upon  those  towers,  with 
their  archers  and  slingers.  And  now  Si- 
mon made  his  assault  upon  the  temple 
more  faintly,  by  reason  that  the  greatest 
part  of  his  men  grew  weary  of  that  work  ; 
yet  did  he  not  leave  off  his  opposition, 
because  his  army  was  superior  to  the 
others,  although  the  darts  which  were 
thrown  by  the  engines  were  carried  a 
great  way,  and  slew  many  of  those  that 
fought  for  him. 


*  This  beginning  and  ending  the  observation  of 
the  Jewish  seventh  day,  or  Sabbath,  with  a  priest's 
blowing  of  a  trumpet,  is  remarkable.  Nor  is  Re- 
land's  conjecture  improbable,  that  this  was  the 
very  place  that  has  puzzled  our  commentators  so 


CHAPTER  X. 

Vespasian  proclaimed  emperor  by  the  soldiers  in 
Judea  and  Egypt — He  liberates  Josephus. 

Now,  about  this  very  time  it  was  that 
heavy  calamities  came  about  Rome  on  all 
sides;  for  Vitellius  was  come  from  Ger- 
many with  his  soldiery,  and  drew  along 
with  him  a  great  multitude  of  other  men 
besides.  And  when  the  spaces  allotted  for 
soldiers  could  not  coutain  them,  lie  made 
all  Rome  itself  his  camp,  and  filled  all  the 
houses  with  armed  men ;  which  men,  when 
they  saw  the  riches  of  Rome  with  those 
eyes  which  had  never  seen  such  riches  be- 
fore, and  found  themselves  shine  round 
about  on  all  sides  with  silver  and  gold, 
they  had  much  ado  to  contain  their  covet- 
ous desires,  and  were  ready  to  betake 
themselves  to  plunder,  and  to  the  slaugh- 
ter of  such  as  should  stand  in  their  way. 
And  this  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  Italy 
at  that  time. 

But  when  Vespasian  had  overthrown 
all  the  places  that  were  near  to  Jerusa- 
lem, he  returned  to  Cesarea,  and  heard 
of  the  troubles  that  were  at  Rome,  and 
that  Vitellius  was  emperor.  This  pro- 
duced indignation  in  him,  although  he 
well  knew  how  to  be  governed,  as  well  as 
to  govern,  and  could  not  with  any  satis- 
faction own  him  for  his  lord  who  acted  so 
madly,  and  seized  upon  the  government 
as  if  it  were  absolutely  destitute  of  a 
governor.  And  as  this  sorrow  of  his  was 
violent,  he  was  not  able  to  support  the 
torments  he  was  under,  nor  to  apply  him- 
self further  in  other  wars  when  his  native 

long,  called  "  Musach  Sabbati,"  the  "  Covert  of  the 
Sabbath,"  if  that  be  the  true  reading,  2  Kings  xvL 
18 ;  because  hero  the  proper  priest  stood  dry,  under 
a"  covering,"  to  proclaim  the  beginning  and  ending 
of  every  Jewish  Sabbath. 


WMM  PI  HI  ::■.'-  ■ 


::■<•■■.' 


::.  .    .  i-  :  -.  ■■.■■     :  - :     :    .:.:;■.■■.■■.  :,-. 

L.»  ssaator,  mwmekwm  he 
bjtbetimmientimolbm 

'.:.".      '.■>.'..■■-.  :•'.'.-. 

himnW  tool  srer  Ae  mt»  haty,  «■■*- 

.  -    •  -  -  •■■ ■-.  •    :  i '      *     ;.  .  v 

~^-.    :-.      ••=:■   :.'fc. 

»-. ;      .•  .:'    .    :  .::    ~.\-  .'.   :-.-.:  .:■  :  .  w 
Basse  these  axe  mUko  Oat  fife  «e*V 

'.-.-•:  ;     r.;     w  -.^-.  v.  .7  ;ii>   1-.:  -.■_■.:.. 
-  .   v.  .:-.  i.-  v.    . -;-  •.:--  :',•:.  -.-_.-      ; 

'.  :'i.  1  V  ".  .  V.  '-'-'■  J  _'  -t  ~~:    -     "'..-"  i  ."-.  TV.  ."'» 

t.:    ;-.    1    ;--    .:'    ;.  :    .v.Ui   --v.    ;v.^- 
■*-:.-;.     v  .;:.-:,-,-.•    ... 

■-'  -.      ~      >"  '        '..'_-:■-■■ 

--..■;.-.■■  ;  ■-.  .:;-.  :.  •.-■_-.-; 
: '.  .  -:  • . .  -  i  ;  -  : :  «  -_  .  -.  -  .  -.  L  -  - 
'.v.  -i-;  .--.-  -•  .:-.  ■:.  .•-.  v  .  ••  ._  - .  .-.  - 
v.-'.  ii;  vi. v.  --;  :_=.--  ••::  .;  Vvr 
what  mr  jes     |p  H— elj   shall  they 

-,;    l.  '-■:  -:.:■:'.    .  ■■-.  ';•   -._•    '--■.:  _,  i;-» 

before  them?  WUe  these  is  a* 

v»ffias;   as  they  are 

:--.- .i_-  -.-._-.  -...-'    _,- 
the  ether  essaerscs;  for  tut  they 

iLi-  -  .  . :  •_  '.:  .  ;•-;:  v  .  ••  ■■_■  ■_.-  -  :\- 
'.z/.\-.  :-\~.  v  -.-.  '.:.—  .-.":-.'.'_  1  ..*  .•-. 
Hhejmtmar  to  war  to  those  that  have 
-  '._■-_-  -■_.-.  :.-■  v.  ?*;-■-.  -.:  .--. 
:i.  ".-_.,.•_■  -:'•.  i  :  ..  .._-•  ::•,:  :.-.- 
:.:  :--.:  -_'-.-.-- z  v ...  •■_-. 

I  *    '.-.'.'.    '.-.:     ■.-'-     . 
penr  as  Vkeffiss,  if  he  ke 

ewiase  a  bms*  kekuuw  tjiwt,  mtnl 

-.:    ■.  _•     ...-1:1:    .-_.. -^   .1-   :_l: 
i.--.  I  .  .    •.    ::  -  -    :--.-    ."t^      .- 

stead  cf  him  tkatnz  father;  hrrwir  tfce 

.  .       rt  .-  :-.-^  1.7    1-  r ----■'  -  ■---'- 

i  ._•     .1  ^.--  :.:  :i-.^r:.-  -      ""1- --.v 

:_-.:-.:  .:-    -,   ,--  -_■_■-_  •■_■-    _■■_-_  .._•        '  z  - 

-,~  -_z    ::.-    :-i    ■.,    .    .:   ' 

;    -••     -;     .  ._.:   -,:    ■--.-'.  V 

'-1  -.--.:    ir.-S.    •--.    •:-■..   : 

warn,  we  m^ht  to  kwe  Tkas ;  Mrkytfcia 

II  :,_■    ',    '■--—    -----    :--.    fci-Li-.il- 
:."     1,-:  i.,-    :..-  v_ ::     _  -  -  . 
r.*Ti_-.i  :.  :i :~  "-I"  ---  .    :•:   n. 
:    "  :itt  :/    i_-  i..: z-  .~  '.Li--. 


.  .-  .-  1  -•  1-. :  v  -.t-  :  '.-  .  •  ■«.  . 
■Vi  1— lis  to  the  ^fc>;:  ^^  ■  paesl  faea  u 
ato»  tkase  to  Emnf*,  m  far  as  tl 

<mk  4.T  toe  ^atoaee  as4  sVead  <*<* " 

.^->  :•>  ov.  fc.;..  .-«.-  .-  «.»  •-• 
.;-^  ;  ..^  ;    ■:■■.-    ■    -;■;■-■  «.-.  .     •     -• 

-.  -  1  ■/•-  b-.-.  ;;.-.-    m]    a«  mk  si 

v  .-  :r  -i-  .1  l  i-'vi.-.  v.,-.       ■     -.    ~: 

.-    -"    -     •.  -. .--:   v     .    •'.     ', 
.:■:■-.:■•■■     v  -.     -.    .  =  .-,     -    ^  .'  v        >   :  . 
•."•  '■',:;■.,:  ■   .:,.  :    .:     ;-. 

'."'.-•    '.-...■     '- BC    ■(■BSg   n-i I    1 1  .«.  — .    i_l 

r,  vImsb  toe  mUtvn,  whm  ase  toe 
«f*  the  eaatoe,  triH    ftane    to 


■est  v_t 

ifci  ..-.  ■;-.  ■  -,-:-,  .-:.;■...■  J:--. 
v-   vi      1-   i-   -   "   ,-,--•  .-.   .  r-i.:   -,,.7. 

ctoml  Tecfastoa  ia|>nii,  mod  ammuA 

:..-:.  *.'.  tfc"  -  :•-.-  .-.-.-.:-  v  .  >•  _: 
-.  v  .-.  :,-. .  •  .'  v  '.'-•:  •_.  ■..:  -.  .  ■_- 
y-.T.  :.u:  ;■_--_  '  ;  l  ■■;,-_■  .-■■_■.-  -  ^> 
tv  :-  -it  :  ^.  :  7-  :.:  \.:  ■->-.  . .-. :-.;  :  -.: 
set  sy>  ix  gtrvrwm  himmM,  ihimzh  tos 

:■  /-."-:.   :■-■-:  ■.' -.   -■»•__.!_;    -.  l  ;  •  -  .v. 

dscgskj;  bst  vVesi  he  sefissei  toe 


v.    z-   1  n. 
_-:  fc-.-.    r.  :;  :.  _.i 


- 


314 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


want  of  food;)  and  because  he  was  desirous 
to  join  the  two  legions  that  were  at 
Alexandria  to  the  other  legions  that  were 
with  him.  He  also  considered  with  him- 
self, that  he  should  then  have  that  coun- 
try for  a  defence  to  himself  against  the 
uncertainty  of  fortune  ;  for  Egypt  is  hard 
to  be  entered  by  land,  and  hath  no  good 
havens  by  sea.  It  hath  on  the  west  the 
dry  deserts  of  Libya;  and  on  the  south 
Syene,  that  divides  it  from  Ethiopia,  as 
well  as  the  cataracts  of  the  Nile,  that 
cannot  be  sailed  over;  and  on  the  east  the 
Red  Sea,  extending  as  far  as  Coptus ;  and 
it  is  fortified  on  the  north  by  the  land 
that  reaches  to  Syria,  together  with  that 
called  the  Egyptian  Sea,  having  no  havens 
in  it  for  ships.  And  thus  is  Egypt  walled 
about  on  every  side.  Its  length  between 
Pelusium  and  Syene  is  20U0  furlongs, 
and  the  passage  by  sea  from  Plinthine  to 
Pelusium  is  3600  furlongs.  Its  river 
Nile  is  navigable  as  far  as  the  city  called 
Elephantine,  the  forenamed  cataracts  hin- 
dering ships  from  going  any  farther.  The 
haven  also  of  Alexandria  is  not  entered 
by  the  mariners  without  difficulty,  even  in 
times  of  peace ;  for  the  passage  inward  is 
narrow,  and  full  of  rocks,  that  lie  under 
the  water,  which  oblige  the  mariners  to 
turn  from  a  straight  directiou  :  its  left  side 
is  blocked  up  by  works  made  by  men's 
hands  on  both  sides;  on  its  right  side 
lies  the  island  called  Pharos,  which  is 
situated  just  before  the  entrance,  and  sup- 
ports a  very  great  tower,  that  affords  the 
sight  of  a  fire  to  such  as  sail  within  300 
furlongs  of  it,  that  ships  may  cast  anchor 
a  great  way  off  in  the  night  time,  by 
reason  of  the  difficulty  of  sailing  nearer. 
About  this  island  are  built  very  great 
piers,  the  handiwork  of  men,  against 
which  when  the  sea  dashes  itself,  and  its 
waves  are  broken  against  those  bounda- 
ries, the  navigation  becomes  very  trouble- 
some, and  the  entrance  through  so  narrow 
a  passage  is  rendered  dangerous  :  yet  is 
the  haven  itself,  when  you  are  got  iuto  it, 
a  very  safe  one,  and  of  thirty  furlongs  in 
largeness;  into  which  is  brought  what  the 
country  wants,  in  order  to  its  happiness; 
as  also  what  abundance  the  country  affords 
more  than  it  wants  itself,  is  hence  dis- 
tributed into  all  the  habitable  earth. 

Justly,  therefore,  did  Vespasian  desire 
to  obtain  that  government,  in  order  to 
corroborate  his  attempts  upon  the  whole 
of  the  empire;  so  he  immediately  sent 
to    Tiberius   Alexander,    who    was    then 


governor  of  Egypt  and  of  Alexandria, 
and  informed  him  what  the  army  had  put 
upon  him,  and  how  he,  being  forced  to 
accept  of  the  burden  of  the  government, 
was  desirous  to  have  him  for  his  con- 
federate and  supporter.  Now  as  soon  as 
ever  Alexander  had  read  this  letter,  he 
readily  obliged  the  legions  and  the  multi- 
tude to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  Ves- 
pasian, both  of  whom  willingly  complied 
with  him,  as  already  acquainted  with  the 
courage  of  the  man,  from  his  conduct  in 
their  neighbourhood.  Accordingly,  Ves- 
pasian, looking  upon  himself  as  already 
intrusted  with  the  government,  got  all 
things  ready  for  his  journey  [to  Home]. 
Now  fame  carried  this  news  abroad  more 
suddenly  than  one  could  have  thought, 
that  he  was  emperor  over  the  East,  upon 
which  every  city  kept  festivals,  and  ce- 
lebrated sacrifices  and  oblations  for  such 
good  news ;  the  legions  also  that  were  in 
Mysia  and  Pannonia,  who  had  been  in 
commotion  a  little  before,  on  account  of 
this  insolent  attempt  of  Vitellius,  were 
very  glad  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to 
Vespasian,  upon  his  coming  to  the  empire. 
Vespasian  then  removed  from  Cesarea  to 
Berytus,  where-  many  embassages  came 
to  him  from  Syria,  and  many  from  other 
provinces,  bringing  with  them  from  every 
city  crowns,  and  the  congratulations  of  the 
people.  Mucianus  came  also,  who  was 
the  president  of  the  province,  and  told 
him  with  what  alacrity  the  people  [received 
the  news  of  his  advancement],  and  how 
the  people  of  every  city  had  taken  the 
oath  of  fidelity  to  him.     . 

So  Vespasian's  good  fortune  succeeded 
to  his  wishes  everywhere,  and  the  public 
affairs  were,  for  the  greatest  part,  already 
in  his  hands;  upon  which  he  considered 
that  he  had  not  arrived  at  the  government 
without  Divine  Providence,  but  that  a 
righteous  kind  of  fate  had  brought  the 
empire  under  his  power ;  for  as  he  called 
to  mind  the  other  signals  (which  had  been 
a  great  many  everywhere)  that  foretold 
he  should  obtain  the  government,  so  did 
he  remember  what  Josephus  had  said  to 
him  when  he  ventured  to  foretell  his 
coming  to  the  empire  while  Nero  was 
alive ;  so  he  was  much  concerned  that 
this  man  was  still  in  bonds  with  him.  lie 
then  called  for  Mucianus,  together  with 
his  other  commanders  and  friends,  and, 
in  the  first  place,  he  informed  them  what 
a  valiant  man  Josephus  had  been,  and 
what  great  hardships  he  had  made  him 


Chap.  XL] 


WARS   OF    TIIH   JEWS. 


undergo  in  the  siege  of  Jotapata.  After 
that  he  related  those  predictions  of  his,* 
which  he  had  then  suspected  as  fictions, 
suggested  out  of  the  fear  he  was  in,  hut 
which  had  by  time  been  demonstrated  to 
be  divine.  "It  is  a  shameful  thing  (said 
he)  that  this  man,  who  hath  foretold  my 
coming  to  the  empire  beforehand,  and 
been  the  minister  of  a  divine  message  to 
me,  should  still  be  retained  in  the  con- 
dition of  a  captive  or  prisoner."  So  he 
called  for  Josephus,  and  commanded  that 
he  should  be  set  at  liberty ;  whereupon 
the  commanders  promised  themselves  glo- 
rious things,  from  this  requital  Vespasian 
made  to  a  stranger.  Titus  was  then  present 
with  his  father,  and  said,  "  0  father,  it  is 
but  just  that  the  scandal  [of  a  prisoner] 
should  be  taken  off  Josephus,  together 
with  his  iron  chain ;  for  if  we  do  not 
barely  loose  his  bonds,  but  cut  them  to 
pieces,  he  will  be  like  a  man  that  hath 
never  been  bound  at  all."  For  that  is 
the  usual  method  as  to  such  as  have  been 
bound  without  a  cause.  This  advice  was 
agreed  to  by  Vespasian  also ;  so  there 
came  a  man  in,  and  cut  the  chain  to 
pieces;  while  Josephus  received  this  testi- 
mony of  his  integrity  for  a  reward,  and 
was  moreover  esteemed  a  person  of  credit 
as  to  futurities  also. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Upon  the  conquest  and  slaughter  of  Vitellius,  Ves- 
pasian hastens  to  Rome,  and  Titus  returns  to 
Jerusalem. 

And  now,  when  Vespasian  had  given 
answers  to  the  embassages,  and  had  dis- 
posed of  the  places  of  power  justly,f  and 
according  to  every  one's  deserts,  he  came 
to  Autioch,  and  consulting  which  way  he 
had  best  take,  he  preferred  to  go  to  Home, 
rather  than  to  march  to  Alexandria,  be- 

*  As  Daniel  was  preferred  by  Darius  and  Cyras, 
on  account  of  his  having  foretold  the  destruction 
of  the  Babylonian  monarchy  by  their  means,  and 
the  consequent  exaltation  of  the  Medes  and  Per- 
sians, Dan.  v.  vi. ;  or  rather,  as  Jeremiah,  when  he 
was  a  prisoner,  was  set  at  liberty  and  honourably 
treated  by  Nebuzaradan,  at  the  command  of  Nebu- 
chadnezzar, on  account  of  his  having  foretold  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Babylonians,  Jer. 
xl.  1-7 ;  so  was  our  Josephus  set  at  liberty  and 
honourably  treated,  on  account  of  his  having  fore- 
told the  advancement  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  to 
the  Roman  empire. 

|  This  is  well  observed  "y  Josephus,  that  Ves- 
pasian, in  order  to  secure  his  success,  and  establish 
his  government  at  first,  distributed  his  offices  and 
places  upon  the  foot  of  justice,  and  bestowed  them 
on  such  as  best  deserved  them  and  wero  best  fit 
for  them. 


cause  he  saw  that  Alexandria  was  sure 
to  him  already,  but  that  the  affaire  of 
Home  were  put  into  disorder  by  Vitellius; 
so  he  sent  Mucianus  to  Italy,  and  com- 
mitted a  considerable  army  both  of  horse- 
men and  footmen  to  him;  yet  was  Muci- 
anus afraid  of  going  by  sea,  because  it 
was  the  middle  of  winter ;  so  he  led  his 
army  on  foot  through  Cappadocia  and 
Phrygia. 

In  the  mean  time,  Antonius  Primus  took 
the  third  of  the  legions  that  were  in  My- 
sia,  for  he  was  president  of  thai  province, 
and  made  haste,  in  order  to  fight  Vi  r<-!  litis ; 
whereupon  Vitellius  sent  away  Cecinna, 
with  a  great  army,  having  a  mighty  con- 
fidence in  him,  because  of  his  having 
beaten  Otho.  This  Cecinna  marched  out 
of  Home  in  great  haste,  and  found  Anto- 
nius about  Cremona  in  Gall,  which  city  is 
in  the  borders  of  Italy;  but  when  he  saw 
there  that  the  enemy  were  numerous  and 
in  good  order,  he  durst  not  fight  them  ;  and 
as  he  thought  a  retreat  dangerous,  so  he 
began  to  think  of  betraying  his  army  to 
Antonius.  Accordingly,  he  assembled  the 
centurions  and  tribunes  that  were  under 
his  command,  and  persuaded  them  to  go 
over  to  Antonius,  and  this  by  diminishing 
the  reputation  of  Vitellius,  and  by  exag- 
gerating the  power  of  Vespasian.  He 
also  told  them  that  with  the  one  there 
was  no  more  than  the  bare  name  of  do- 
minion, but  with  the  other  was  the  power 
of  it;  and  that  it  was  better  for  them  to 
prevent  necessity,  and  gain  favour,  and, 
while  they  were  likely  to  be  overcome  in 
battle,  to  avoid  the  danger  beforehand,  and 
go  over  to  Antonius  willingly;  that  Ves- 
pasian was  able  of  himself  to  subdue  what 
had  not  yet  submitted,  without  their  as- 
sistance, while  Vitellius  could  not  preserve 
what  he  had  already  with  it. 

Cecinna  said  this,  and  much  more  to 
the  same  purpose,  and  persuaded  thi 
comply  with  him;  and  both  he  anil  his 
army  deserted ;  but  still  the  very  same 
night  the  soldiers  repented  of  what  they 
had  done,  and  a  fear  seized  on  them  lest 
perhaps  Vitellius  who  sent  them  should 
get  the  better;  and  drawing  their  swords, 
they  assaulted  Cecinna,  in  order  to  kill 
him;  and  the  thing  had  been  done  by 
them,  if  the  tribunes  had  not  fallen  upon 
their  knees,  and  besought  them  not  to  do 
it:  so  the  soldiers  did  not  kill  him,  but 
put  him  in  bonds  as  a  traitor,  and  were 
about  to  send  him  to  Vitellius.  When 
[Antonius]     Primus     heard   of   this,    he 


316 


WARS-  OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  IV.  Chap.  XI 


raised  up  his  men  immediately,  and  made 
them  put  on  their  armour,  and  led  them 
against  those  that  had  revolted;  hereupon 
they  put  themselves  in  order  of  battle, 
and  jiade  resistance  for  a  while,  but  were 
soon  beaten,  and  fled  to  Cremona;  then 
did  Primus  take  his  horsemen,  and  cut  off 
their  entrance  into  the  city,  and  encom- 
passed and  destroyed  a  great  multitude 
of  them  before  the  city,  and  fell  into  the 
city  together  with  the  rest,  and  gave  leave 
to  his  soldiers  to  plunder  it.  And  here 
it  was  that  many  strangers,  who  were  mer- 
chants, as  well  as  many  of  the  people  of 
that  country,  perished,  and  among  them 
Vitellius's  whole  army,  being  30,200, 
while  Antonius  lost  no  more  of  those  that 
came  with  him  from  Mysia  than  4500 ; 
he  then  loosed  Cecinna,  and  sent  him  to 
Vespasian  to  tell  him  the  good  news.  So 
he  came,  and  was  received  by  him ;  and 
covered  the  scandal  of  his  treachery  by 
the  unexpected  honours  he  received  from 
Vespasian. 

And  now,  upon  the  news  that  Antonius 
was  approaching,  Sabinus  took  courage  at 
Rome,  and  assembled  those  cohorts  of 
soldiers  that  kept  watch  by  night,  and  in 
the  night-time  seized  upon  the  capitol; 
and,  as  the  day  came  on,  many  men  of 
character  came  over  to  him,  with  Domi- 
tian,  his  brother's  son,  whose  encourage- 
ment was  of  very  great  weight  for  the  en- 
compassing the  government.  Now,  Vi- 
tellius  was  not  much  concerned  at  this 
Primus,  but  was  very  angry  with  those 
that  had  revolted  with  Sabinus;  and  thirst- 
ing, out  of  his  natural  barbarity,  after 
noble  blood,  he  sent  out  that  part  of  the 
army  which  came  along  with  him  to  fight 
against  the  capitol;  and  many  bold  actions 
were  done  on  this  side,  and  on  the  side  of 
those  that  held  the  temple.  But  at  last, 
the  soldiers  that  came  from  Germany, 
being  too  numerous  for  the  others,  got  the 
hill  into  their  possession,  where  Domitian, 
with  many  other  of  the  principal  Romans, 
providentially  escaped,  while  the  rest  of 
the  multitude  were  entirely  cut  to  pieces, 
and  Sahinus  himself  was  brought  to  Vi- 
tellius and  then  slain  :  the  soldiers  also 
plundered  the  temple  of  its  ornaments, 
and  set  it  on  fire.  But  now,  within  a 
day's  time  came  Antonius,  with  his  army, 
and  were  met  by  Vitellius  and  his  army  ; 
and  having  had  a  battle  in  three  several 
places,  the  last  were  all  destroyed.  Then 
did  Vitellius  come  out  of  the  palace,  in 
his  cups,  and  satiated  with  an  extravagant 


and  luxurious  meal,  as  in  the  last  extremi- 
ty, and  being  drawn  along  through  the 
multitude,  and  abused  with  all  sorts  of  tor- 
ments, had  his  head  cut  off  in  the  midst 
of  Rome,  having  retained  the  government 
eight  months  and  five  days ;  and  had  he 
lived  much  longer,  I  cannot  but  think  the 
empire  would  not  have  been  sufficient  for 
his  lust.  Of  the  others  that  were  slain, 
were  numbered  above  50,000.  This  bat- 
tle was  fought  on  the  third  day  of  the 
month  Apelleus  [Casleu];  on  the  next 
Mucianus  came  into  the  city  with  his  army, 
and  ordered  Antonius  and  his  men  to  leave 
off  killing;  for  they  were  still  searching 
the  houses,  and  killed  many  of  Vitellius's 
soldiers  and  many  of  the  populace,  as  sup- 
posing them  to  be  of  his  party,  preventing 
by  their  rage  any  accurate  distinction  be- 
tween them  and  others.  He  then  pro- 
duced Domitian,  and  recommended  him  to 
the  multitude,  until  his  father  should  come 
himself:  so  the  people  being  now  freed 
from  their  fears,  made  acclamations  of  joy 
for  Vespasian,  as  for  their  emperor,  and 
kept  festival-days  for  his  confirmation,  and 
for  the  destruction  of  Vitellius. 

And  now,  as  Vespasian  was  come  to 
Alexandria,  this-  good  news  came  from 
Rome,  and  at  the  same  time  came  embas- 
sies from  all  his  own  habitable  earth,  to 
congx-atulate  him  upon  his  advancement; 
and  though  this  Alexandria  was  the  great- 
est of  all  cities  next  to  Rome,  it  proved 
too  narrow  to  contain  the  multitude  that 
then  came  to  it.  So  upon  this  confirma- 
tion of  Vespasian's  entire  government, 
which  was  now  settled,  and  upon  the  un- 
expected deliverance  of  the  public  affairs 
of  the  Romans  from  ruin,  Vespasian 
turned  his  thoughts  to  what  remained  un- 
subdued in  Judea.  However,  he  himselfj 
made  haste  to  go  to  Rome,  as  the  winter 
was  now  almost  over,  and  soon  set  the  af- 
fairs of  Alexandria  in  order,  but  sent  his 
son  Titus,  with  a  select  part  of  his  army, 
to  destroy  Jerusalem.  So  Titus  marched 
on  foot  as  far  as  Nicopolis,  which  is  dis- 
tant twenty  furlongs  from  Alexandria ; 
there  he  put  his  army  on  board  some  long 
ships,  and  sailed  upon  the  river,  along  the 
Mendesian  Nomus,  as  far  as  the  city 
Thmuis;  there  he  got  out  of  the  ships, 
and  walked  on  foot,  and  lodged  all  night 
at  a  small  city  called  Tanis.  His  second 
station  was  Heracleopolis,  and  his  third 
Pelusium ;  he  then  refreshed  his  army  at 
that  place  for  two  days ;  and  on  the  third 
passed  over  the  mouths  of  the  Nile  at 


Book  V.  Chap.  I.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


31' 


Pelusium  ;  he  then  proceeded  one  station 
over  the  desert,  and  pitched  his  camp  at 
the  temple  of  the  Casian  Jupiter,  and  on 
the  next  day  at  Ostracine.  This  station 
had  no  water ;  but  the  people  of  the  coun- 
try make  use  of  water  brought  from  other 
places.  After  this  he  rested  at  llhinoco- 
lar;i,  and  from  thence  he  went  to  Raphia, 


which  was  his  fourth  station.  This  city  is 
the  beginning  of  Syria.  For  his  fifth  sta- 
tion he  pitched  his  camp  at  Gaza  ;  afb  r 
which  he  came  to  Ascalon,  and  thence  to 
Jamnia,  aud  after  that  to  Joppa,  and  from 
Joppa  to  Cesarea,  having  taken  a  resolu- 
tion to  gather  all  his  other  forces  together 
at  that  place. 


BOOK  V. 

CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  NEAR  SIX  MONTHS,  FROM  THE  COMING 
OF  TITUS  TO  BESIEGE  JERUSALEM,  TO  THE  GREAT  EXTREMITY  10 
WHICH  THE  JEWS  WERE  REDUCED. 

a  tyrant  who  set  up  after  him.     So  he  be- 
ing desirous  of  gaining  the  entire  power 
and   dominion  to  himself,  revolted  from 
John,  and  took   to  his  assistance  Judas, 
the  son  of  Chelcias,  and   Simon,  the  son 
of  Ezron,  who  were  among  the  men  of 
greatest  power.     There  was  also  with  him 
Hezekiah,  the  son  of  Chobar,  a  person  of 
eminence.      Each  of  these  were   followed 
by  a  great  many  of  the   Zealots;    these 
seized  upon  the  inner  court  of  the  temple, 
and  laid  their  arms  upon  the  holy  gates, 
and  over  the  holy  fronts  of  that  court; 
and  because  they  had  plenty  of  provisions, 
they  were  of  good  courage,  for  there  was 
a  great  abundance  of  what  was  consecrated 
to  sacred  uses,  and  they  scrupled  not  the 
making  use  of  them  ;  yet  were  they  afraid, 
on  account  of  their  small  number  ;   and 
when  they  had  laid  up   their  arms  there, 
they  did  not  stir  from  the  place  they  were 
in.     Now  as  to  John,  what  advantage  he 
had  above  Eleazar  in  the  multitude  of  his 
followers,  the  like  disadvantage  he  had  in 
the  situation  he  was  in,  since  he  had  his 
enemies  over  his  head ;  and  as  he  could 
not  make  any  assault  upon  them  without 
some  terror,  so  was  his  anger  too  great  to 
let  them  be  at  rest ;  nay,  although  he  suf- 
fered more  mischief  from  Eleazar  and  his 
party  than  he  could  inflict  upon  them,  yet 
would  he  not  leave  off  assaulting  them, 
insomuch  that  there  were  continual  sallies 
made  one  against  another,  as  well  as  darts 
thrown  at  oue  another,  and  the  temple 
was  defiled  every  where  with  murders. 

But  now  the  tyrant  Simon,  the  son  of 
Gioras,  whom   the  people  had  invited  in, 


CHAPTER  I. 

Seditions  at  Jerusalem,  and  miseries   consequent 
thereon. 

When,  therefore,  Titus  had  marched 
over  that  desert  which  lies  between  Egypt 
and  Syria,  in  the  manner  before  mention- 
ed, he  came  to  Cesarea,  having  resolved 
to  set  his  forces  in  order  at  that  place,  be- 
fore he   began    the    war.     Nay,    indeed, 
while  he  was  assisting  his  father  at  Alex- 
andria, in  settling  that  government  which 
had   been  newly  conferred  upon  them  by 
God,  it   so  happened  that  the  sedition  at 
Jerusalem  was  revived,  and  parted  into 
•  three  factions,  and  that  one  faction  fought 
against  the  other;  which  partition  in  such 
evil  cases  may  be  said  to  be  a  good  thing, 
and  the  effect  of  divine  justice.     Now  as 
to  the  attack  the  Zealots  made  upon  the 
people,  aud  which  I  esteem  the  beginning 
of  the  city's  destruction,  it  hath  been  al- 
ready explained  after  an  accurate  manner; 
as  also  whence  it  arose,  and  to  how  great 
a  mischief  it  was  increased ;  but  for  the 
present  sedition,  one  should  not  mistake 
if  he  called  it  a  sedition  begotten  by  ano- 
ther sedition,  and  to  be  like  a  wild  beast 
grown  mad,  which,  for  want  of  food  from 
abroad,  fell  now  upon  eating  its  own  flesh. 
For    Eleazar,   the  son  of  Simon,   who 
made  the  first  separation  of  the   Zealots 
from    the  people,  and  made  them  retire 
into  the   temple,  appeared  very  angry  at 
John's  insolent  attempts,  which  he  made 
every  day  upon  the  people  ;    for  this  man 
never  left  off  murdering:   but  the  truth 
was,  that  he  could  not  bear  to  submit  to 


318 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


out  of  the  hopes  they  had  of  his  assist- 
ance in  the  great  distresses  they  were  in, 
having  in  his  power  the  upper  city,  and  a 
great  part  of  the  lower,  did  now  make  more 
vehement  assaults  upon  John  and  his 
party,  because  they  were  fought  against 
from  above  also ;  yet  was  he  bcueath  their 
situation,  when  he  attacked  them,  as  they 
were  beneath  the  attacks  of  the  others 
above  tbem.  Whereby  it  came  to  pass, 
that  John  did  both  receive  and  inflict  great 
damage,  and  that  easily,  as  he  was  fought 
against  on  both  sides;  and  the  same  ad- 
vantage that  Eleazar  and  his  party  had 
over  him,  since  he  was  beneath  them,  the 
same  advantage  had  he,  by  his  higher 
situation  over  Simon.  On  which  account 
he  easily  repelled  the  attacks  that  were 
made  from  beneath,  by  the  weapons 
thrown  from  their  hands  only ;  but  was 
obliged  to  repel  those  that  threw  darts 
from  the  temple  above  him,  by  his  engines 
of  war;  for  he  had  such  engines  as  threw 
darts,  and  javelins,  and  stones,  and  that 
in  no  small  number,  by  which  he  did  not 
only  defend  himself  from  such  as  fought 
against  him,  but  slew  moreover  many  of 
the  priests,  as  they  were  about  their  sa- 
cred ministrations;  for,  notwithstanding 
these  men  were  mad  with  all  sorts  of  im- 
piety, yet  did  they  still  admit  those  that 
desired  to  offer  their  sacrifices,  although 
they  took  care  to  search  -  the  people  of 
their  country  beforehand,  and  both  sus- 
pected and  watched  them ;  while  they 
were  not  so  much  afraid  of  strangers,  who, 
although  they  had  gotten  leave  of  them, 
how  cruel  soever  they  were,  to  come  into 
that  court,  were  yet  often  destroyed  by 
this  sedition  :  for  those  darts  that  were 
thrown  by  the  engines  came  with  that  force 
that  they  went  all  over  the  buildings,  and 
reached  as  far  as  the  altar,  and  the  temple 
itself,  and  fell  upon  the  priests,  and  those 
[Levites]  that  were  about  the  sacred  of- 
fices ;  insomuch  that  many  persons  who 
came  thither  with  great  zeal  from  the 
ends  of  the  earth,  to  offer  sacrifices  at  this 
celebrated  place,  which  was  esteemed  holy 
by  all  mankind,  fell  down  before  their 
own  sacrifices  themselves,  and  sprinkled 
that  altar  which  was  venerable  among  all 
men,  both  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  with 
their  own  blood;  till  the  dead  bodies  of 
strangers  were  mingled  together  with 
those  of  their  own  country,  and  those  of 
profane  persons  with  those  of  the  priests, 
and  the  blood  of  all  sorts  of  dead  carcases 
stood  in  lakes  in  the  holy  courts  them- 


selves. And  now,  "  0  most  wretched 
city,  what  misery  so  great  as  this  didst 
thou  suffer  from  the  Romans,  when  they 
came  to  purify  thee  from  thy  intestine 
hatred !  For  thou  couldst  be  no  longer 
a  place  fit  for  God,  nor  couldst  thou 
longer  continue  in  being,  after  thou  hadst 
been  a  sepulchre  for  the  bodies  of  thine 
own  people,  and  hadst  made  the  holy 
house  itself  a  burying-place  in  this  civil 
war  of  thine  !  Yet  mayst  thou  again 
grow  better,  if  perchance  thou  wilt  here- 
after appease  the  anger  of  that  God  who 
is  the  author  of  they  destruction."  But 
I  must  restrain  myself  from  these  passions 
by  the  rules  of  history,  since  this  is  not  a 
proper  time  for  domestic  lamentations, 
but  for  historical  narrations  :  I  therefore 
return  to  the  operations  that  follow  in 
this  sedition. 

And  now  there  were  three  treacherous 
factions  in  the  city,  the  one  parted  from 
the  other.  Eleazar  and  his  party,  that 
kept  the  sacred  first-fruits,  came  against 
John  in  their  cups.  Those  that  were 
with  John  plundered  the  populace,  and 
went  out  with  zeal  against  Simon.  This 
Simon  had  his  supply  of  provisions  from 
the  city,  in  opposition  to  the  seditious. 
When,  therefore,  John  was  assaulted  on 
both  sides,  he  made  his  men  turn  about, 
throwing  his  darts  upon  those  citizens  that 
came  up  against  him,  from  the  cloisters 
he  had  in  his  possession,  while  he  opposed 
those  that  attacked  him  from  the  temple 
by  his  engines  of  war ;  and  if  at  any  time 
he  was  freed  from  those  that  were  above 
him,  which  happened  frequently,  from 
their  being  drunk  and  tired,  he  sallied 
out  with  a  great  number  upon  Simon  and 
his  party ;  and  this  he  did  always  in  such 
parts  of  the  city  as  he  could  come  at,  till 
he  set  on  fire  those  houses  that  were  full 
of  corn,  and  of  all  other  provisions.* 
The  same  thing  was  done  by  Simon,  when, 
upon  the  other's  retreat,  he  attacked  the 
city  also;  as  if  they  had,  on  purpose, 
done  it  to  serve  the  Ilomaus,  by  destroying 
what  the  city  had  laid  up  against  the  siege, 
and  by  thus  cutting  off  the  nerves  of  their 
own  power.     Accordingly,  it  so  came  to 


'  *  This  destruction  of  such  a  vast  quantity  of 
corn  and  other  provisions,  sufficient  for  many  years, 
was  the  direct  occasion  of  that  terrible  famine, 
which  destroyed  incredible  numbers  of  Jews  in 
Jerusalem  during  its  siege.  Nor  probably  could 
the  Romans  have  taken  this  city,  after  all,  had  not 
these  seditious  Jews  been  so  infatuated  as  thus 
madly  to  destroy,  what  Josephus  here  justly  styles 
"  The  nerves  of  their  power." 


Chap.  L  ] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


C19 


pass,  that  all  the  places  that  were  about 
the  temple  were  burnt  down,  and  were 
become  an  intermediate  desert  space,  ready 
for  fighting  on  both  sides  ;  and  that  almost 

Co  / 

all  the  corn  was  burnt,  which  would  have 
been  sufficient  for  a  siege  of  many  years. 
So  they  were  taken  by  the  means  of  the 
famine,  which  it  was  impossible  they 
should  have  been,  unless  they  had  thus 
prepared  the  way  for  it  by  this  procedure. 

And  now,  as  the  city  was  engaged  in  a 
war  on  all  sides,  from  these  treacherous 
crowds  of  wicked  men,  the  people  of  the 
city,  between  them,  were  like  a  great  body 
torn  in  pieces.  The  aged  men  and  the 
women  were  in  such  distress  by  their  in- 
ternal calamities,  that  they  wished  for  the 
Romans,  and  earnestly  hoped  for  an  ex- 
ternal war,  in  order  to  their  delivery  from 
their  domestic  miseries.  The  citizens 
themselves  were  under  a  terrible  conster- 
nation and  fear;  nor  had  they  any  oppor- 
tunity of  taking  counsel,  and  of  changing 
their  conduct ;  nor  wm-e  there  any  hopes 
of  coming  to  an  agreement  with  their 
enemies;  nor  could  such  as  had  a  mind 
flee  away ;  for  guards  were  set  at  all 
places,  and  the  heads  of  the  robbers, 
although  they  were  seditious  one  against 
another  in  other  respects,  yet  did  they 
agree  in  killing  those  that  were  for  peace 
with  the  Romans,  or  were  suspected  of  an 
inclination  to  desert  to  them,  as  their 
common  enemies.  They  agreed  in  nothing 
but  this,  to  kill  those  that  were  innocent. 
The  noise  also  of  those  that  were  fighting 
was  incessant,  both  by  day  and  by  night; 
but  the  lamentations  of  those  that  mourned 
exceeded  the  other;  nor  was  there  ever 
any  occasion  for  them  to  leave  off  their 
lamentatious,  because  their  calamities  came 
perpetually  one  upon  another,  although 
the  deep  consternation  they  were  in  pre- 
vented their  outward  wailing;  but  being 
constrained  by  their  fear  to  conceal  their 
inward  passions,  they  were  inwardly  tor- 
mented, without  daring  to  open  their  lips 
in  groans.  Nor  was  any  regard  paid  to 
those  that  were  still  alive,  by  their  re- 
lations :  nor  was  there  any  care  taken  of 
burial  for  those  that  were  dead ;  the  oc- 
casion of  both  which  was  this,  that  every 
one  despaired  of  himself;  for  those  that 
were  not  among  the  seditious  had  no  great 
desires  of  any  thing,  as  expecting  for 
certain  that  they  should  very  soon  be  de- 
stroyed ;  but  for  the  seditious  themselves, 
they  fought  against  each  other,  while  they 
trod   upon  the  dead  bodies  as  they  lay 


heaped  one  upon  another,  and  taking  up 
a  mad  rage  from  those  dead  bodies  that 
were  under  their  feet,  became  1 1 1  *  -  more 
fierce  thereupon.  They,  moreover,  were 
still  inventing  somewhat  or  other  that 
was  pernicious  against  themselves ;  and 
when  they  had  resolved  upon  any  thing, 
they  executed  it  without  mercy,  and 
omitted  no  method  of  torment  or  of  bar- 
barity. Nay,  John  abused  the  sacred 
materials,  and  employed  them  in  the  con- 
struction of  his  engines  of  war;  for  the 
people  and  the  priests  had  formerly  de- 
termined to  support  the  temple,  and  raise 
the  holy  house  twenty  cubits  higher  :  for 
King  Agrippa  had,  at  a  very  great  expense, 
and  with  very  great  pains,  brought  thither 
such  materials  as  were  proper  for  that 
purpose,  being  pieces  of  timber  very  well 
worth  seeing,  both  for  their  straightness 
and  their  largeness  :  but  the  war  coming 
on,  acd  interrupting  the  work,  John  had 
them  cut,  and  prepared  for  the  building 
him  towers,  he  finding  them  long  enough 
to  oppose  from  them  those  adversaries 
that  fought  him  from  the  temple  that  was 
above  him.  He  also  had  them  brought 
and  erected  behind  the  inner  court  over 
against  the  west  end  of  the  cloisters,  where 
alone  he  could  erect  them;  whereas,  the 
other  sides  of  that  court  had  so  many 
steps  as  would  not  let  them  come  nigh 
enough  the  cloisters. 

Thus  did  John  hope  to  be  too  hard  for 
his  enemies  by  these  engines  constructed 
by  his  impiety;  but  God  himself  demon- 
strated that  his  pains  would  prove  of  no 
use  to  him,  by  bringing  the  Romans  upon 
him  before  he  had  reared  any  of  his 
towers  ;  for  Titus,  when  he  had  gotten 
together  part  of  his  forces  about  him,  and 
had  ordered  the  rest  to  meet  him  at  .Je- 
rusalem, marched  out  of  Cesarea.  He 
had  with  him  those  three  legious  that  had 
accompanied  his  father  when  he  laid  Ju- 
dea  waste,  together  with  that  twelfth  legion 
which  had  been  formerly  beaten  with  I  -- 
tius;  which  legion,  as  it  was  otherwise 
remarkable  for  its  valour,  so  did  it  march 
on  now  with  greater  alacrity  to  avenge 
themselves  on  the  Jews,  as  remembering 
what  they  had  formerly  suffered  from 
them.  Of  these  legions  he  ordered  the 
fifth  to  meet  him,  by  going  through  Eui- 
maus,  aud  the  tenth  to  go  up  by  Jericho; 
he  also  moved  himself,  together  with  the 
rest;  besides  whom  marched  those  auxi- 
liaries that  came  from  the  kings,  being 
now  more  in  number  than  before,  together 


320 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


■with  a  considerable  number  that  came  to 
his  assistance  from  Syria.  Those  also 
that  had  been  selected  out  of  these  four 
legions,  and  sent  with  Mucianus  to  Italy, 
had  their  places  filled  up  out  of  these 
soldiers  that  came  out  of  Egypt  with  Titus, 
who  were  2000  men,  chosen  out  of  the 
armies  at  Alexandria.  There  followed  him 
also  8000  drawn  from  those  that  guarded 
the  river  Euphrates;  as  also,  there  came 
Tiberius  Alexander,  who  was  a  friend  of 
his,  most  valuable,  both  for  his  good-will 
to  him  and  for  his  prudence.  He  had 
formerly  been  governor  of  Alexandria, 
but  was  now  thought  worthy  to  be  general 
of  the  army  [under  Titus].  The  reason 
of  this  was,  that  he  had  been  the  first 
who  encouraged  Vespasian  very  lately  to 
accept  this  his  new  dominion,  and  joined 
himself  to  him  with  great  fidelity,  when 
things  were  uncertain,  and  fortune  had 
not  yet  declared  for  him.  He  also  fol- 
lowed Titus  as  a  counsellor,  very  useful 
to  him  in  this  war,  both  by  his  age  and 
skill  in  such  affairs. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Titus  marches  to  Jerusalem. 

Now,  as  Titus  was  upon  his  march  into 
the  enemy's  country,  the  auxiliaries  that 
were  sent  by  the  kings  marched  first, 
having  all  the  other  auxiliaries  with  them  ; 
after  whom  followed  those  that  were  to 
prepare  he  roads  and  measure  out  the 
camp ;  then  came  the  commander's  bag- 
bage,  and  after  that  the  other  soldiers, 
who  were  completely  armed,  to  support 
them ;  then  came  Titus  himself,  having 
with  him  another  select  body  ;  and  then 
came  the  pikemen  ;  after  whom  came  the 
horse  belonging  to  that  legion.  All  these 
came  before  the  engines ;  and  after  these 
engines,  followed  the  tribunes  and  the 
leaders  of  the  cohorts,  with  their  select 
bodies ;  after  these  came  the  ensigns, 
with  the  eagle ;  and  before  those  ensigns 
came  the  trumpeters  belonging  to  them ; 
next  these  came  the  main  body  of  the 
army  in  their  ranks,  every  rank  being  six 
deep;  the  servants  belonging  to  every 
legion  came  after  these;  and  before  these 
last  their  baggage ;  the  mercenaries  came 
last,  and  those  that  guarded  them  brought 
up  the  rear.  Now,  Titus,  according  to 
the  Roman  usage,  went  in  the  front  of 
the  army  after  a  decent  manner,  and 
marched  through  Samaria  to  Gophna,  a 
tity  that  had  been  formerly  taken  by  his 


father,  and  was  then  garrisoned  by  Roman 
soldiers  :  and  when  he  had  lodged  there 
one  night,  he  marched  on  in  the  morning; 
and  when  he  had  gone  as  far  as  a  day's 
march,  he  pitched  his  camp  at  that  valley 
which  the  Jews,  in  their  own  tongue,  call 
"  The  Valley  of  Thorn,"  near  a  certain  vil- 
lage called  Gabaothsaul,  which  signifies  the 
"  Hill  of  Saul,"  being  distant  from  Je- 
rusalem about  thirty  furlongs.  There  it 
was  that  he  chose  out  600  select  horse- 
men, and  went  to  take  a  view  of  the  city, 
to  observe  what  strength  it  was  of,  and 
how  courageous  the  Jews  were ;  whether, 
when  they  saw  him,  and  before  they  came 
to  a  direct  battle,  they  would  be  affrighted 
and  submit ;  for  he  had  been  informed, 
what  was  really  true,  that  the  people  who 
were  fallen  under  the  power  of  the  se- 
ditious and  the  robbers,  were  greatly  de- 
sirous of  peace ;  but  being  too  weak  to 
rise  up  against  the  rest,  they  lay  still. 

Now,  so  long  as  he  rode  along  the 
straight  road  which  led  to  the  wall  of  the 
city,  nobody  appeared  out  of  the  gates; 
but  when  he  went  out  of  that  road,  and 
declined  towards  the  tower  Psephinus, 
and  led  the  band  of  horsemen  obliquely, 
an  immense  number  of  the  Jews  leaped 
out  suddenly  at  the  towers  called  the 
"Women's  Towers,"  through  that  gate 
which  was  over  against  the  monuments 
of  Queen  Helena,  and  intercepted  his 
horse;  and  standing  directly  opposite  to 
those  that  still  ran  along  the  road,  hindered 
them  from  joining  those  that  had  declined 
out  of  it.  They  intercepted  Titus  also, 
with  a  few  others.  Now  it  was  here  im- 
possible for  him  to  go  forward,  because 
all  the  places  had  trenches  dug  in  them 
from  the  wall,  to  preserve  the  gardens 
round  about,  and  were  full  of  gardens 
obliquely  situated,  and  of  many  hedges ; 
and  to  return  back  to  his  own  men,  he 
saw  it  was  also  impossible,  by  reason  of 
the  multitude  of  the  enemies  that  lay 
between  them  ;  many  of  whom  did  not  so 
much  as  know  that  the  king*  was  in  any 
danger,    but    supposed    him    still    among 


*  Titus  is  here  called  "  a  king,"  and  "  Caesar," 
by  Josephus,  even  while  ho  was  no  more  than  the 
emperor's  son,  and  general  of  the  Roman  army, 
and  his  father  Vespasian  still  alive;  just  as  the 
New  Testament  says,  "  Archelaus  reigned,"  or 
'•  was  king,"  (Matt.  ii.  22,)  though  nc  was  properly 
no  more  than  ethnarch.  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  chap.  xi. ; 
War,  b.  ii.  chap.  vi.  Thus  also  the  Jews  called  the 
Roman  emperors  "  kings,"  though  they  never  took 
that  title  to  themselves :  "We  have  no  king  but 
Caesar."  John  xix.  10.  "Submit  to  the  king  as 
supreme."    1  Pet.  ii.  13,  17. 


Chap.  II.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


321 


them.  So  he  perceived  that  his  preserva- 
tion must  be  wholly  owing  to  his  own 
courage,  and  turned  his  horse  about,  and 
cried  out  aloud  to  those  that  were  about 
him  to  follow  him,  and  ran  with  violence 
into  the  midst  of  his  enemies,  in  order  to 
force  his  way  through  them  to  his  own 
men.  And  hence  we  may  principally 
learn,  that  both  the  success  of  wars,  and 
the  dangers  that  kings  are  in,  are  under 
the  providence  of  God ;  for  while  such  a 
number  of  darts  were  thrown  at  Titus, 
when  he  had  neither  his  headpiece  on 
nor  his  breastplate,  (for,  as  I  told  you,  he 
went  out  not  to  fight,  but  to  view  the  city,) 
none  of  them  touched  his  body,  but  went 
aside  without  hurting  him ;  as  if  all  of 
them  missed  him  on  purpose,  and  only 
made  a  noise  as  they  passed  by  him.  So 
he  diverted  those  perpetually  with  his  sword 
that  came  on  his  side,  and  overturned  many 
of  those  that  directly  met  him,  and  made 
his  horse  ride  over  those  that  were  over- 
thrown. The  enemy,  indeed,  made  a 
great  shout  at  the  boldness  of  Cajsar,  and 
exhorted  one  another  to  rush  upon  him. 
Yet  did  these  against  whom  he  marched 
fly  away,  and  go  ofl  from  him  in  great 
numbers;  while  those  that  were  in  the 
same  danger  with  him,  kept  up  close  to 
him,  though  they  were  wounded  both  on 
their  backs  and  on  their  sides;  for  they 
had  each  of  them  but  this  one  hope  of 
escaping,  if  they  could  assist  Titus  in 
opening  himself  a  way,  that  he  might  not 
be  encompassed  round  by  his  enemies  be- 
fore he  got  away  from  them.  Now,  there 
were  two  of  those  that  were  with  him,  but 
at  some  distance ;  the  one  whom  the  ene- 
my encompassed  round,  and  slew  him 
with  their  darts,  and  his  horse  also ;  but 
the  other  they  slew  as  he  leaped  down 
from  his  horse,  and  carried  off  his  horse 
with  them.  But  Titus  escaped  with  the 
rest,  and  came  safe  to  the  camp.  So  this 
success  of  the  Jews'  first  attack  raised 
their  minds,  and  gave  them  an  ill-grounded 
hope ;  and  this  short  inclination  of  for- 
tune on  their  side  made  them  very  cou- 
rageous for  the  future. 

But  now,  as  soon  as  that  legion  that 
had  been  at  Emmaus  was  joined  to  Cae- 
sar at  night,  he  removed  thence,  when  it 
was  day,  aud  came  to  a  place  called  Sco- 
pus :  from  whence  the  city  began  already 
to  be  seen,  and  a  plain  view  might  be 
taken  of  the  great  temple.  Accordingly, 
this  place  on  the  north  quarter  of  the  city, 
and  adjoining  thereto,  was  a  plain,  and 
Vol.  II.— 21 


very  properly  named  Scopus  [the  pros- 
pect] j  and  was  no  more  than  seven  far- 
longs  distant  from  it.  And  here  it  was 
that  Titus  ordered  a  camp  to  be  fortified 
for  two  legions  that  were  together ;  but 
ordered  another  camp  to  be  fortified  at 
three  furlongs  farther  distance  behind 
them,  for  the  fifth  legion;  for  he  thought 
that,  by  marching  in  the  night,  they 
might  be  tired,  and  might  deserve  to  be 
covered  from  the  enemy,  and  with  less 
fear  might  fortify  themselves :  and,  as 
these  were  now  beginniug  to  build,  the 
tenth  legion,  who  came  through  Jericho, 
was  already  come  to  the  place,  where  a 
certain  part  of  armed  men  had  formerly 
lain,  to  guard  that  pass  into  the  city,  and 
had  been  taken  before  by  Vespasian. 
These  legions  had  orders  to  encamp  at  the 
distance  of  six  furlongs  from  Jerusalem, 
at  the  mount  called  the  Mount  of  Olives, 
which  lies  over  against  the  city  on  the 
east  side,  and  is  parted  from  it  by  a  deep 
valley,  interposed  between  them,  which  is 
named  Cedron. 

Now,  when  hitherto  the  several  parties 
in  the  city  had  been  dashing  one  against 
another  perpetually,  this  foreign  war, 
now  suddenly  come  upon  them  after 
a  violent  manner,  put  the  first  stop  to 
their  contentions  one  against  another; 
and,  as  the  seditious  now  saw  with  asto- 
nishment the  Romans  pitching  three  se- 
veral camps,  they  began  to  think  of  an 
awkward  sort  of  concord,  and  said  to  one 
another,  "  What  do  we  here,  and  what 
do  we  mean,  when  we  suffer  three  forti- 
fied walls  to  be  built  to  coop  us  in,  that 
we  shall  not  be  able  to  breathe  freely  ? 
while  the  enemy  is  securely  building  a 
kind  of  city  in  opposition  to  us,  and  while 
we  sit  still  within  our  own  walls,  and  be- 
come spectators  only  of  what  they  are 
doing,  with  our  hands  idle,  and  our  ar- 
mour laid  by,  as  if  they  were  about  some- 
what that  was  for  our  good  and  advan- 
tage. We  are,  it  seems,"  so  did  they  cry 
out,  "only  courageous  against  ourselves, 
while  the  Romans  are  likely  to  gain  the 
city  without  bloodshed  by  our  sedition." 
Thus  did  they  encourage  one  another, 
when  they  were  gotten  together,  and  took 
their  armour  immediately,  and  ran  out 
upon  the  tenth  legion,  and  fell  upon  the 
Romans  with  great  eagerness,  and  with  a 
prodigious  shout,  as  they  were  fortifying 
their  camp.  These  Romaus  were  caught 
in  different  parties,  and  this  in  order  to 
perform  their  several  works,  and  on  that 


322 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


account  had  in  great  measure  laid  aside 
their  arms ;  for  they  thought  the  Jews 
would  not  have  ventured  to  make  a  sally 
upon  them ;  and  had  they  been  disposed 
so  to  do,  they  supposed  their  sedition 
would  have  distracted  them.  So  they 
were  put  into  disorder  unexpectedly ; 
when  some  of  them  left  their  works  they 
were  about,  and  immediately  marched  off, 
while  many  ran  to  their  arms,  but  were 
smitten  and  slain  before  they  could  turn 
back  upon  the  enemy.  The  Jews  be- 
came still  more  and  more  in  number,  as 
encouraged  by  the  good  success  of  those 
that  first  made  the  attack  ;  and,  while  they 
had  such  good  fortune,  they  seemed,  both 
to  themselves  and  to  the  enemy,  to  be 
many  more  than  they  really  were.  The 
disorderly  way  of  their  fighting  at  first 
put  the  Romans  also  to  a  stand,  who  had 
been  constantly  used  to  fight  skilfully  in 
good  order,  and  with  keeping  their  ranks, 
and  obeying  the  orders  that  were  given 
them  ;  for  which  reason  the  Romans  were 
caught  unexpectedly,  and  were  obliged  to 
give  way  to  the  assaults  that  were  made 
upon  them.  Now,  when  these  Romans 
were  overtaken,  and  turned  back  upon  the 
Jews,  they  put  a  stop  to  their  career; 
yet,  when  they  did  not  take  care  enough 
of  themselves,  through  the  vehemency  of 
their  pursuit,  they  were  wounded  by  them  ; 
but,  as  still  more  and  more  Jews  sallied 
out  of  the  city,  the  Romans  were  at 
length  brought  into  confusion,  and  put  to 
flight,  and  ran  away  from  their  camp. 
Nay,  things  looked  as  though  the  entire 
legion  would  have  been  in  danger,  unless 
Titus  had  been  informed  of  the  case  they 
were  in,  and  had  sent  them  succours  im- 
mediately. So  he  reproached  them  for 
their  cowardice,  and  brought  those  back 
that  were  running  away,  and  fell  himself 
upon  the  Jews  on  their  flank,  with  those 
select  troops  that  were  with  him,  and  slew 
a  considerable  number,  and  wounded  more 
of  them,  and  put  them  all  to  flight,  and 
made  them  run  away  hastily  down  the 
valley.  Now,  as  these  Jews  suffered 
greatly  in  the  declivity  of  the  valley,  so, 
when  they  were  gotten  over  it,  they  turned 
about,  and  stood  over  against  the  Romans, 
having  the  valley  between  them,  and  there 
fought  with  them.  Thus  did  they  con- 
tinue the  fight  till  noon  ;  but,  when  it 
was  already  a  little  after  noon,  Titus  set 
those  that  came  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Romans  with  him,  and  those  that  be- 
onged    to   the   cohorts,    to   prevent    the 


Jews  from  making  any  more  sallies,  and 
then  sent  the  rest  of  the  legion  to  the 
upper  part  of  the  mountain,  to  fortify 
their  camp. 

This  march  of  the  Romans  seemed  to 
the  Jews  to  be  a  flight;  and  as  the  watch- 
man, who  was  placed  upon  the  wall,  gave 
a  signal  by  shaking  his  garment,  there 
came  out  a  fresh  multitude  of  Jews,  and 
that  with  such  mighty  violence,  that  one 
might  compare  it  to  the  running  of  the 
most  terrible  wild  beasts.  To  say  the 
truth,  none  of  those  that  opposed  them 
could  sustain  the  fury  with  which  they 
made  their  attacks;  but,  as  if  they  hud 
been  cast  out  of  an  engine,  they  brake 
the  enemy's  ranks  to  pieces,  who  were 
put  to  flight,  aud  ran  away  to  the  moun- 
tain ;  none  but  Titus  himself,  aud  a  few 
others  with  him,  being  left  in  the  midst 
of  the  acclivity.  Now  these  others,  who 
were  his  friends,  despised  the  danger  they 
were  in,  and  were  ashamed  to  leave  their 
general,  earnestly  exhorting  him  to  give 
way  to  these  Jews  that  are  fond  of  dying, 
and  not  to  run  into  such  dangers  before 
those  that  ought  to  stay  before  him ;  to 
consider  what  his  fortune  was,  and  not, 
by  supplying  the- place  of  a  common  sol- 
dier, to  venture  to  turn  back  upon  the 
enemy  so  suddenly ;  and  this  because  he 
was  general  in  the  war,  and  lord  of  the 
habitable  earth,  on  whose  preservation  the 
public  affairs  do  all  depend.  These  per- 
suasions Titus  seemed  not  so  much  as  to 
hear,  but  opposed  those  that  ran  upon 
him,  and  smote  them  on  the  face;  and, 
when  he  had  forced  them  to  go  back,  he 
slew  them  :  he  also  fell  upon  great  num- 
bers as  they  marched  down  the  hill,  and 
thrust  them  forward ;  while  those  men 
were  so  amazed  at  his  courage  and  his 
strength,  that  they  could  not  fly  directly 
to  the  city,  but  declined  from  him  on 
both  sides,  and  pressed  after  those  that 
fled  up  the  hill ;  yet  did  he  still  fall  upon 
their  flank,  and  put  a  stop  to  their  fury. 
In  the  mean  time,  a  disorder  and  a  terror 
fell  again  upon  those  that  wei'e  fortifying 
their  camp  at  the  top  of  the  hill,  upon 
their  seeing  those  beneath  them  running 
away,  insomuch  that  the  whole  legion  was 
dispersed,  while  they  thought  that  the 
sallies  of  the  Jews  upon  them  were  plainly 
insupportable,  and  that  Titus  was  himself 
put  to  flight ;  because  they  took  it  for 
granted  that,  if  he  had  stayed,  the  rest 
would  never  have  fled  for  it.  Thus  were 
they  encompassed  on  every  side  by  a  kind 


Chap.  III.] 


WARS    OF    Till-;    JEWS. 


3-23 


of  panic  fear,  and  some  dispersed  them- 
selves one  way,  and  some  another,  till  cer- 
tain of  them  saw  their  general  in  the  very 
midst  of  an  action,  and,  being  under  great 
concern  for  him,  they  loudly  proclaimed 
the  danger  he  was  in  to  the  entire  legion ; 
and  now  shame  made  them  turn  back,  and 
they  reproached  one  another,  that  they 
did  worse  than  run  away,  by  deserting 
Ctesar.  So  they  used  their  utmost  force 
against  the  Jews,  and  declining  from  the 
straight  declivity,  they  drove  them  in  heaps 
into  the  bottom  of  the  valley.  Then  did 
the  Jews  turn  about  and  fight  them  ;  but 
as  they  were  themselves  retiring,  and  now, 
because  the  Romans  had  the  advantage  of 
the  ground,  and  were  above  the  Jews, 
they  drove  them  all  into  the  valley.  Ti- 
tus also  pressed  upon  those  that  were  near 
him,  and  sent  the  legion  again  to  fortify 
their  camp  ;  while  he,  and  those  that  were 
with  him  before,  opposed  the  enemy,  and 
kept  them  from  doing  further  mischief; 
insomuch  that,  if  I  may  be  allowed  nei- 
ther to  add  any  thing  out  of  flattery,  nor 
to  diminish  any  thing  out  of  envy,  but  to 
speak  the  plain  truth,  Ccesar  did  twice 
deliver  that  entire  legion  when  it  was  in 
jeopardy,  and  gave  them  a  quiet  opportu- 
nity of  fortifying  their  camp. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  sedition  again  revived  within  Jerusalem — the 
Jews  contrive  snares  for  the  Romans — Titus 
threatens  his  soldiers  for  their  ungovernable- 
rashness. 

As  now  the  war  abroad  ceased  for 
a  while,  the  sedition  within  was  revived; 
and  on  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
which  was  now  come,  it  being  the  four- 
teenth day  of  the  month  Xantbicus  [Ni- 
sau],  when  it  is  believed  the  Jews  were 
first  freed  from  the  Egyptians,  Eleazar 
and  his  party  opened  the  gates  of  this 
[[inmost  court  of  the]  temple,  and  admit- 
ted such  of  the  people  as  were  desirous  to 
worship  God  into  it.*     But  John  made 

*  Here  we  see  the  true  occasion  of  those  vast 
numbers  of  Jews  that  were  in  Jerusalem  during 
this  siege  by  Titus,  and  perished  therein  ;  that  the 
siege  began  at  the  feast  of  the  passover,  when  such 
prodigious  multitudes  of  Jews  and  proselytes  of 
the  gate  had  come  from  all  parts  of  Judea,  and 
from  other  countries,  in  order  to  celebrate  that 
great  festival  Tacitus  himself  informs  us  that  the 
number  of  men,  women,  and  children,  in  Jerusa- 
lem, when  it  was  besieged  by  the  Romans,  as  he 
had  been  informed,  was  000,000.  This  information 
must  have  boen  taken  from  the  Romans;  for  Jo- 
6Cphus  never  mentions  the  numbers  of  those  that 


use  of  this  festival  as  a  cloak  for  his 
treacherous  designs,  and  armed  the  most 
inconsiderable  of  his  own  party,  the 
greater  part  of  whom  were  not  purified, 
with  weapons  concealed  under  their  gar- 
ments, and  sent  them  with  great  zeal  into 
the  temple,  in  order  to  seize  upon  it ; 
which  armed  men,  when  they  were  gotten 
in,  threw  their  garments  away,  and  pre- 
sently appeared  in  their  armour.  Upon 
which  there  was  a  very  great  disorder  and 
disturbance  about  the  holy  house;  while 
the  people  who  had  no  concern  in  the  sedi- 
tion supposed  that  this  assault  was  made 
against    all    without    distinction,    as    the 

Zealots  thought  it  was  made  against  them- 
es c 

selves  only.  So  these  left  off  guarding 
the  gates  any  longer,  and  leaped  down 
from  their  battlements  before  they  came 
to  an  engagement,  and  fled  away  into  the 
subterranean  caverns  of  the  temple  ;  while 
the  people  that  stood  trembling  at  the  al- 
tar, and  about  the  holy  house,  were  rolled 
on  heaps  together,  and  trampled  upon,  and 
were  beaten  both  with  wooden  and  with 
iron  weapons  without  mercy.  Such  also 
as  had  differences  with  others,  slew  many 
persons  that  were  quiet,  out  of  their  own 
private  enmity  and  hatred,  as  if  they  were 
opposite  to  the  seditious;  and  all  those  that 
had  formerly  offended  any  of  these  plot- 
ters were  now  known,  and  were  now  led 
away  to  the  slaughter ;  and,  when  they 
had  done  abundance  of  horrid  mischief  to 
the  guiltless,  they  granted  a  truce  to  the 
guilty,  and  let  those  go  off  that  came  out 
of  the  caverns.  These  followers  of  John 
also  did  now  seize  upon  this  inner  temple, 
and  upon  all  the  warlike  engines  therein, 
and  then  ventured  to  oppose  Simon.  And 
thus  that  sedition,  which  had  been  divided 
into  three  factions,  was  now  reduced  to  two 
Rut  Titus,  intending  to  pitch  his  camp 
nearer  to  the  city  than  Scopus,  placed  as 
many  of  his  choice  horsemen  and  footmen 
as  he  thought  sufficient,  opposite  to  the 
Jews,  to  prevent  their  sallying  out  upon 
them,  while  he  gave  orders  for  the  whole 


were  besieged ;  only  he  lets  us  know,  that  of  the 
vulgar,  carried  dead  out  of  the  gates,  and  buried  at 
the  public  charges,  was  the  like  number  of  600,000. 
However,  when  Cestius  Gallus  came  first  to  the 
siege,  that  number  in  Tacitus  is  noway  contrary 
to  Josephus's  history,  though  they  were  become 
much  more  numerous  when  Titus  encompassed  the 
city  at  the  passover.  As  to  the  number  that  pe- 
rished during  the  siege,  Josephus  assures  us  they 
were  1,100,000,  besides  97,000  captives.  Tacitus's 
history  of  the  last  part  of  this  siege  is  not  now  ex- 
tant ;  so  we  cannot  compare  his  parallel  numbers 
with  those  of  Josephus. 


324 


WARS    OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  Y 


army  to  level  the  distance  as  far  as  the 
wall  of  the  city.  So  they  threw  down  all 
the  hedges  and  walls  which  the  inhabitants 
had  made  about  their  gardens  and  groves 
of  trees,  and  cut  down  all  the  fruit-trees 
that  lay  between  them  and  the  wall  of 
the  city,  and  filled  up  all  the  hollow  places 
and  the  chasms,  and  demolished  the  rocky 
precipices  with  iron  instruments;  and 
thereby  made  all  the  place  level  from 
Scopus  to  Herod's  monuments,  which  ad- 
joined to  the  pool  called  the  Serpent's 
Pool. 

Now,  at  this  very  time,  the  Jews  con- 
trived the  following  stratagem  against  the 
Romans.  The  bolder  sort  of  the  seditious 
went  out  at  the  towers,  called  the  Wo- 
men's Towers,  as  if  they  had  been  ejected 
out  of  the  city  by  those  who  were  for 
peace,  and  rambled  about  as  if  they  were 
afraid  of  being  assaulted  by  the  Romans, 
and  were  in  fear  of  one  another ;  while 
those  that  stood  upon  the  wall,  and  seem- 
ed to  be  of  the  people's  side,  cried  aloud 
for  peace,  and  entreated  they  might  have 
security  for  their  lives  given  them,  and 
called  for  the  Romans,  promising  to  open 
the  gates  to  them ;  and  as  they  cried  out 
after  that  manner,  they  threw  stones  at 
their  own  people,  as  though  they  would 
drive  them  away  from  the  gates.  These 
also  pretended  that  they  were  excluded  by 
force,  and  that  they  petitioned  those  that 
were  within  to  let  them  in;  and  rushing 
upon  the  Romans  perpetually,  with  vio- 
lence, they  then  came  back,  and  seemed 
to  be  in  great  disorder.  Now  the  Roman 
soldiers  thought  this  cunning  stratagem 
of  theirs  was  to  be  believed  real,  and 
thinking  they  had  the  one  party  under  their 
power,  and  could  punish  them  as  they 
pleased,  and  hoping  that  the  other  party 
would  opeu  their  gates  to  them,  set  to  the 
execution  of  their  designs  accordingly. 
But  for  Titus  himself,  he  had  this  surpris- 
ing conduct  of  the  Jews  in  suspicion  ;  for 
whereas  he  bad  invited  them  to  come  to 
terms  of  accommodation  by  Josephus  but 
one  day  before,  he  could  then  receive  no 
civil  answer  from  them ;  so  he  ordered  the 
soldiers  to  stay  where  they  were.  How- 
ever, some  of  them  that  were  set  in  the 
front  of  the  works  prevented  him,  and, 
catching  up  their  arms,  ran  to  the  gates ; 
whereupon  those  that  seemed  to  have  been 
ejected  at  the  first  retired  ;  but  as  soon  as 
the  soldiers  were  gotten  between  the  tow- 
ers on  each  side  of  the  gate,  the  Jews  ran 
out  and  encompassed  them  round,  and  fell 


upon  them  behind,  while  that  multitude 
which  stood  upon  the  wall,  threw  a  heap 
of  stones  and  darts  of  all  kinds  at  them/ 
insomuch  that  they  slew  a  considerable 
number,  and  wounded  many  more;  for  it 
was  not  easy  for  the  Romans  to  escape,  by 
reason  those  behind  them  pressed  them 
forward  ;  besides  which,  the  shame  they 
were  under  for  being  mistaken,  and  the 
fear  they  were  in  of  their  command- 
ers, engaged  them  to  persevere  in  their 
mistake;  wherefore  they  fought  with  their 
spears  a  great  while,  and  received  many 
blows  from  the  Jews,  though  indeed  they 
gave  them  as  many  blows  again,  and  at  last 
repelled  those  that  had  encompassed  them 
about,  while  the  Jews  pursued  them  as  they 
retired,  and  followed  them,  and  threw  darts 
at  them  as  far  as  the  monuments  of  Queen 
Helena. 

After  this  these  Jews,  without  keeping 
any  decorum,  grew  insolent  upon  their 
good  fortune,  and  jested  upon  the  Romans 
for  being  deluded  by  the  trick  they  had 
upon  them,  and,  making  a  noise  with  beat- 
ing their  shields,  leaped  for  gladness,  and 
made  joyful  exclamations ;  while  these 
soldiers  were  received  with  threatenings 
by  their  officers,  and  with  indignation  by 
Caesar  himself  [who  spake  to  them  thus]  : 
"  These  Jews,  who  are  only  conducted  by 
their  madness,  do  every  thing  with  care 
and  circumspection  ;  they  contrive  strata- 
gems, and  lay  ambushes,  and  fortune  gives 
success  to  their  stratagems,  because  they 
are  obedient,  and  preserve  their  good-will 
and  fidelity  to  one  another  ;  while  the  Ro- 
mans, to  whom  fortune  uses  to  be  ever  sub- 
servient, by  reason  of  their  good  order, 
and  ready  submission  to  their  commanders, 
have  now  had  ill  success  by  their  contrary 
behaviour,  and  by  not  being  able  to  re- 
strain their  hands  from  action,  they  have 
been  caught ;  and  that  which  is  the 
most  to  their  reproach,  they  have  gone 
on  without  their  commanders,  in  the 
very  presence  of  Csesar.  Truly,"  says 
Titus,  "  the  laws  of  war  cannot  but  groan 
heavily,  as  will  my  father  also  himself, 
when  he  shall  be  informed  of  this  wound 
that  hath  been  given  us,  since  he,  who  is 
grown  old  in  wars,  did  never  make  so 
great  a  mistake.  Our  laws  of  war  do  also 
ever  inflict  capital  punishment  on  those 
that  in  the  least  break  into  good  order, 
while  at  this  time  they  have  seen  an  entire 
army  run  into  disorder.  However,  those 
that  have  been  so  insolent  shall  be  made 
immediately  sensible,  that  even  they  who 


Chap.  IV.] 

conquer  among  the  Romans,  without  orders 
:hting,  arc  to  be  under  disgrace." 
When  Titus  had  enlarged  upon  this  mut- 
ter before  the  commanders,  it  appeared 
evident  that  he  would  execute  the  law 
against  all  those  that  were  concerned;  so 
these  soldiers'  minds  sank  clown  in  de- 
spair, as  expecting  to  be  put  to  death,  and 
that  justly  and  quickly.  However,  the 
other  legions  came  rouud  about  Titus,  and 
entreated  his  favour  to  these  their  fellow- 
soldiers,  and  made  supplication  to  him 
that  he  would  pardon  the  rashness  of  a 
few,  on  account  of  the  better  obedience  of 
all  the  rest;  and  promised  for  them  that 
they  should  make  amends  for  their  present 
fault,  by  their  more  virtuous  behaviour  for 
the  time  to  come. 

So  Crcsar  complied  with  their  desires, 
and  with  what  prudence  dictated  to  him 
also ;  for  he  esteemed  it  fit  to  punish  sin- 
gle persons  by  real  executions,  but  that 
the  punishment  of  great  multitudes  should 
proceed  no  further  than  reproofs ;  so  he 
was  reconciled  to  the  soldiers,  but  gave 
them  a  special  charge  to  act  more  wisely 
for  the  future;  and  he  considered  with 
himself  how  he  might  be  even  with  the 
Jews  for  their  stratagem.  Aud  now,  when 
the  space  between  the  Romans  and  the 
wall  had  been  levelled,  which  was  done  in 
four  days;  and  as  he  was  desirous  to  bring 
the  baggage  of  the  army,  with  the  rest 
of  the  multitude  that  followed  him,  safely 
to  the  camp,  he  set  the  strongest  part  of 
his  army  over  against  that  wall  which  lay 
on  the  north  quarter  of  the  city,  and  over 
against  the  western  part  of  it,  and  made 
his  army  seven  deep,  with  the  footmen 
placed  before  them,  and  the  horsemen  be- 
hind them,  each  of  the  last  in  three  ranks, 
while  the  archers  stood  in  the  midst  in 
seven  ranks.  And  now  as  the  Jews  were 
prohibited,  by  so  great  a  body  of  men, 
from  making  sallies  upon  the  Romans, 
both  the  beasts  that  bear  the  burdens,  and 
belonged  to  the  three  legions,  and  the  rest 
of  the  multitude,  marched  on  without  any 
fear.  But  as  for  Titus  himself,  he  was 
but  about  two  furlongs  distant  from  the 
wall,  at  that  part  of  it  where  was  the 
corner,*  and  over  against  that  tower  which 
was  called  Psephinus,  at  which  tower  the 
compass  of  the  wall  belonging  to  the  north 
bended,  and  extended  itself  over  against 
the  west;   but  the  other  part  of  the  army 

*  Perhaps,  ?siys  Dr.  Hudson,  here  was  that  gate 
sailed  the  "  Grate  of  the  corner,"  in  2  Chron. 
xxvi.  9. 

3E 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


fortified  themselves  at  the  tower  called 
HippicUS,  and  was  distant,  in  like  manner, 
but  two  furlongs  from  the  city.  However, 
the  tenth  legion  continued  in  its  own 
place,  upon  the  Mount  of  Olives. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Description  of  Jerusalem. 

The  city  of  Jerusalem  was  fortified 
with  three  walls,  on  such  parts  as  were  not 
encompassed  with  impassable  valleys;  for 
in  such  places  it  had  but  one  wall.  The 
city  was  built  upon  two  hills  which  are 
opposite  to  one  another,  and  have  a  valley 
to  divide  them  asunder;  at  which  valley 
the  corresponding  rows  of  houses  on  both 
hills  end.  Of  these  hills,  that  which  con- 
tains the  upper  city  is  much  higher,  and 
in  length  more  direct.  Accordingly,  it 
was  called  the  "  Citadel"  by  King  Da- 
vid ;  he  was  the  father  of  that  Solomon 
who  built  this  temple  at  the  first;  but  it 
is  by  us  called  the  u  Upper  Market-place." 
Rut  the  other  hill,  which  was  called 
"  Acra,"  and  sustains  the  lower  city,  is  of 
the  shape  of  a  moon  when  she  is  horned; 
over  against  this  was  a  third  hill,  but  na- 
turally lower  than  Acra,  and  parted  for- 
merly from  the  other  by  a  broad  valley. 
However,  in  those  times  when  the  Asa- 
moneans  reigned,  they  filled  up  that  valley 
with  earth,  and  had  a  mind  to  join  the 
city  to  the  temple.  They  then  took  off 
part  of  the  height  of  Acra,  and  red 
it  to  be  of  less  elevation  than  it  was  be- 
fore, that  the  temple  might  be  superior  to 
it.  Now  the  Valley  of  the  Cheesemon- 
gers, as  it  was  called,  and  was  that  which 
we  told  you  before  distinguished  the  hill 
of  the  upper  city  from  that  of  the  lower, 
extended  as  far  as  Siloam  ;  for  that  is  the 
name  of  a  fountain  which  hath  sweet 
water  in  it,  and  this  in  great  plenty  also. 
Rut  on  the  outsides,  these  hills  are  sur- 
rounded by  deep  valleys,  and  by  reason 
of  the  precipices  to  them  belonging  on 
both  sides,  they  are  every  where  impassable. 

Now,  of  these  three  walls,  the  old  one 
was  hard  to  be  taken,  both  by  reason  of  the 
valleys,  and  of  that  hill  on  which  it  was 
built,  aud  which  was  above  them.  Rut 
besides  that  great  advantage,  as  to  the 
place  where  they  were  situated,  it  was  also 
built  very  strong;  because  David  and 
Solomon,  and  the  following  kings,  were 
very  zealous  about  this  work.  Now  that 
wall  began  on  the  north,  at  the  tower 
called  "  Hippicus,"  aud  extended  as   far 


326 


AVARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V 


as  the  "  Xistus,"  a  place  so  called,  and 
then,  joining  to  the  council-house,  ended 
at  the  west  cloister  of  the  temple.  But 
if  we  go  the  other  way  westward,  it  began 
at  the  same  place,  and  extended  through  a 
place  called  "  Bethso,"  to  the  gate  of  the 
Essenes;  and  after  that  it  went  southward, 
having  its  bending  above  the  fountain  Si- 
loam,  where  it  also  bends  again  toward 
the  east  at  Solomon's  Pool,  and  reaches  as 
far  as  a  certain  place  which  they  called 
"  Ophlas,"  where  it  was  joined  to  the 
eastern  cloisters  of  the  temple.  The  se- 
cond wall  took  its  beginning  from  that 
gate  which  they  called  "  Gennath,"  which 
belonged  to  the  first  wall ;  it  only  encom- 
passed the  northern  quarter  of  the  city, 
and  reached  as  far  as  the  tower  Antonia. 
The  beginning  of  the  third  wall  was  at 
the  tower  Hippicus,  whence  it  reached  as 
far  as  the  north  quarter  of  the  city,  and 
the  tower  Psephinus,  and  then  was  so  far 
extended  till  it  came  over  against  the  mo- 
numents of  Helena,  which  Helena  was 
queen  of  Adiabene,  the  daughter  of  Izates : 
it  then  extended  farther  to  a  great  length, 
and  passed  by  the  sepulchral  caverns  of 
the  kings,  and  bent  again  at  the  tower  of 
the  corner,  at  the  monument  which  is 
called  the  "  Monument  of  the  Fuller," 
and  joined  to  the  old  wall  at  the  valley 
called  the  "  Valley  of  Cedron."  It  was 
Agrippa  who  encompassed  the  parts  added 
to  the  old  city  with  this  wall,  which  had 
been  all  naked  before  ;  for  as  the  city  grew 
more  populous,  it  gradually  crept  beyond 
its  own  limits,  and  those  parts  of  it  that 
stood  northward  of  the  temple,  and  joined 
that  hill  to  the  city,  made  it  considerably 
larger,  and  occasioned  that  hill,  which  is  in 
number  the  fourth,  and  is  called  "  Bezc- 
tha,"  to  be  inhabited  also.  It  lies  over 
against  the  tower  Antonia,  but  is  divided 
from  it  by  a  deep  valley,  which  was  dug 
on  purpose,  and  that  in  order  to  hinder  the 
foundations  of  the  tower  of  Antonia  from 
joining  to  this  hill,  and  thereby  affording 
an  opportunity  for  getting  to  it  with  ease, 
and  hindering  the  security  that  arose  from 
its  superior  elevation  ;  for  which  reason 
also  that  depth  of  the  ditch  made  the 
elevation  of  the  towers  more  remarkable. 
This  new-built  part  of  the  city  was  called 
"  Bczetha,"  in  our  language,  which,  if  in- 
terpreted in  the  Grecian  language,  may  be 
called  "  the  New  City."  Since,  there- 
fore, its  inhabitants  stood  in  need  of  a 
covering,  the  father  of  the  present  king, 
and  of  the  same  name  with  him,  Agrippa, 


began  that  wall  we  spoke  of;  but  he  left 
off  building  it  when  he  had  only  laid  the 
foundation,  out  of  the  fear  he  was  in  of 
Claudius  Cassar,  lest  he  should  suspect 
that  so  strong  a  wall  was  built  in  order  to 
make  some  innovation  in  public  affairs ; 
for  the  city  could  noway  have  been  taken 
if  that  wall  had  been  finished  in  the  man- 
ner it  was  begun ;  as  its  parts  were  con- 
nected together  by  stones  twenty  cubits 
long,  and  ten  cubits  broad,  which  could 
never  have  either  been  easily  undermined 
by  any  iron  tools,  or  shaken  by  any  en- 
gines. The  wall  was,  however,  ten  cubits 
wide,  and  it  would  probably  have  had  a 
height  greater  than  that,  had  not  his  zeal 
who  began  it  been  hindered  from  exerting 
itself.  After  this  it  was  erected  with 
great  diligence  by  the  Jews  as  high  as 
twenty  cubits,  above  which  it  had  battle- 
ments of  two  cubits,  and  turrets  of  three 
cubits  altitude,  insomuch  that  the  entire 
altitude  extended  as  far  as  twenty-five 
cubits. 

Now  the  towers  that  were  upon  it  were 
twenty  cubits  in  breadth,  and  twenty  cu- 
bits in  height;  they  were  square  and 
solid,  as  was  the  wall  itself,  wherein  the 
niceness  of  the  joints  and  the  beauty  of 
the  stones  were  noway  inferior  to  those 
of  the  holy  house  itself.  Above  this 
solid  altitude. of  the  towers,  which  was 
twenty  cubits,  there  were  rooms  of  great 
magnificence,  and  over  them  upper  rooms, 
and  cisterns  to  receive  rain-water.  They 
were  many  in  number,  and  the  steps  by  • 
which  you  ascended  up  to  them  were  every 
one  broad  ;  of  these  towers  then  the  third 
wall  had  ninety,  and  the  spaces  between 
them  were  each  200  cubits;  but  in  the 
middle  wall  were  forty  towers,  and  the 
old  wall  was  parted  into  sixty,  while  the 
whole  compass  of  the  city  was  thirty-three 
furlongs.  Now  the  third  wall  was  all  of 
it  wonderful ;  yet  was  the  tower  Psephinus 
elevated  above  it  at  the  north-west  corner, 
and  there  Titus  pitched  his  own  tent;  for 
being  seventy  cubits  high,  it  both  afforded 
a  prospect  of  Ai-abia  at  sunrising,  as  well 
as  it  did  of  the  utmost  limits  of  the  He- 
brew possessions  at  the  sea  westward. 
Moreover,  it  was  an  octagon,  and  over 
against  it  was  the  tower  Hippicus;  and 
hard  by  two  others  were  erected  by  King 
Herod,  in  the  old  wall.  These  were,  for 
largeness,  beauty,  and  strength,  beyond 
all  that  were  in  the  habitable  earth ;  for 
besides  the  magnanimity  of  bis  nature, 
and  his  magnificence  toward  the  city  on 


Chap.  IV.] 

other  occasions,  he  built  these  after  such 
an  extraordinary  manner,  to  gratify  his 
own  private  affections,  and  dedicated  these 
towers  to  the  memory  of  those  three  per- 
sons who  had  been  the  dearest  to  him, 
and  from  whom  be  named  them.  They 
were  bis  brother,  his  friend,  and  his  wife. 
This  wife  he  had  slain,  out  of  his  love 
[and  jealousy],  as  we  have  already  related ; 
the  other  two  he  lost  in  war,  as  they  were 
courageously  fighting.  Hippicus,  so  named 
from  his  friend,  was  square;  its  length 
and  breadth  were  each  twenty-five  cubits, 
and  its  height  thirty,  and  it  had  no  vacuity 
in  it.  Over  this  solid  building,  which 
was  composed  of  great  stones  united  to- 
gether, there  was  a  reservoir  twenty  cubits 
deep,  over  which  there  was  a  house  of 
two  stories,  whose  height  was  twenty-five 
cubits,  and  divided  into  several  parts ; 
over  which  were  battlements  of  two  cu- 
bits, aud  turrets  all  round  of  three  cubits 
high,  insomuch  that  the  entire  height  add- 
ed together  amounted  to  fourscore  cubits. 
The  second  tower,  which  he  named  from 
his  brother  Phasaelus,  had  its  breadth  and 
its  height  equal,  each  of  them  forty  cu- 
bits ;  over  which  was  its  solid  height  of 
forty  cubits ;  over  which  a  cloister  went 
rouud  about,  whose  height  was  ten  cubits, 
and  it  was  covered  from  enemies  by 
breastworks  and  bulwarks.  There  was 
also  built  over  that  cloister  another  tower, 
parted  into  magnificent  rooms  and  a  place 
for  bathing;  so  that  this  tower  wanted 
nothing  that  might  make  it  appear  to  be 
a  royal  palace.  It  was  also  adorned  with 
battlements  and  turrets,  more  than  was  the 
foregoing,  and  the  entire  altitude  was  about 
ninety  cubits;  the  appearance  of  it  re- 
sembled the  tower  of  Pharos,  which  ex- 
hibited a  fire  to  such  as  sailed  to  Alexan- 
dria, but  was  much  larger  than  it  in  com- 
pass. This  was  now  converted  to  a  house, 
wherein  Simon  exercised  his  tyrannical 
authority.  The  third  tower  was  Mariamne, 
for  that  was  his  queen's  name;  it  was  solid 
as  high  as  twenty  cubits;  its  breadth  and 
its  length  were  twenty  cubits,  and  were 
equal  to  each  other;  its  upper  buildings 
were  more  magnificent,  and  had  greater 
variety  than  the  other  towers  had;  .for 
the -king  thought  it  most  proper  for  him 
to  adorn  that  which  was  denominated  from 
his  wife,  better  than  those  denominated 
from  men,  as  those  were  built  stronger 
than  this  that  bore  his  wife's  name.  The 
entire  height  of  this  tower  was  fifty  cubits. 
Xow  as  these  towers  were  so  very  tall, 


WARS   OF    THE    JEWS. 


327 


they  appeared  much  taller  by  the  place 
on  which  they  stood;  for  that  very  old 
wall  wherein  they  were,  was  built  on  a 
high  hill,  and  was  itself  a  kind  of  elevation 
that  was  still  thirty  cubits  taller;  over 
which  were  the  towers  situated,  and  there- 
by were  made  much  higher  to  appearance. 
The  largeness  also  of  the  stones  was  wonder- 
ful, for  they  were  not  made  of  common 
small  stones,  nor  of  such  large  ones  only 
as  men  could  carry,  but  they  were  of 
white  marble,  cut  out  of  the  rock  ;  each 
stone  was  twenty  cubits  in  length,  and 
ten  in  breadth,  and  five  in  depth.  They 
were  so  exactly  united  to  one  another, 
that  each  tower  looked  like  one  entire  rock 
of  stone,  so  growing  naturally,  and  after- 
ward cut  by  the  hands  of  the  artificers 
into  their  present  shape  and  corners;  so 
little  or  not  at  all  did  their  joints  or  con- 
nection appear.  Now  as  these  towers 
were  themselves  on  the  north  side  of  the 
wall,  the  king  had  a  palace  inwardly 
thereto  adjoined,  which  exceeds  all  my 
ability  to  describe  it;  for  it  was  so  very 
curious  as  to  want  no  cost  or  skill  in  its 
construction,  but  was  entirely  walled 
about  to  the  height  of  thirty  cubits,  and 
was  adorned  with  towers  at  equal  dis- 
tances, and  with  large  bedchambers,  that 
would  contain  beds  for  100  guests  apiece, 
in  which  the  variety  of  the  stones  is  not 
to  be  expressed ;  for  a  large  quantity  of 
those  that  were  rare  of  that  kind  was  col- 
lected together.  Their  roofs  were  also 
wonderful,  both  for  the  length  of  the 
beams  and  the  splendour  of  their  orna- 
ments. The  number  of  the  rooms  was 
also  very  great,  aud  the  variety  of  the 
figures  that  were  about  them  was  prodi- 
gious ;  their  furniture  was  complete,  and 
the  greatest  part  of  the  vessels  that  were 
put  in  them  was  of  silver  and  gold.  There 
were  besides  many  porticoes,  one  beyond 
another,  round  about,  and  in  each  of  these 
porticoes  curious  pillars;  yet  were  all  the 
courts  that  were  exposed  to  the  air  every- 
where green.  There  were,  moreover,  seve- 
ral groves  of  trees,  and  long  walks  through 
them,  with  deep  canals  and  cisterns,  that 
in  several  parts  were  filled  with  brazen 
statues,  through  which  the  water  ran  out. 
There  were  withal  many  dove-courts*  of 


*  These  dove-courts  in  Josephus,  buill  by  Hen  I 
the  Great,  are,  in  the  opinion  of  Roland,  the  very 
same  that  axe  mentioned  by  the  Talmudista,  and 
named  by  them  "  Herod's  dove-court.-."  Nor  is 
there  any  reason  to  suppose  otherwise,  since,  in 
both  accounts,  they  were  expressly  tame  vigeona 
which  were  kept  in  them. 


328 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[BookT. 


tame  pigeons  about  the  canals ;  but,  indeed, 
it  is  not  possible  to  give  a  complete  de- 
scription of  these  palaces;  and  the  very 
remembrance  of  them  is  a  torment  to  one, 
as  putting  one  in  mind  what  vastly  rich 
buildings  that  fire  which  was  kindled  by 
the  robbers  hath  cousumed  ;  for  these  were 
not  burned  by  the  Romans,  but  by  these 
iuternal  plotters,  as  we  have  already  re- 
lated, in  the  beginning  of  their  rebellion. 
That  fire  began  at  the  tower  of  Antonia, 
and  went  on  to  the  palaces,  and  consumed 
the  upper  parts  of  the  three  towers  them- 
selves.   

CHAPTER  V. 

Desci-iption  of  the  Temple. 

Now7  this  temple,  as  I  have  already  said, 
was  built  upon  a  strong  hill.  At  first  the 
plain  at  the  top  was  hardly  sufficient  for 
the  holy  house  and  the  altar,  for  the 
ground  about  it  was  very  uneven,  and  like 
a  precipice;  but  when  King  Solomon, 
who  was  the  person  that  built  the  temple, 
had  built  a  wall  to  it  on  its  east  side, 
there  was  then  added  one  cloister  founded 
on  a  bank  cast  up  for  it,  and  on  the  other 
parts  the  holy  house  stood  naked;  but  in 
future  ages  the  people  added  new  banks, 
and  the  hill  became  a  larger  plain.  They 
then  broke  down  the  wall  on  the  north 
side,  and  took  in  as  much  as  sufficed  after- 
ward for  the  compass  of  the  entire  tem- 
ple ;  and  when  they  had  built  walls  on 
three  sides  of  the  temple  round  about, 
from  the  bottom  of  the  hill,  and  had  per- 
formed a  work  that  was  greater  than  could 
be  hoped  for,  (in  which  work  long  ages 
were  spent  by  them,  as  well  as  all  their  sa- 
cred treasures  were  exhausted,  which  were 
still  replenished  by  those  tributes  which 
were  sent  to  God  from  the  whole  habita- 
ble earth,)  they  then  encompassed  their 
upper  courts  with  cloisters  as  well  as  they 
[afterward]  did  the  lowest  [court  of  the] 
temple.  The  lowest  part  of  this  was 
erected  to  the  height  of  300  cubits,  and  in 
some  places  more  ;  yet  did  not  the  entire 
depth  of  the  foundations  appear,  for  they 
brought  earth,  and  tilled  up  the  valleys, 
as  being  desirous  to  make  them  on  a  level 
with  the  narrow  streets  of  the  city;  where- 
in they  made  use  of  stones  of  forty  cubits 
in  magnitude ;  for  the  great  plenty  of 
money  they  then  had,  and  the  liberality  of 
the  people,  made  this  attempt  of  theirs  to 
succeed  to  an  incredible  degree  ;  and  what 
could  not  be  so  much  as  hoped  for  as  ever 


to  be  accomplished,  was  by  perseverance 
and  length  of  time  brought  to  perfection. 
Now,  for  the  works  that  were  above 
these  foundations,  these  were  not  unworthy 
of  such  foundations ;  for  all  the  cloisters 
were  double,  and  the  pillars  to  them  be- 
longing were  twenty-five  cubits  in  height, 
and  supported  the  cloisters.  These  pillars 
were  of  one  entire  stone  each  of  them,  and 
that  stone  was  white  marble;  and  the 
roofs  were  adorned  with  cedar,  curiously 
graven.  The  natural  magnificence,  and 
excellent  polish,  and  the  harmony  of  the 
joints  in  these  cloisters,  afforded  a  prospect 
that  was  very  remarkable;  nor  was  it  on 
the  outside  adorned  with  any  work  of  the 
painter  or  engraver.  The  cloisters  [of  the 
utmost  court]  were  in  breadth  thirty  cu- 
bits, while  the  entire  compass  of  it  was,  by 
measure,  six  furlongs,  including  the  tower 
of  Antonia ;  those  entire  courts  that  were 
exposed  to  the  air  were  laid  with  stones 
of  all  sorts.  When  you  go  through  these 
[first]  cloisters,  unto  the  second  [court  of 
the]  temple,  there  was  a  partition  made 
of  stone  all  round,  whose  height  was  three 
cubits:  its  construction  was  very  elegant; 
upon  it  stood  pillars,  at  equal  distances 
from  one  another,  declaring  the  law  of  pu- 
rity, some  in  Greek,  and  some  in  Roman 
letters,  that  "  no  foreigner  should  go  with- 
in that  sanctuary ;"  for  that  second  [court 
of  the]  temple  was  called  "  the  Sanctua- 
ry," and  was  ascended  to  by  fourteen  steps 
from  the  first  court.  This  court  was  four- 
square, and  had  a  wall  about  it  peculiar  to 
itself ;  the  height  of  its  buildings,  although 
it  was  on  the  outside  .forty  cubits,*  was 
hidden  by  the  steps,  and  on  the  inside  that 
height  was  but  twenty-five  cubits ;  for  it 
being  built  over  against  a  higher  part  of 
the  hill  with  steps,  it  was  no  further  to  be 
entirely  discerned  within,  being  covered 
by  the  bill  itself.  Beyond  these  fourteen 
steps  there  was  the  distance  of  ten  cubits: 


*  What  Josephus  seems  here  to  mean  is  this  : — 
That  these  pillars,  supporting  the  cloisters  in  the  se- 
cond court,  had  their  foundations  or  lowest  parts  as 
deep  as  the  floor  of  the  first  or  lowest  court ;  hut 
that  so  far  of  those  lowest  parts  as  were  equal  to  the 
elevation  of  the  upper  floor  above  the  lowest,  were, 
and  must  be,  hidden  on  the  inside  by  the  ground 
or  rock  itself,  on  which  that  upper  court  was  built: 
so  that  forty  cubits  visible  below,  were  reduced  to 
twenty-five  visible  above,  and  implies  the  differ- 
ence of  their  heights  to  be  fifteen  cubits.  The  main 
difficulty  lies  here,  how  fourteen  or  fifteen  steps 
should  give  an  ascent  of  fifteen  cubits,  half  a  cubit 
seeming  sufficient  for  a  single  step.  Possibly  there 
were  fourteen  or  fifteen  steps  at  the  partition-wall, 
and  fourteen  or  fifteen  more  thence  into  the  court  it- 
self, which  would  bring  the  whole  near  to  the  just 
proportion. 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


this  was  all  plain,  whence  there  were  other 
steps,  each  of  five  cubits  apiece,  that  led 
to  the  gates,  which  gates  on  the  north  and 
sides  were  eight,  on  each  of  those  sides 
four,  and  of  necessity  two  on  the  east ; 
for  since  there  was  a  partition  built  for 
the  women  on  that  side,  as  the  proper  place 
wherein  they  were  to  worship,  there  was  a 
necessity  of  a  second  gate  for  them  :  this 
gate  was  cut  out  of  its  wall,  over  against 
the  first  gate.  There  was  also  on  the 
other  sides  one  southern  and  one  northern 
gate,  through  which  was  a  passage  into 
the  court  of  the  women;  for  as  to  the  other 
gates,  the  women  were  not  allowed  to  pass 
through  them ;  nor  when  they  went 
through  their  own  gate  could  they  go  be- 
yond their  own  wall.  This  place  was  al- 
lotted to  the  women  of  our  own  country, 
and  of  other  countries,  provided  they  were 
of  the  same  nation,  and  that  equally;  the 
western  part  of  this  court  had  no  gate  at 
all,  but  the  wall  was  built  entire  on  that 
side ;  but  then  the  cloisters  which  were  be- 
twixt the  gates  extended  from  the  wall 
inward,  before  the  chambers;  for  they 
were  supported  by  very  fine  and  large 
pillars.  These  cloisters  were  single, 
and,  excepting  their  magnitude,  were 
noway  inferior  to  those  of  the  lower 
court. 

Now  nine  of  these  gates  were  on  every 
side  covered  over  with  gold  and  silver,  as 
were  the  jambs  of  their  doors  and  their 
lintels;  but  there  was  one  gate  that  was 
without  [the  iuward  court  of]  the  holy 
house,  which  was  of  Corinthian  brass,  and 
greatly  excelled  those  that  were  only  co- 
vered over  with  silver  ami  gold.  Each  gate 
had  two  doors,  whose  height  was  severally 
thirty  cubits,  and  their  breadth  fifteen. 
However,  they  had  large  spaces  within  of 
thirty  cubits,  and  had  on  each  side  rooms, 
and  those,  both  in  breadth  and  in  length, 
built  like  towers,  and  their  height  was 
above  forty  cubits.  Two  pillars  did  also 
support  these  rooms,  and  were  in  circum- 
ference twelve  cubits.  Now  the  magni- 
tudes of  the  other  gates  were  equal  one 
to  another;  but  that  over  the  Corinthian 
gate,  which  opened  on  the  east  over  against 
the  gate  of  the  holy  house  itself,  was  much 
larger;  for  its  height  was  fifty  cubits;  and 
its  doors  were  forty  cubits ;  and  it  was 
adorned  after  a  most  costly  manner,  as 
having  much  richer  and  thicker  plates  of 
silver  and  gold  upon  them  than  the  other. 
These  nine  gates  had  that  silver  and  gold 
poured  upon  them  by  Alexander,  the  fa- 


ther of  Tiberius.     Now  there  were  fifteen 
steps,  which  led  away  from  the  wall  of  the 
court  of  the  women  to  this  greater 
whereas  those  that  led  thither  from  the 
other  gates  were  five  steps  shorter. 

As  to  the  holy  house  itself,  which  was 
placed  in  the  midst  [of  the  inmost  court] 
that  most  sacred  part  of  the  temple,  it 
was  ascended  by  twelve  steps ;  and  in 
front  its  height  and  its  breadth  were 
equal,  and  each  100  cubits,  though  it  was 
behind  forty  cubits  narrower ;  for  on  its 
front  it  had  what  may  be  styled  shoul- 
ders on  each  side,  that  passed  twenty  cu- 
bits farther.  Its  first  gate  was  seventy 
cubits  high,  and  twenty-five  cubits  broad; 
but  this  gate  had  no  doors ;  for  it  repre- 
sented the  universal  visibility  of  heaven, 
and  that  it  cannot  be  excluded  from  any 
place.  Its  front  was  covered  with  gold 
all  over,  and  through  it  the  first  part  of 
the  house,  that  was  more  iuward,  did  all 
of  it  appear;  which,  as  it  was  very  large, 
so  did  all  the  parts  about  the  more  inward 
gate  appear  to  shine  to  those  that  saw 
them ;  but  then,  as  the  entire  house  was 
divided  into  two  parts  within,  it  was  only 
the  first  part  of  it  that  was  open  to  our  view. 
Its  height  extended  all  along  to  ninety 
cubits  in  height,  and  its  length  was  fifty 
cubits,  and  its  breadth  twenty  ;  but  that 
gate  which  was  at  this  end  of  the  first 
part  of  the  house,  was,  as  we  have  already 
observed,  all  over  covered  with  gold,  as 
was  its  whole  wall  about  it :  it  had  also 
golden  vines  above  it,  from  which  clusters 
of  grapes  hung  as  tall  as  a  man's  height; 
but  then  this  house,  as  it  was  divided  into 
two  parts,  the  inner  part  was  lower  than 
the  appearance  of  the  outer,  and  had 
golden  doors  of  fifty-five  cubits  altitude,  and 
sixteen  in  breadth  ;  but  before  these  doors 
there  was  a  vail  of  equal  largeness  with  the 
doors.  It  was  a  Babylonian  curtain,  embroi- 
dered with  blue,  and  fine  linen,  and  scarlet, 
and  purple,  and  of  a  contexture  that  was 
truly  wonderful.  Nor  was  this  mixture  of 
colours  without  its  mystical  interpretation, 
but  was  a  kind  of  image  of  the  universe; 
for  by  the  scarlet  there  seemed  to  be  enig- 
matically signified  fire,  by  the  fine  flax  the 
earth,  by  the  blue  the  air,  and  by  the  pur- 
ple the  sea ;  two  of  them  having  their 
colours  the  foundation  of  this  resemblance ; 
but  the  fine  flax  and  the  purple  have  their 
own  origin  for  that  foundation,  the  earth 
producing  the  one,  and  the  sea  the  other. 
This  curtain  had  also  embroidered  upon  it 
all  that  was  mystical  in  the  heavens,  ex- 


530 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


TBook  V 


eepting  that  of  the  [twelve]  signs,  repre- 
senting living  creatures. 

When  any  person  entered  into  the  tem- 
ple, its  floor  received  them.  This  part  of 
the  temple,  therefore,  was  in  height  sixty 
cubits,  and  its  length  the  same  ;  whereas 
its  breadth  was  but  twenty  cubits:  but 
still  that  sixty  cubits  in  length  was  di- 
vided again,  and  the  first  part  of  it  cut  off 
at  forty  cubits,  and  had  in  it  three  things 
that  were  very  wonderful  and  famous 
among  ail  mankind  ;  the  candlestick,  the 
table  [of  show-bread],  and  the  altar  of 
incense.  Now,  the  seven  lamps  signified 
the  seven  planets ;  for  so  many  there  were 
springing  out  of  the  candlestick.  Now, 
the  twelve  loaves  that  were  upon  the  table 
signified  the  circle  of  the  zodiac  and  the 
year ;  but  the  altar  of  incense,  by  its 
thirteen  kinds  of  sweet-smelling  spices 
with  which  the  sea  replenished  it,  signified 
that  God  is  the  possessor  of  all  things 
that  are  both  in  the  uninhabitable  and 
habitable  parts  of  the  earth,  and  that  they 
are  all  to  be  dedicated  to  his  use.  But 
the  inmost  part  of  the  temple  of  all  was 
of  twenty  cubits.  This  was  also  separated 
from  the  outer  part  by  a  vail.  In  this 
there  was  nothing  at  all.  It  was  inacces- 
sible and  inviolable,  and  not  to  be  seen  by 
any;  and  was  called  the  Holy  of  Holies. 
Now,  about  the  sides  of  the  lower  part 
of  the  temple  there  were  little  houses, 
with  passages  out  of  one  into  another ; 
there  were  a  great  many  of  them,  and 
they  were  of  three  stories  high ;  there 
were  also  entrances  on  each  side  into  them 
from  the  gate  of  the  temple.  But  the 
superior  part  of  the  temple  had  no  such 
little  houses  any  farther,  because  the  tem- 
ple was  there  narrower,  and  forty  cubits 
higher,  and  of  a  smaller  body  than  the 
lower  parts  of  it.  Thus  we  collect  that 
the  whole  height,  including  the  sixty 
cubits  from  the  floor,  amounted  to  100 
cubits. 

Now  the  outward  face  of  the  temple  in 
its  front  wanted  nothing  that  was  likely  to 
surprise  either  men's  minds  or  their  eyes  : 
for  it  was  covered  all  over  with  plates  of 
gold  of  great  weight,  and,  at  the  first 
rising  of  the  sun,  reflected  back  a  very 
fiery  splendour,  and  made  those  who  forced 
them.selves  to  look  upon  it  to  turn  their 
eyes  away,  just  as  they  would  have  done 
at  the  sun's  own  rays.  But  this  temple 
appeared  to  strangers,  when  they  were  at 
a  distance,  like  a  mountain  covered  with 
snow  ;  for  as  to  those  parts  of  it  that  were 


not  gilt,  they  were  exceeding  white.  On 
its  top  it  had  spikes  with  sharp  points,  to 
prevent  any  pollution  of  it  by  birds  sit- 
ting upon  it.  Of  its  stones,  some  of 
them  were  forty-five  cubits  in  length,  five 
in  height,  and  six  in  breadth.  Before 
this  temple  stood  the  altar,  fifteen  cubits 
high,  and  equal  both  in  length  and 
breadth;  each  of  which  dimensions  was 
fifty  cubits.  The  figure  it  was  built  in 
was  a  square,  and  it  had  corners  like 
horns ;  and  the  passage  up  to  it  was  by 
an  insensible  acclivity.  It  was  formed 
without  any  iron  tool,  nor  did  any  such 
iron  tool  so  much  as  touch  it  at  any  time. 
There  was  a  wall  of  partition,  about  a 
cubit  in  height,  made  of  fine  stones,  and  so 
as  to  be  grateful  to  the  sight ;  this  en- 
compassed the  holy  house  and  the  altar, 
and  kept  the  people  that  were  on  the  out- 
side off  from  the  priests.  Moreover, 
those  that  had  the  gonorrhoea  and  the  le- 
prosy were  excluded  out  of  the  city  en- 
tirely; women  also,  when  in  an  impure 
state,  were  shut  out  of  the  temple ;  nor  when 
they  were  free  from  that  impurity  were 
they  allowed  to  go  beyond  the  limit  be- 
fore mentioned;  men  also  that  were  not 
thoroughly  pure  were  prohibited  to  come 
into  the  inner  [court  of  the]  temple  ;  nay, 
the  priests  themselves  that  were  not  pure 
were  prohibited  to  come  into  it  also. 

Now  all  those  of  the  stock  of  the  priests 
that  could  not  minister  by  reason  of  some 
defect  in  their  bodies,  came  within  the 
partition  together  with  those  that  had  no 
such  imperfection,  and  had  their  share 
with  them  by  reason  of  their  stock,  but 
still  made  use  of  none  except  their  own 
private  garments ;  for  nobody  but  he  that 
officiated  had  on  his  sacred  garments ;  but 
then  these  priests  that  were  without  any 
blemish  upon  them,  went  up  to  the  altar 
clothed  in  fine  linen.  They  abstained 
chiefly  from  wine,  out  of  this  fear,  lest 
otherwise  they  should  transgress  some 
rules  of  their  ministration.  The  high 
priest  did  also  go  up  with  them ;  not  al- 
ways indeed,  but  on  the  seventh  days  and 
new  moons,  and  if  any  festivals  belonging 
to  our  nation,  which  we  celebrate  every 
year,  happened.  When  he  officiated,  he 
had  on  a  pair  of  breeches  that  reached 
beneath  his  privy  parts  to  his  thighs,  and 
had  on  an  inner  garment  of  linen,  together 
with  a  blue  garment,  round,  without  seam, 
with  fringe-work,  and  reaching  to  the 
feet.  There  were  also  golden  bells  that 
hung  upon  the  fringes,  the  pomegranates 


Chap.  VI.] 

intermixed  among  them.     The  bells  sig- 
nified   thunder,   and    the    pomegranates 
lightning.     But  that  girdle  that  tied  the 
garment  to  the   breast  was  embroidered 
with  five  rows  of  various  colours  of  gold, 
and  purple,  and   scarlet,  as  also  of  fine 
linen  and  blue;  with  which  colours,  we 
told  you  before,  the  vails  of  the  temple 
were  embroidered  also.     The  like  embroi- 
dery was  upon  the  ephod ;  but  the  quan- 
tity of  gold  therein  was  greater.    Its  figure 
was  that  of  a  stomacher  for  the  breast. 
There  were  upon  it  two  golden  buttons 
like    small    shields,  which   buttoned  the 
ephod  to  the  garment:  in  these  buttons 
were  enclosed  two  very   large  and   very 
excellent   sardorjyxes,    having  the  names 
of  the  tribes  of  that  nation  engraved  upon 
them  :  on  the  other  part  were  hung  twelve 
stones,  three  in  a  row  one  way,  and  four 
in  the  other;  a  sardius,  a  topaz,  and  an 
emerald  :  a  carbuncle,  a  jasper,  and  a  sap- 
phire :  an  agate,  an  amethyst,  and  a  li- 
gure  :  an  onyx,  a  beryl,  and  a  chrysolite  : 
upon  every  one  of  which  was  again  en- 
graved one  of  the  before-mentioned  names 
of  the  tribes.     A  mitre  also  of  fine  linen 
encompassed  his  head,  which  was  tied  by 
a  blue  riband,  about  which  there  was  an- 
Other    golden   crown,   in   which    was    en- 
graven the  sacred  name  [of  God]  :  it  con- 
sists of  four  vowels.     However,  the  high 
priest   did    not  wear   these    garments    at 
other  times,  but  a  more  plain  habit;  he 
only  did  it  when  he  went  into  the  most 
sacred  part  of  the  temple,  which   he  did 
but  once  a  year,  on  that  day  when  our 
custom  is  for  all  of  us  to  keep  a  fast  to 
God.    And  thus  much  concerning  the  city 
and  the  temple ;  but  for  the  customs  and 
laws  hereto  relating,  we  shall  speak  more 
accurately  another  time  ;  for  there  remain 
a    great    many    things    thereto    relating, 
which  have  not  been  here  touched  upon. 
Now,  as  to  the  tower  of  Antonia,  it  was 
situated  at  the  corner  of  two  cloisters  of 
the  court  of  the  temple;  of  that  on  the 
west,    and    that   on    the    north ;    it    was 
erected   upon  a   rock   of  fifty   cubits   in 
height,  and  was  on  a  great  precipice;  it 
was  the  wcrk  of  King  Herod,  wherein  he 
demonstrated    his    natural    magnanimity. 
In  the  first  place,  the  rock  itself  was  co- 
vered over  with  smooth  pieces  of  stone, 
from   its  foundation,  both   for  ornament, 
and  that  any  one  who  would  either  try  to 
get  up  or  go  down  it,  might  not  be  able 
to  hold  his  feet  upon  it.     Next  to  this, 
and  before  you  come  to  the  edifice  of  the 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


8    1 


tower  itself,  tnere  was  a  wall  three  cubits 
high;  but  within  that  wall  all  the  Bpace 
of  the  tower  of  Antonia  itself  was  built 
upon,  to  the  height  of  forty  cubits.  The 
inward  parts  had  the  largeness  and  form 
of  a  palace,  it  being  parted  into  all  kinds 
of  rooms  and  other  conveniences,  such  as 
courts,  and  places  for  bathing,  and  broad 
B paces  for  camps ;  insomuch  that,  by  hav- 
ing all  conveniences  that  cities  wanted,  it 
might  seem  to  be  composed  of  several 
cities,  but,  by  its  magnificence,  it  seemed 
a  palace;  and,  as  the  entire  structure  re- 
sembled that  of  a  tower,  it  contained  also 
four  other  distinct  towers  at  its  four  cor- 
ners; whereof  the  others  were  but  fifty 
cubits  high  ;  whereas  that  which  lay  upon 
the  south-east  corner  was  seventy  cubits 
high,  that  from  thence  the  whole  temple 
might  be  viewed  ;  but  on  the  corner  where 
it  joined  to  the  two  cloisters  of  the  tem- 
ple, it  had  passages  down  to  them  both, 
through  which  the  guard  (for  there  al- 
ways lay  in  this  tower  a  Roman  legion) 
went  several  ways  among  the  cloisters, 
with  their  arms,  on  the  Jewish  festivals, 
in  order  to  watch  the  people,  that  they 
might  not  there  attempt  to  make  any  in- 
novations;  for  the  temple  was  a  fortress 
that  guarded  the  city,  as  was  the  tower 
of  Antonia  a  guard  to  the  temple;  and  in 
that  tower  were  the  guards  of  those  three.* 
There  was  also  a  peculiar  fortress -belong- 
ing to  the  upper  city,  which  was  Herod's 
palace  ;  but  for  the  hill  of  Bezctha,  it  was 
divided  from  the  tower  of  Antonia,  as  we 
have  already  told  you;  and  as  that  hill 
on  which  the  tower  of  Antonia  stood  was 
the  highest  of  these  three,  so  did  it  ad- 
join to  the  new  city,  and  was  the  only 
place  that  hindered  the  sight  of  the  tem- 
ple on  the  north.  And  this  shall  suffice 
at  present  to  have  spoken  about  the  city 
and  the  walls  about  it,  because  I  have  pro- 
posed to  myself  to  make  a  more  accurate 
description  of  it  elsewhere. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Titus  continues  the  siege  vigorously. 

Now  the  warlike  men  that  were  in  the 
city,  and  the  multitude  of  the  seditious 
that  were  with  Simon,  were  10,000,  be- 
sides the  Idumeaus.     Those  10,000  had 


*  These  three  guards  that  lay  in  the  tower  of 
Antonia  must  ho  those  that  guarded  the  city,  the 
temple,  and  the  tower  of  Antonia. 


S32 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[BookV. 


fifty  commanders,  over  whom  this  Simon 
was  supreme.  The  Idumeans  that  paid 
him  homage  were  5000,  and  had  eight 
commanders,  among  whom  those  of  great- 
est fame  were  Jacob,  the  son  of  Sosas, 
and  Simon,  the  son  of  Cathlas.  John, 
who  had  seized  upon  the  temple,  had 
6000  armed  men,  under  twenty  com- 
manders ;  the  Zealots  also  that  had  come 
over  to  him,  and  left  off  their  opposition, 
were  2400,  and  had  the  same  commander 
that  they  had  formerly,  Eleazar,  together 
with  Simon,  the  son  of  Arinus.  Now,  while 
these  factions  fought  one  against  another, 
the  people  were  their  prey  on  both  sides, 
as  we  have  said  already  ;  and  that  part  of 
the  people  who  would  not  join  with  them 
in  their  wicked  practices  were  plundered 
by  both  factions.  Simon  held  the  upper 
city,  and  the  great  wall  as  far  as  Cedron, 
and  as  much  of  the  old  wall  as  bent  from 
Siloani  to  the  east,  and  which  went  down 
to  the  palace  of  Monobazus,  who  was 
king  of  the  Adiabeni,  beyond  Euphrates; 
he  also  held  that  fountain,  and  the  Acra, 
which  was  no  other  than  the  lower  city; 
he  also  held  all  that  reached  to  the  palace 
of  Queen  Helena,  the  mother  of  Mono- 
bazus:  but  John  held  the  temple,  and  the 
parts  thereto  adjoining,  for  a  great  way, 
as  also  Ophla,  and  the  valley  called  "the 
Valley  of  Cedron  ;"  and  when  the  parts 
that  were  interposed  between  their  pos- 
sessions were  burnt  by  them,  they  left  a 
space  wherein  they  might  fight  with  each 
other ;  for  this  internal  sedition  did  not 
cease  even  when  the  Romans  were  en- 
camped near  their  very  walls.  But  al- 
though they  had  grown  wiser  at  the  first 
onset  the  Romans  made  upon  them,  this 
lasted  but  a  while ;  for  they  returned  to 
their  former  madness,  and  separated  one 
from  another,  and  fought  it  out,  and  did 
every  thing  that  the  besiegers  could  desire 
them  to  do ;  for  they  never  suffered  any 
thing  that  was  worse  from  the  Romans 
than  they  made  each  other  suffer,  nor  was 
there  any  misery  endured  by  the  city  after 
these  men's  actions  that  could  be  esteemed 
new.  Rut  it  was  most  of  all  unhappy 
before  it  was  overthrown,  while  those  that 
took  it  did  it  a  greater  kindness ;  for  I 
venture  to  affirm,  that  the  sedition  de- 
stroyed the  city,  and  the  Romans  destroyed 
the  sedition,  which  was  a  much  harder 
thing  to  do  than  to  destroy  the  walls ;  so 
that  we  may  justly  ascribe  our  misfortunes 
to  our  own  people,  and  the  just  vengeance 
taken   on  them  to   the   Romans;    as  to 


which  matter  let  every  one  determine  by 
the  actions  on  both  sides. 

Now,  when  affairs  within  the  city  were 
in  this  posture,  Titus  went  round  the  city 
on  the  outside  with  some  chosen  horse- 
men, and  looked  about  for  a  proper  place 
where  he  might  make  an  impression  upon 
the  walls  ;  but  as  he  was  in  doubt  where 
he  could  possibly  make  an  attack  on  any 
side,  (for  the  place  was  noway  accessible 
where  the  valleys  were,  and  on  the  other 
side  the  first  wall  appeared  too  strong  to 
be  shaken  by  the  engines,)  he  thereupon 
thought  it  best  to  make  his  assault  upon 
the  monument  of  John  the  high  priest ; 
for  there  it  was  that  the  first  fortification 
was  lower,  and  the  second  was  not  joined 
to  it,  the  builders  neglecting  to  build  the 
wall  strong  where  the  new  city  was  not 
much  inhabited ;  here  also  was  an  easy 
passage  to  the  third  wall,  through  which 
he  thought  to  take  the  upper  city,  and, 
through  the  tower  of  Antonia,  the  temple 
itself.  But  at  this  time,  as  he  was  going 
round  about  the  city,  one  of  his  friends, 
whose  name  was  Nicanor,  was  wounded 
with  a  dart  on  his  left  shoulder,  as  he  ap- 
proached, together  with  Josephus,  too  near 
the  wall,  and  attempted  to  discourse  to 
those  that  were  upon  the  wall  about  terms 
of  peace ;  for  he  was  a  person  known  by 
them.  On  this  account  it  was  that  Cae- 
sar, as  soon  as  he  knew  their  vehemence, 
that  they  would  not  bear  even  such  as 
approached  them  to  persuade  them  to 
what  tended  to  their  own  preservation, 
was  provoked  to  press  on  the  siege.  He 
also  at  the  same  time  gave  his  soldiers 
leave  to  set  the  suburbs  on  fire,  and  or- 
dered that  they  should  bring  timber  toge- 
ther, and  raise  banks  against  the  city; 
and  when  he  had  parted  his  army  into 
three  parts,  in  order  to  set  about  those 
works,  he  placed  those  that  shot  darts  and 
the  archers  in  the  midst  of  the  banks  that 
were  then  raising  ;  before  whom  he  placed 
those  engines  that  threw  javelins,  and 
darts,  and  stones,  that  he  might  prevent 
the  enemy  from  sallying  out  upon  their 
works,  and  might  hinder  those  that  were 
upon  the  wall  from  being  able  to  obstruct 
them.  So  the  trees  were  now  cut  down 
immediately,  and  the  suburbs  left  naked. 
But  now,  while  the  timber  was  carrying 
to  raise  the  banks,  and  the  whole  army 
was  earnestly  engaged  in  their  works,  the 
Jews  were  not,  however,  quiet  ;  and  it 
happened  that  the  people  of  Jerusalem, 
who    had    been    hitherto    plundered    and 


Chap.  VI.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


333 


murdered,  were  now  of  good  courage, 
and  supposed  they  should  have  a  breath- 
ing time,  while  the  others  were  very  busy 
in  opposing  their  enemies  without  the 
city,  and  that  they  should  now  Ik;  avenged 
on  those  that  had  been  the  authors  of 
their  miseries,  in  case  the  Romans  did  but 
get  the  victory. 

However,  John  stayed  behind,  out  of 
his  fear  of  Simon,  even  while  his  own 
men  were  earnest  in  making  a  sally  upon 
their  enemies  without.  Yet  did  not  Si- 
mon lie  still,  for  he  lay  near  the  place 
of  the  siege;  he  brought  his  engines  of 
war,  and  disposed  of  tlxmi  at  due  dis- 
tances upon  the  wall,  both  those  which 
they  took  from  Cestius  formerly,  and 
those  which  they  got  when  they  seized  the 
garrison  that  lay  in  the  tower  of  Antonia. 
But  though  they  had  these  engines  in  their 
possession,  they  had  so  little  skill  in  using 
them,  that  they  were  in  a  great  measure 
useless  to  them ;  but  a  few  there  were 
who  had  been  taught  by  deserters  how  to 
use  them,  which  they  did  use,  though 
after  an  awkward  manner.  So  they  cast 
stones  and  arrows  at  those  that  were  mak- 
ing the  banks;  they  also  ran  out  upon 
them  by  companies,  and  fought  with  them. 
Now  those  that  were  at  work  covered 
themselves  with  hurdles  spread  over  their 
banks,  and  their  engines  were  opposed  to 
them  when  they  made  their  excursions. 
The  engines,  that  all  the  legions  had 
ready  prepared  for  them,  were  admirably 
contrived ;  but  still  more  extraordinary 
ones  belonged  to  the  tenth  legion  :  those 
that  threw  darts  and  those  that  threw 
stones  were  more  forcible  and  larger  than 
the  rest,  by  which  they  not  only  repelled 
the  excursions  of  the  Jews,  but  drove 
those  away  that  were  upon  the  walls  also. 
Now,  the  stones  that  were  cast  were  of 
the  weight  of  a  talent,  and  were  carried 
two  furlongs  and  farther.  The  blow  they 
gave  was  noway  to  be  sustained,  not  only 
by  those  that  stood  first  in  the  way,  but 
by  those  that  were  beyond  them  for  a 
great  space.  As  for  the  Jews,  they  at 
first  watched  the  coming  of  the  stone,  for 
it  was  of  a  white  colour,  and  could  there- 
fore not  only  be  perceived  by  the  great 
noise  it  made,  but  could  be  seen  also  be- 
fore it  came  by  its  brightness  ;  accordingly 
the  watchmen  that  sat  upon  the  towers  gave 
them  notice  when  the  engine  was  let  go 
and  the  stone  came  from  it,  and  cried  out 
aloud,    in    their    own    country  language, 


"  The  son  comktii  ;"*  so  those  that  were 
in  its  way  stood  off,  and  threw  themselves 
down  upon  the  ground;  by  which  means, 
and  by  their  thus  guarding  themselves, 
the  stone  fell  down  and  did  them  no  harm. 
But  the  Romans  contrived  how  to  prevent 
that  by  blacking  the  stone,  who  then  could 
aim  at  them  with  success,  when  the  stone 
was  not  discerned  beforehand,  as  it  had 
been  till  then;  and  so  they  destroyed 
many  of  them  at  one  blow.  Yet  did  not 
the  Jews,  under  all  this  distress,  permit 
the  Romans  to  raise  their  banks  in  quiet; 
but  they  shrewdly  and  boldly  exerted 
themselves,  and  repelled  them  both  by 
night  and  by  day. 

And  now,  upon  the  finishing  the  Ro- 
man works,  the  workmen  measured  the 
distance  there  was  from  the  wall,  and  this 
by  lead  and  a  line,  which  they  threw  to  it 
from  their  banks  ;  for  they  could  not  mea- 
sure it  any  otherwise,  because  the  Jews 
would  shoot  at  them  if  they  came  to  mea- 
sure it  themselves;  and  when  they  found 
that  the  engines  could  reach  the  wall,  they 
brought  them  thither.  Then  did  Titus 
set  his  engines  at  proper  distances,  so 
much  nearer  to  the  wall,  that  the  Jews 
might  not  be  able  to  repel  them,  and  gave 
orders  that  they  should  go  to  work  ;  and 
when  thereupon  a  prodigious  noise  echoed 
round  about  from  three  places,  and  that 
on  the  sudden  there  was  a  great  noise 
made  by  the  citizens  that  were  within  the 
city,  and  no  less  a  terror  fell  upon  the 
seditious  themselves  ;  whereupon  both 
sorts,  seeing  the  common  danger  they 
were  in,  contrived  to  make  a  like  defence. 
So  those  of  different  factions  cried  out  one 
to  another,  that  they  acted  entirely  as  in 
concert  with  their  enemies;  whereas  they 
ought,  however,  notwithstanding  God  did 
not  grant  them  a  lasting  concord,  in  their 
present  circumstances,  to  lay  aside  their 
enmities  one  against  another,  and  to  unite 
together  against  the  Romans.  Accord- 
ingly, Simon  gave  those  that  came  from 
the  temple  leave,  by  proclamation,  to  go 
upon  the  wall;  John  also  himself,  though 
he  could  not  believe  Simon  was  in  earnest, 
gave  them  the  same  leave.  So  on  both 
sides  they  laid  aside  their  hatred  and  their 
peculiar  quarrels,  and  formed  themselves 
into  one  body;  they  then  ran  round  the 
walls,  and  having  a  vast  number  of  torches 

»  Probably,  "The  stono  coineth."  The  learned 
are  not  agreed  as  to  the  precise  meaning  of  this 
expression. 


334 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[BookV 


with  them,  they  threw  them  at  the  ma- 
chines, and  shot  darts  perpetually  upon 
those  that  impelled  those  engines  which 
battered  the  wall;  nay,  the  bolder  sort 
leaped  out  by  troops  upon  the  hurdles 
that  covered  the  machines,  and  pulled 
them  to  pieces,  and  fell  upon  those  that 
belonged  to  them,  and  beat  them,  not  so 
much  by  any  skill  they  had,  as  princi- 
pally by  the  boldness  of  their  attacks. 
However,  Titus  himself  sent  assistance  to 
those  that  were  the  hardest  set,  and  placed 
both  horsemen  and  archers  on  the  several 
sides  of  the  engines,  and  thereby  beat  off 
those  that  brought  the  fire  to  them  ;  he 
also  thereby  repelled  those  that  shot  stones 
or  darts  from  the  towers,  and  then  set  the 
engines  to  work  in  good  earnest ;  yet  did 
not  the  wall  yield  to  these  blows,  except- 
ing where  the  battering-ram  of  the  fif- 
teenth legion  moved  the  corner  of  a  tower, 
while  the  wall  itself  continued  unhurt ; 
for  the  wall  was  not  presently  in  the  same 
danger  with  the  tower,  which  was  extant 
far  above  it;  nor  could  the  fall  of  that 
part  of  the  tower  easily  break  down  any 
part  of  the  wall  itself  together  with  it. 

And  now  the  Jews  intermitted  their 
sallies  for  a  while;  but  when  they  observed 
the  Romans  dispersed  all  abroad  at  their 
works,  and  in  their  several  camps,  (for 
they  thought  the  Jews  had  retired  out  of 
weariness  and  fear,)  they  all  at  once  made 
a  sally  at  the  tower  Hippicus,  through  an 
obscure  gate,  and  at  the  same  time  brought 
fire  to  burn  the  works,  and  went  boldly 
up  to  the  Romans,  .and  to  their  very  forti- 
fications themselves,  where,  at  the  cry 
they  made,  those  that  were  near  them 
came  presently  to  their  assistance,  and 
those  farther  off  came  running  after 
them  :  and  here  the  boldness  of  the  Jews 
was  too  hard  for  the  good  order  of  the 
Romans ;  and  as  they  beat  those  whom 
they  first  fell  upon,  so  they  pressed  upon 
those  that  were  now  gotten  together.  So 
this  fight  about  the  machines  was  very 
hot,  while  the  one  side  tried  hard  to  set 
them  on  fire,  and  the  other  side  to  prevent 
it;  on  both  sides  there  was  a  confused  cry 
made,  and  many  of  those  in  the  forefront 
of  the  battle  were  slain.  However,  the 
Jews  were  now  too  hard  for  the  Romans, 
by  the  furious  assaults  they  made  like 
madmen* ;  and  the  fire  caught  hold  of  the 
works,  and  both  all  those  works  and  the 
engines  themselves  had  been  in  danger 
of  being  burnt,  had  not  many  of  these 
6eleet  soldiers  that  came  from  Alexandria 


opposed  themselves  to  prevent  it,  and 
had  they  not  behaved  themselves  with 
greater  courage  than  they  themselves 
supposed  they  could  have  done;"  for  they 
outdid  those  in  this  fight  that  had  greater 
reputation  than  themselves  before.  This 
was  the  state  of  things  till  Caesar  took  the 
stoutest  of  his  horsemen,  and  attacked  the 
enemy,  while  he  himself  slew  twelve  of 
those  that  were  in  the  forefront  of  the 
Jews;  which  death  of  these  men,  when 
the  rest  of  the  multitude  saw,  they  gave 
way,  and  he  pursued  them,  and  drove 
them  all  into  the  city,  and  saved  the  works 
from  the  fire,  ^fow  it  happened  at  this 
fight,  that  a  certain  Jew  was  taken  alive, 
who  by  Titus's  orders  was  crucified  before 
the  wall,  to  see  whether  the  rest  of  them 
would  be  affrighted,  and  abate  of  their 
obstinacy.  But,  after  the  Jews  were  re- 
tired, John,  who  was  commander  of  the 
Idumeans,  and  was  talking  to  a  certain 
soldier  of  his  acquaintance  before  the 
wall,  was  wounded  by  a  dart  shot  at  him 
by  an  Arabian,  and  died  immediately, 
leaving  the  greatest  lamentation  to  the 
Jews,  and  sorrow  to  the  seditious  ;  for  he 
was  a  man  of  great  eminence  both  for  his 
actions  and  his -conduct  also. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

The  Romans,  after  great  slaughter,  obtain  pos- 
session of  the  first  wall — Treacherous  snares  of 
the  Jews. 

Now,  on  the  next  night,  a  most  sur- 
prising disturbance  fell  upon  the  Romans; 
for  whereas  Titus  had  given  orders  for  the 
erection  of  three  towers  of  fifty  cubits 
high,  that  by  setting  men  upon  them  at 
every  bank,  he  might  from  thence  drive 
those  away  who  were  upon  the  wall,  it  so 
happened  that  one  of  these  towers  fell 
down  about  midnight;  and  as  its  fall  made 
a  very  great  noise,  fear  fell  upon  the  army, 
and  they  supposing  that  the  enemy  was 
coming  to  attack  them,  ran  all  to  their 
arms.  Whereupon  a  disturbance  and  a 
tumult  arose  among  the  legions,  and  as 
nobody  could  tell  what  had  happened, 
they  went  on  after  a  disconsolate  manner; 
and  seeing  no  enemy  appear,  they  were 
afraid  one  of  another,  and  every  one  de- 
manded of  his  neighbour  the  watchword 
with  great  earnestness,  as  though  the  Jews 
had  invaded  their  camp.  And  now  they 
were  like  people  under  a  panic  fear,  till 
Titus  was  informed  of  what  had  happened, 
and  gave  orders  that  all   should   be  ac 


ClIAl'.  VII.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


335 


quain ted  with  it;  and  then,  though  with 
some  difficulty,  they  got  clear  of  the  dis- 
turbances they  had  been  under. 

Now,  these  towers  were  very  trouble- 
some to  the  Jews,  who  otherwise  opposed 
tl.e  Romans  very  courageously  ;  for  they 
phut  at  them  out  of  their  lighter  engines 
from  those  towers,  as  they  did  also  by 
those  that  threw  darts,  and  the  archers, 
and  those  that  slung  stones.  For  neither 
could  the  Jews  reach  those  that  were  over 
them,  by  reason  of  their  height;  and  it 
was  not  practicable  to  take  them,  nor  to 
overturn  them,  they  were  so  heavy,  nor  to 
set  them  on  fire,  because  they  were  cover- 
ed with  plates  of  iron.  So  they  retired 
out  of  the  reach  of  the  darts,  and  did  no 
longer  endeavour  to  hinder  the  impression 
of  their  rams,  which,  by  continually  beat- 
ing upon  the  wall,  did  gradually  prevail 
against  it;  so  that  the  wall  already  gave 
way  to  the  "Nico,"  for  by  that  name  did 
the  Jews  themselves  call  the  greatest  of 
their  engines,  because  it  conquered  all 
things.  And  now,  they  were  for  a  long 
while  grown  weary  of  fighting,  and  of 
keeping  guard,  and  were  retired  to  lodge 
in  the  night-time  at  a  distance  from  the 
wall.  It  was  on  other  accounts  also 
thought  by  them  to  be  superfluous  to  guard 
the  wall,  there  being,  besides  that,  two 
other  fortifications  still  remaining,  and 
they  being  slothful,  and  their  counsels 
having  been  ill  concerted  on  all  occasions; 
so  a  great  many  grew  lazy  and  retired. 
Then  the  Romans  mounted  the  breach, 
where  Nico  had  made  one,  and  all  the 
Jews  left  the  guarding  that  wall,  and  re- 
treated to  the  second  wall;  so  those  that 
had  gotten  over  that  wall  opened  the  gates, 
and  received  all  the  army  within  it.  And 
thus  did  the  Romans  gefpossession  of  this 
first  wall,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  siege, 
which  was  the  seventh  day  of  the  month 
Artemisius  [Jyar],  when  they  demolished 
a  great  part  of  it,  as  well  as  they  did  of 
the  northern  parts  of  the  city,  which  had 
been  demolished  also  by  Cestius  formerly. 

And  now  Titus  pitched  his  camp  with- 
in the  city,  at  that  place  which  was  called 
"  the  camp  of  the  Assyrians,"  having  seized 
upon  all  that  lay  as  far  as  Cedron,  but 
took  care  to  be  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
Jews'  darts.  He  then  presently  began 
his  attacks,  upon  which  the  Jews  divided 
themselves  into  several  bodies,  and  cou- 
rageously defended  that  wall;  while  John 
and  his  faction  did  it  from  the  tower  of 
Antonia,  and  from  the  northern  cloister 


of  the  "temple,  and  fought  the  Romaus  be- 
fore the  monument  of  King  Alexander; 
and  Simon's  army  also  took  for  their  share 
the  spot  of  ground  that  was  near  John's 
monument,  and  fortified  it  as  fir  as  to 
thai  gate  where  water  was  brought  in  to 
the  tower  Hippicus.  However,  the  Jews 
made  violent  sallies,  and  that  frequently 
also,  and  in  bodies  together,  out  of  the 
gates,  and  there  fought  the  Romans ;  and 
when  they  were  pursued  altogether  to  the 
wall,  they  were  beaten  in  those  fights,  as 
wanting  the  skill  of  the  Romans.  Rut 
when  they  fought  them  from  the  walls, 
they  were  too  hard  for  them,  the  Romans 
being  encouraged  by  their  power,  joined 
to  their  skill,  as  were  the  Jews  by  their 
boldness,  which  was  nourished  by  the  fear 
they  were  in,  and  that  hardiness  which  is 
natural  to  our  nation  under  calamities; 
they  were  also  encouraged  still  by  the 
hope  of  deliverance,  as  were  the  Romans 
by  the  hopes  of  subduing  them  in  a  little 
time.  Nor  did  either  side  grow  weary; 
but  attacks  and  fightings  upon  the  wall, 
and  perpetual  sallies  out  in  bodies  were 
practised  all  the  day  long;  nor  were  there 
any  sort  of  warlike  engagements  that  were 
not  then  put  in  use.  And  the  night 
itself  had  much  ado  to  part  them,  when 
they  began  to  fight  in  the  morning;  nay, 
the  night  itself  was  passed  without  sleep 
on  both  sides,  and  was  more  uneasy  than 
the  day  to  them,  while  the  one  was  afraid 
lest  the  wall  should  be  taken,  and  the 
other  lest  the  Jews  should  make  sallies 
upon  their  camps ;  both  sides  also  lay  in 
their  armour  during  the  night-time,  and 
thereby  were  ready  at  the  first  appearance 
of  light  to  go  to  the  battle.  Now,  among 
the  Jews  the  ambition  was  who  should 
undergo  the  first  dangers,  and  thereby 
gratify  their  commanders.  Above  all, 
they  had  a  great  veneration  and  dread  of 
Simon ;  and  to  that  degree  was  he  regarded 
by  every  one  of  those  that  were  Under  him, 
that  at  his  command  they  were  very  ready 
to  kill  themselves  with  their  own  hands. 
What  made  the  Romans  so  courageous 
was  their  usual  custom  of  conquering  and 
disuse  of  being  defeated,  their  constant 
wars,  and  perpetual  warlike  exercises,  and 
the  grandeur  of  their  dominion ;  and  what 
was  now  their  chief  encouragement — Ti- 
tus, who  was  present  everywhere  with 
them  all;  for  it  appeared  a  terrible  thing 
to  grow  weary  while  Caesar  was  there,  and 
fought  bravely  as  well  as  they  did,  and 
was    himself   at   once    an   eyewitness   of 


336 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


such  as  behaved  themselves  valiantly,  and 
he  who  was  to  reward  them  also.     It  was, 
besides,  esteemed  an  advantage  at  present 
to  have  any  one's  valour  known  by  Caesar; 
on  which  account  many  of  them  appeared 
to   have  more  alacrity  than    strength    to 
answer  it.     And  now,  as  the  Jews  were 
about  this  time  standing  in  array  before 
the  wall,  and  that  in  a  strong  body,  and 
while    both    parties  were  throwing    their 
darts  at  each  other,  Longinus,  one  of  the 
equestrian  order,  leaped  out  of  the  army 
of  the  Romans,  and  leaped  into  the  very 
midst  of  the  army  of  the  Jews;  and  as 
they  dispersed  themselves  upon  this  attack, 
he  slew  two  of  their  men  of  the  greatest 
courage;    one  of  them  he  struck  in  his 
mouth,  as  he  was  coming  to  meet  him ; 
the  other  was  slain  by  him  with  that  very 
dart  that  he  drew  out  of  the  body  of  the 
other,  with  which  he  ran  this  man  through 
his   side  as  he   was  running  away  from 
him  ;  and  when  he  had  done  this,  he  first 
of  all  ran  out  of  the  midst  of  his  enemies 
to  his  own  side.     So  this  man  signalized 
himself  for  his  valour,  and   many  there 
were  who  were  ambitious  of  gaining  the 
like  reputation.     And  now  the  Jews  were 
unconcerned  at  what  they  suffered  them- 
selves from  the  Romans,  and  were  only 
solicitous  about  what  mischief  they  could 
do  them  ;  and  death  itself  seemed  a  small 
matter  to  them,  if  at  the  same  time  they 
could  but  kill  any  one  of  their  enemies. 
But  Titus  took  care  to  secure  his  own  sol- 
diers from  harm,  as  well  as  to  have  them 
overcome   their   enemies.     He    also   said 
that  inconsiderate  violence  was  madness; 
and  that  this  alone  was  the  true  courage 
that  was  joined  with^good  conduct.     He 
therefore  commanded  his  men  to  take  care, 
when  they  fought  their  enemies,  that  they 
received  no  harm  from  them  at  the  same 
time ;  and  thereby  show  themselves  to  be 
truly  valiant  men. 

And  now  Titus  brought  one  of  his  en- 
gines to  the  middle  tower  of  the  north  part 
of  the  wall,  in  which  a  certain  crafty  Jew, 
whose  name  was  Castor,  lay  in  ambush, 
with  ten  others  like  himself,  the  rest  being 
fled  away  by  reason  of  the  archers.  These 
men  lay  still  for  awhile,  as  in  great  fear, 
under  their  breastplates;  but  when  the 
tower  was  shaken,  they  arose;  and  Castor 
did  then  stretch  out  his  hand,  as  a  petition- 
er, and  called  for  Caesar,  and  by  his  voice 
moved  his  compassion,  and  begged  of  him 
to  have  mercy  upon  them ;  and  Titus,  in 
the  iunoeencv  of  his  heart,  believing  hiin 


I  to  be  in  earnest,  and  hoping  that  the  Jews 
did  now  repent,  stopped  the  working  of 
the  battering-ram,  and    forbade  them  to 
shoot  at  the  petitioners,  and  bade  Castor 
say  what  he  had  a  mind  to  say  to  him. 
He  said  that  he  would  come  down,  if  he 
would  give  him  his  right  hand  for  his  se- 
curity.    To  which  Titus  replied,  that  he 
was  well  pleased  with  such  his  agreeable 
conduct,  and  would  be  more  pleased  if  all 
the  Jews  would  be  of  his  mind;  and  that 
he  was  ready  to  give  the  like  security  to 
the  city.     Now  five  of  the  ten  dissembled 
with  him,  and  pretended  to  beg  for  mercy ; 
while  the  rest  cried  out  aloud,  that  they 
would   never   be   slaves  to  the   Romans, 
while  it  was  in  their  power  to  die  in  a 
state  of  freedom.     Now  when  these  men 
were  quarrelling   for  a  long  while,  the  at- 
tack was  delayed  ;  Castor  also  sent  to  Si- 
mon, and  told  him  that  they  might  take 
some  time  for  consultation  about  what  was 
to  be  done,  because  he  would  elude  the 
power  of  the  Romans  for  a  considerable 
time.     And  at  the  same  time  that  he  sent 
thus  to  him,  he  appeared  openly  to  exhort 
those   that   were   obstinate,  to  accept  of 
Titus's  hand  for  their  security;  but  they 
seemed  very  angry  at  it,  and  brandished 
their  naked  swords  upon  the  breastworks; 
and  struck  themselves  upon  their  breasts, 
and  fell  down  as  if  they  had  been  slain. 
Hereupon  Titus,  and  those  with  him,  were 
amazed  at  the  courage  of  the  men ;  and 
as  they  were  not  able  to  see  exactly  what 
was   done,  they  admired   at   their   great 
fortitude,  and  pitied  their  calamity.     Dur- 
ing this  interval,  a  certain  person  shot  a 
dart  at  Castor,  and  wounded  him  in  his 
nose ;  whereupon  he  presently  pulled  out 
the  dart,  and  showed  it  to  Titus,  and  com- 
plained chat  this  was  unfair  treatment;  so 
Caesar  reproved  him  that  shot  the  dart, 
and  sent  Josephus,  who  then  stood  by  him, 
to  give  his  right  hand  to  Castor.       But 
Josepbuj  said  that  he  would  not  go  to  him, 
because  these  pretended  petitioners  meant 
nothing  that  was  good;  he  also  restrained 
those  friends  of  his  who  were  zealous  to 
go  to  him.    But  still  there  was  one  iEneas, 
a  deserter,  who  said  he  would  go  to  him. 
Castor  also  called  to  them,  that  somebody 
should  come  and  receive  the  money  which 
he  had  with  him ;  this  made  ./Eneas  the 
more  earnestly  to  run  to  him  with  his  bo- 
som open.     Then  did    Castor  take  up  a 
great  stone,  and  threw  it  at  him,  which 
missed  him,  because  he  guarded  himself 
against  it;  but  still  it  wounded  another 


JlIAP.  VIII.  1 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS 


::.,7 


soldier  that  wis  coming  to  him.  When 
Caesar  understood  that  this  was  a  delusion, 
he  perceived  that  mercy  in  war  is  a  per- 
nicious thing,  because  such  cunning  tricks 
have  less  place  under  the  exercise  of 
greater  severity.  So  he  caused  the  en- 
gine to  work  more  strongly  than  before, 
on  account  of  his  anger  at  the  deceit  put 
upon  him.  But  Castor  and  his  compa- 
nions set  the  tower  on  fire  when  it  began 
to  give  way,  and  leaped  through  the  flame 
into  a  hidden  vault  that  was  under  it; 
which  made  the  Romans  further  suppose 
that  they  were  men  of  great  courage,  as 
having;  cast  themselves  into  the  fire. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Romans  possess  themselves  of  tho  second  wall. 

Now  Caesar  took  this  wall  there  on  the 
fifth  day  after  he  had  taken  the  first ;  and 
when  the  Jews  had  fled  from  him,  he  en- 
tered into  it  with  1000  armed  men,  and 
those  of  his  choice  troops,  and  this  at  a 
place  where  were  the  merchants  of  wool, 
the  braziers,  and  the  market  for  cloth,  and 
where  the  narrow  streets  led  obliquely  to 
the  wall.  Wherefore,  if  Titus  had  either 
demolished  a  larger  part  of  the  wall  imme- 
diately, or  had  come  in,  and,  according 
to  the  law  of  war,  had  laid  waste  what 
was  left,  his  victory  would  not,  I  suppose, 
have  been  mixed  with  any  loss  to  himself; 
but  now,  out  of  the  hope  he  had  that  he 
should  make  the  Jews  ashamed  of  their  ob- 
stinacy, by  not  being  willing,  when  he  was 
able,  to  afflict  them  more  than  he  needed 
to  do,  he  did  not  widen  the  breach  of  the 
wall  in  order  to  make  a  safer  retreat  upon 
occasion  ;  for  he  did  not  think  they  would 
lay  snares  for  him  that  did  them  such  a 
kindness.  When  therefore  he  came  in,  he 
did  not  permit  his  soldiers  to  kill  any  of 
those  they  caught,  nor  to  set  fire  to  their 
houses  neither ;  nay,  he  gave  leave  to  the 
seditious,  if  they  had  a  mind,  to  fight 
without  any  harm  to  the  people,  and  pro- 
mised to  restore  the  people's  effects  to 
them  ;  for  he  was  very  desirous  to  preserve 
the  city  for  his  own  sake,  and  the  temple 
for  the  sake  of  the  city.  As  to  the  people, 
he  had  them  of  a  long  time  ready  to  com- 
ply with  his  proposals  ;  but  as  to  the  fight- 
ing men,  this  humanity  of  his  seemed  a 
mark  of  his  weakness;  and  they  imagined 
that  he  made  these  proposals  because  he 
was  not  able  to  take  the  rest  of  the  city. 
They  also  threatened  death  to  the  people, 
if  they  should  any  one  of  them  say  a 
Vol.  II.— 22 


word  about  a  surrender.  They  moreover 
cut  the  throats  of  such  as  talked  of  a 
peace,  and  then  attacked  those  Romans 
that  were  come  within  the  wall.  Some  of 
them  they  met  in  the  narrow  streets,  and 
some  they  fought  against  from  their  houses, 
while  they  made  a  sudden  sally  out  at  tho 
upper  gates,  and  assaulted  such  Romans 
as  were  beyond  the  wall,  till  those  that 
guarded  the  wall  were  so  affrighted,  that 
they  leaped  down  from  their  towers,  and 
retired  to  their  several  camps  :  upon  which 
a  great  noise  was  made  by  the  Romans 
that  were  within,  because  they  were  en- 
compassed round  on  every  side  by  their 
enemies;  as  also  by  them  that  were  with- 
out, because  they  were  in  fear  for  those 
that  were  left  in  the  city.  Thus  did  the 
Jews  grow  more  numerous  perpetually, 
and  had  great  advantages  over  the  Romans, 
by  their  full  knowledge  of  those  narrow 
lanes ;  and  they  wounded  a  great  many  of 
them,  and  fell  upon  them  and  drove  them 
out  of  the  city.  Now  these  Romans  were 
at  present  forced  to  make  the  best  resist- 
ance they  could ;  for  they  were  not  able, 
in  great  numbers,  to  get  out  at  the  breach 
in  the  wall,  it  was  so  narrow.  It  is  also 
probable  that  all  those  that  were  gotten 
within  had  been  cut  to  pieces,  if  Titus  had 
not  sent  them  succours ;  for  he  ordered  the 
archers  to  stand  at  the  upper  ends  of  these 
narrow  lanes,  and  he  stood  himself  where 
was  the  greatest  multitude  of  his  enemies, 
and  with  his  darts  he  put  a  stop  to  them ; 
as  with  him  did  Domitius  Sabinus  also,  a 
valiant  man,  and  one  that  in  this  battle 
appeared  so  to  be.  Thus  did  Caesar  con- 
tinue to  shoot  darts  at  the  Jews  continu- 
ally, and  to  hinder  them  from  coming 
upon  his  men,  and  this  until  all  the  sol- 
diers had  retreated  out  of  the  city. 

And  thus  were  the  Romans  driven  out, 
after  they  had  possessed  themselves  of  the 
second  wall.  Whereupon  the  fighting 
men  that  were  in  the  city  were  lifted  up 
in  their  minds,  and  were  elevated  upon 
this  their  good  success,  and  began  to  think 
that  the  Romans  would  never  venture  to 
come  in  the  city  any  more;  and  that,  if 
they  kept  within  it  themselves,  they  should 
not  be  any  more  conquered;  for  Q-od  had 
blinded  their  minds  for  the  transgressions 
they  had  been  guilty  of,  nor  could  they 
see  how  much  greater  forces  the  Romans 
had  than  those  that  were  now  expelled,  no 
more  than  they  could  discern  how  a  famine 
was  creeping  upon  them  ;  for  hitherto  they 
had    fed    themselves  out  of   the    puhlio 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


miseries,  and  drunk  the  blood  of  the  city. 
But  now  poverty  had  for  a  long  time 
seized  upon  the  better  part,  aud  a  great 
many  had  died  already  for  want  of  neces- 
saries; although  the  seditious  indeed  sup- 
posed the  destruction  of  the  people  to  be 
a  relief  to  themselves;  for  they  desired 
that  none  others  might  be  preserved  but 
such  as  were  against  a  peace  with  the  Ro- 
mans, and  were  resolved  to  live  in  opposi- 
tion to  them,  and  they  were  pleased  when 
the  multitude  of  those  of  a  contrary  opi- 
nion were  consumed,  as  being  then  freed 
from  a  heavy  burden ;  and  this  was  their 
disposition  of  mind  with  regard  w)  those 
that  were  within  the  city,  while  they  co- 
vered themselves  with  their  armour,  and 
prevented  the  Romans,  when  they  were 
trying  to  get  into  the  city  again,  and  made 
a  wall  of  their  own  bodies  over  against 
that  part  of  the  wall  that  was  cast  down. 
Thus  did  they  valiantly  defend  themselves 
for  three  days ;  but  on  the  fourth  day  they 
could  not  support  themselves  against  the 
vehement  assaults  of  Titus,  but  were  com- 
pelled by  force  to  fly  whither  they  had 
fled  before  ;  so  he  quietly  possessed  him- 
self again  of  that  wall,  and  demolished  it 
entirely  ;  and  when  he  had  put  a  garrison 
into  the  towers  that  were  on  the  south 
parts  of  the  city,  he  contrived  how  he 
might  assault  the  third  wall. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Temporary  cessation  of  the  siege — Renewal  of  hos- 
tilities— Josephus  sent  to  offer  peace. 

A  resolution  was  now  taken  by  Titus 
to  relax  the  siege  for  a  little  while,  and 
to  afford  the  seditious  an  interval  for  con- 
sideration, and  to  see  whether  the  de- 
molishing of  their  second  wall  would 
not  make  them  a  little  more  compliant,  or 
whether  they  were  not  somewhat  afraid 
of  a  famine,  because  the  spoils  they  had 
gotten  by  rapine  would  not  be  sufficient  for 
them  long  ;  so  he  made  use  of  this  relaxa- 
tion, in  order  to  compass  his  own  designs. 
Accordingly,  as  the  usual  appointed  time 
when  he  must  distribute  subsistence-mo- 
ney to  the  soldiers  was  now  come,  he  gave 
orders  that  the  commanders  should  put  the 
army  into  battle-array,  in  the  face  of  the 
enemy,  and  then  give  every  one  of  the 
soldiers  their  pay.  So  the  soldiers,  ac- 
cording to  custom,  opened  the  cases  where- 
in their  arms  before  lay  covered,  and 
marched  with  their  breastplates  on  ;  as 
did  the  horsemen  lead  their  horses  in  their 


fine  trappings.  Then  did  the  places  that 
were  before  the  city  shine  very  splendidly 
for  a  great  way  ;  nor  was  there  any  thing 
so  grateful  to  Titus's  own  men,  or  so  ter- 
rible to  the  enemy  as  that  sight ;  for  the 
whole  old  wall  and  the  north  side  of  the 
temple  were  full  of  spectators,  and  one 
might  see  the  houses  full  of  such  as 
looked  at  them  ;  nor  was  there  any  part  of 
the  city  which  was  not  covered  over  with 
their  multitudes  ;  nay,  a  very  great  con- 
sternation seized  upon  the  hardiest  of  the 
Jews  themselves,  when  they  saw  all  the 
army  in  the  same  place,  together  with  the 
fineness  of  their  arms,  and  the  good  order 
of  their  men  ;  and  I  cannot  but  think  that 
the  seditious  would  have  changed  their 
minds  at  that  sight,  unless  the  crimes  they 
had  committed  against  the  people  had  been 
so  horrid,  that  they  despaired  of  forgive- 
ness from  the  Romans;  but  as  they  be- 
lieved death  with  torments  must  be  their 
punishment,  if  they  did  not  go  on  in  the 
defence  of  the  city,  they  thought  it  much 
better  to  die  in  war.  Fate  also  prevailed 
so  far  over  them,  that  the  innocent  were  to 
perish  with  the  guilty,  and  the  city  was  to  be 
destroyed  with  the  seditious  that  were  in  it. 
Thus  did  the  Romans  spend  four  days 
in  bringing  this  subsistence-money  to  the 
several  legions;  but  on  the  fifth  day,  when 
no  signs  of  peace  appeared  to  come  from 
the  Jews,  Titus  divided  his  legions,  and 
began  to  raise  banks,  both  at  the  tower  of 
Antonia,  and  at  John's  monument.  Now 
his  designs  were  to  take  the  upper  city  at 
that  monument,  and  the  temple  at  the  tower 
of  Antonia ;  for  if  the  temple  were  not 
taken,  it  would  be  dangerous  to  keep  the 
city  itself;  so  at  each  of  these  parts  he 
raised  him  banks,  each  legion  raising  one. 
As  for  those  that  wrought  at  John's  monu- 
ment, the  Idumeans,  and  those  that  were 
in  arms  with  Simon,  made  sallies  upon 
them,  and  put  some  stop  to  them ;  while 
John's  party,  and  the  multitude  of  Zeal- 
ots with  them,  did  the  like  to  those 
that  were  before  the  tower  of  Antonia. 
These  Jews  were  now  too  hard  for  the  Ro- 
mans, not  only  in  direct  fighting,  because 
they  stood  upon  the  higher  ground,  but 
because  they  had  now  learned  to  use  their 
own  engines ;  for  their  continual  use  of 
them,  one  day  after  another,  did  by  de- 
grees improve  their  skill  about  them;  for 
of  one  sort  of  engines  for  darts  they  had 
340  for  stones;  by  the  means  of  which 
they  made  it  more  tedious  for  the  Romans 
to   raise   their   banks;    but   then   Titus, 


Chap.  IX.] 


AVARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


g 


L 


knowing  that  the  city  would  be  either 
saved  or  destroyed  for  himself,  did  not  only 
proceed  earnestly  in  the  siege,  but  did  not 
omit  to  have  the  Jews  exhorted  to  repent- 
ance; so  he  mixed  good  counsel  with  his 
works  for  the  siege;  and  being  sensible 
that  exhortations  are  frequently  more  ef- 
fectual than  arms,  he  persuaded  them  to 
surrender  the  city,  now  in  a  manner  al- 
ready taken,  and  thereby  to  save  them- 
selves, and  sent  Josephus  to  speak  to  them 
in  their  own  language;  for  he  imagined 
they  might  yield  to  the  persuasion  of  a 
countryman  of  their  own. 

So  Josephus  went  round  about  the  wall, 
and  tried  to  find  a  place  that  was  out  of 
the  reacti  of  their  darts,  and  yet  within 
their  hearing,  and  besought  them,  in  many 
words,  to  spare  themselves,  to  spare  their 
country  and  their  temple,  and  not  to  be 
more  obdurate  in  these  cases  than  foreign- 
ers themselves;  for  that  the  Romans,  who 
had  no  relation  to  those  things,  had  a 
reverence  for  their  sacred  rites  and  places, 
although  they  belonged  to  their  enemies, 
and  had  till  now  kept  their  bauds  off  from 
meddling  with  them ;  while  such  as  were 
brought  up  under  them,  and,  if  they  he 
preserved,  will  be  the  only  people  that  will 
reap  the  benefit  of  them,  hurry  on  to  have 
them  destroyed.  That  certainly  they  have 
seen  their  strongest  walls  demolished,  and 
that  the  wall  still  remaining  was  weaker 
than  those  that  were  already  taken.  That 
they  must  know  the  Roman  power  was 
invincible,  and  that  they  had  been  used  to 
serve  them  ;  for,  that  in  case  it  be  allowed 
a  right  thing  to  fight  for  liberty,  that  ought 
to  have  been  done  at  first ;  but  for  them 
that  have  once  fallen  under  the  power  of 
the  Romans,  and  have  now  submitted  to 
them  for  so  many  long  years,  to  pretend 
to  shake  off  that  yoke  afterward,  was  the 
work  of  such  as  had  a  mind  to  die  misera- 
bly, not  of  such  as  were  lovers  of  liberty. 
Besides,  men  may  well  enough  grudge  at 
the  dishonour  of  owning  ignoble  masters 
over  them,  but  ought  not  to  do  so  to  those 
who  have  all  things  under  their  command  : 
for  what  part  of  the  world  is  there  that 
hath  escaped  the  Romans,  unless  it  be  such 
as  are  of  no  use^  for  violent  heat  or  vio- 
lent cold  ?  And  evident  it  is,  that  fortune 
is  on  all  hands  gone  over  to  them ;  and 
that  God,  when  he  had  gone  round  the 
nations  with  this  dominion,  is  now  settled 
in  Italy.  That,  moreover,  it  is  a  strong 
and  fixed  law,  even  among  brute  beasts,  as 
well  as  among  men,  to  yield  to  those  that 


are  too  strong  for  them  ;  and  to  Buffer  I  hose 
to  have  dominion,  who  are  too  hard  for  the 
rest  in  war;  for  which  reason  it  was  that 
their  forefathers,  who  were  far  superior  to 
them  both  in  their  souls  and  bodies,  and 
other  advantages,  did  yet  submit  to  the 
Romans;  which  they  would  not  have  Buffer- 
ed, had  they  not  known  that  God  was  with 
them.  As  for  themselves,  what  eau  they 
depend  on  in  this  their  opposition,  when 
the  greatest  part  of  their  city  is  already 
taken?  and  when  those  that  are  within  it 
are  under  greater  miseries  than  if  they 
were  taken,  although  their  walls  be  still 
standing  ?  For  that  the  Romans  are  not 
unacquainted  with  that  famine  which  is  in 
the  city,  whereby  the  people  are  already 
consumed,  and  the  fighting  men  will,  in  a 
little  time  be  so  too;  for  although  tin  Ro- 
mans should  leave  off  the  siege,  and  not 
fall  upon  the  city  with  their  swords  in 
their  hands,  yet  was  there  an  insuperable 
war  that  beset  them  within,  and  was  aug- 
mented every  hour,  unless  they  were  able 
to  wane  war  with  famine,  and  fight  against 
it,  or  could  alone  compter  their  natural 
appetites.  He  added  this  further,  How 
right  a  thin"  it  was  to  change  their  COn- 
duct  before  their  calamities  were  become 
incurable,  and  to  have  recourse  to  such 
advice  as  might  preserve  them,  while  op- 
portunity was  offered  them  for  so  doing; 
for  that  the  Romans  would  not  be  mind- 
ful of  their  past  actions  to  their  disadvan- 
tage, unless  they  persevered  in  their  inso- 
lent behaviour  to  the  end  ;  because  they 
were  naturally  mild  in  their  conquests, 
and  preferred  what  was  profitable,  before 
what  their  passions  dictated  to  them  ; 
which  profit  of  theirs  lay  not  in  leaving 
the  city  empty  of  inhabitants,  nor  the 
country  a  desert ;  on  which  account  Csesar 
did  now  offer  them  his  right  hand  for  their 
security.  Whereas,  if  he  took  th 
by  force,  he  would  not  save  any  one  of 
them,  and  this  especially  if  they  rejected 
his  offers  in  these  their  utmost  distresses; 
for  the  walls  that  were  already  taken, 
could  not  but  assure  them  that  the  third 
would  quickly  be  taken  also ;  and  though 
their  fortifications  should  prove  too  strong 
for  the  Romans  to  break  through  them, 
yet  would  the  famine  fight  for  the  Romans 
against  them. 

While  Josephus  was  making  this  ex- 
hortation to  the  Jews,  many  of  them  jested 
upon  him  from  the  wall,  and  many  re- 
proached him;  nay,  some  threw  their  dart? 
at  him :   but  when  he  could   not  himself 


340 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Rook  "V 


persuade  them  by  such  open  good  advice, 
he  betook  himself  to  the  histories  belong- 
ing to  their  own  nation  ;  and  cried  out 
aloud,  "0  miserable  creatures  !  Are  you 
so  unmindful  of  those  that  used  to  assist 
you,  that  you  will  fight  by  your  weapons, 
and  by  your  hands  against  the  Romans  ? 
When  did  we  ever  conquer  any  other  na- 
tion by  such  means?  and  when  was  it  that 
God,  who  is  the  Creator  of  the  Jewish 
people,  did  not  avenge  them  when  they 
had  been  injured  ?  Will  not  you  turn 
again,  and  look  back,  and  consider 
whence  it  is  that  you  fight  with  such  vio- 
lence, and  how  great  a  supporter  you  have 
profanely  abused  ?  Will  not  you  recall  to 
mind  the  prodigious  things  done  for  your 
forefathers  and  this  holy  place,  and  how 
great  enemies  of  yours  were  by  him  sub- 
dued under  you  ?  I  even  trouble  myself 
in  declaring  the  works  of  God  before  your 
ears,  that  are  unworthy  to  hear  them  : 
however,  hearken  to  me,  that  you  may  be 
informed  how  you  fight,  not  only  against 
the  Romans,  but  against  God  himself.  In 
old  times  there  was  one  Necho,  king  of 
Egypt,  who  was  also  called  Pharaoh  :  he 
came  with  a  prodigious  army  of  soldiers, 
and  seized  Queen  Sarah,  the  mother  of  our 
nation.  What  did  Abraham  our  progeni- 
tor then  do?  Did  he  defend  himself  from 
this  injurious  person  by  war,  although  he 
had  318  captains  under  him,  and  an  im- 
mense army  under  each  of  them  ?  Indeed, 
he  deemed  .them  to  be  no  number  at  all 
without  God's  assistance,  and  only  spread 
out  his  hands  toward  this  holy  place, 
which  you  have  now  polluted,  and  reckon- 
ed upon  him  as  upon  his  invincible  sup- 
porter, instead  of  his  own  army.  Was 
not  our  queen  sent  back,  without  any  de- 
filement, to  her  husband,  the  very  next 
evening  ? — while  the  king  of  Egypt  fled 
away,  adoring  this  place  which  you  have 
defiled  by  shedding  thereon  the  blood  of 
your  countrymen ;  and  he  also  trembled  at 
those  visions  which  he  saw  in  the  night 
season,  and  bestowed  both  silver  and  gold 
on  the  Hebrews,  as  on  a  people  beloved  of 
God.*  Shall  I  say  nothing,  or  shall  I 
mention  the  removal  of  our  fathers  into 
Egypt,  who,  when  they  were  used  tyran- 
nically, and  were  fallen  under  the  power 
of  foreign  kings  for  400  years  together, 
and  might  have  defended  themselves  by 
war  and  by  fighting,  did  }et  do  nothing  but 

*  This  version  of  the  abduction  of  Sarah  is  some- 
what at  variance  with  the  simple-  and  unadorned 
narration  recorded  in  Genesis. 


1  commit  themselves  to  God  ?  Who  is  there 
that  does  not  know  that  Egypt  was  over- 
run with  all  sorts  of  wild  beasts,  and  con- 
sumed by  all  sorts  of  distempers  ?  how 
their  land  did  not  bring  forth  its  fruit? 
how  the  Nile  failed  of  water  ?  how  the 
ten  plagues  of  Egypt  followed  one  upon 
another  ?  and  how,  by  those  means,  our 
fathers  were  sent  away,  under  a  guard, 
without  any  bloodshed,  and  without  run- 
ning any  dangers,  because  God  conducted 
them  as  his  peculiar  servants  ?  Moreover, 
did  not  Palestine  groan  under  the  ravage 
the  Assyrians  made,  when  they  carried 
away  our  sacred  ark  ?  as  did  their  idol 
Dagon,  and  as  also  did  that  entire  nation 
of  those  that  carried  it  away,  how  they 
were  smitten  with  a  loathsome  distemper 
in  the  secret  parts  of  their  bodies,  when 
their  very  bowels  came  down  together, 
with  what  they  had  eaten,  till  those  hands 
that  stole  it  away  were  obliged  to  bring 
it  back  again,  and  that  with  the  sound  of 
cymbals  and  timbrels,  and  other  oblations, 
in  order  to  appease  the  anger  of  God  for 
their  violation  of  his  holy  ark.  It  was 
God  who  then  became  our  general,  and 
accomplished  these  great  things  for  our 
fathers,  and  this  because  they  did  not 
meddle  with  war  and  fighting,  but  com- 
mitted it  to  him  to  judge  about  their  af- 
fairs. When  Sennacherib,  king  of  As- 
syria, brought  along  with  him  all  Asia, 
and  encompassed  this  city  round  with  his 
army,  did  he  fall  by  the  hands  of  men  ? 
were  not  those  hands  lifted  up  to  God  in 
prayers,  without  meddling  with  their  arms, 
when  an  angel  of  God  destroyed  that  pro- 
digious army  in  one  night  ?  when  the  As- 
syrian king,  as  he  rose  next  day,  found 
185,000  dead  bodies,  and  when  he,  with 
the  remainder  of  his  army,  fled  away  from 
the  Hebrews,  though  they  were  unarmed, 
and  did  not  pursue  them  !  You  are  also 
acquainted  with  the  slavery  we  were  under 
at  Babylon,  where  the  people  were  cap- 
tives for  seventy  years  ;  yet  were  they  not 
delivered  into  freedom  again  before  God 
made  Cyrus  his  gracious  instrument  in 
bringing  it  about ;  accordingly,  they  were 
set  free  by  him,  and  did  again  restore  the 
worship  of  their  Deliverer  at  his  temple. 
And,  to  speak  in  general,  we  can  produce 
no  example  wherein  our  fathers  got  any 
success  by  war,  or  failed  of  success  when 
without  war  they  committed  themselves 
to  God.  When  they  stayed  at  home  they 
conquered,  as  pleased  their  Judge  ;  but 
when  they  went  out  to  fight  they  were  al- 


J 


Chap.  IX.] 


WAKS   OF   TIIK   JEWS. 


341 


n 


ways  disappointed  :  for  example,  when  the 
king  of  Babylon  besieged  this  very  city, 
and  our  king  Zedekiah  fought  against  him 
contrary  to  what  predictions  were  made 
to  him  by  Jeremiah   the  prophet,  he  was 
at  once  taken   prisoner,  and   saw  the  city 
and  the   temple    demolished.      Yet  how 
much  greater  was  the  moderation  of  that 
king,  than  is  that  of  your  present  govern- 
ors," and   that  of  the  people  then   under 
him,  than  is  that  of  yours  at  this  time  !  for 
when  Jeremiah  cried  out  aloud,  how  very 
angry  God  was  at  them,  because  of  their 
transgressions,  and  told   them  that  they 
should  be    taken  prisoners,   unless  they 
would  surrender  up  their  city,  neither  did 
the  king  nor  the  people  put  him  to  death  ; 
but  for  you,  (to  pass  over  what  you  have 
done  within  the  city,  which  I  am  not  able 
to  describe  as  your  wickedness  deserves,) 
you  abuse  me,   and    throw  darts  at  me, 
who  only  exhort  you  to  save  yourselves,  as 
being  provoked  when  you  are  put  in  mind 
of  your  sins,  and  cannot  bear  the   very 
mention  of  those  crimes,  which  you  every 
day    perpetrate.      For  another  example, 
when    Antiochus,    who    was  called    Epi- 
phaues,  lay  before  this  city,  and  had  been 
guilty  of  many  indignities   against   God, 
aud  our  forefathers  met  him  in  arms,  they 
then  were  slain  in  the  battle,  this  city  was 
plundered   by  our  enemies,  and  our  sanc- 
tuary made  desolate  for  three  years  and 
Bix  months.     And  what  need  I  bring  any 
more  examples  !     Indeed,  what  can  it  be 
that  hath  stirred  up  an  army  of  the  Ro- 
mans against  our  nation  ?     Is  it  not  the 
impiety  of  the  inhabitants  ?     Whence  did 
our  servitude  commence  ?     Was  it  not  de- 
rived from  the  seditions  that  were  among 
our  forefathers,  when  the  madness  of  Aris- 
tobulus   and    Hyrcanus,  and  our   mutual 
quarrels,  brought  Pompey  upon  this  city, 
and  when  God  reduced  those  under  sub- 
jection to  the  Romans,  who  were  uu wor- 
thy of  the  liberty  they  had  enjoyed  ?  Af- 
ter a  siege,   therefore,  of  three   months, 
they  were  forced  to  surrender  themselves, 
although  they  had  been  guilty  of  such  of- 
fences with  regard  to  our  sanctuary  and 
our  laws,  as  you   have  ;  and  this  while 
they  had  much  greater  advantages  to  go 
to  war  thau  you  have.     Do  not  we  know 
what  end  Antigouus,  the  son  of  Aristobu- 
lus,  came  to,  under  whose  reign  God  pro- 
vided that  this  city  should  be  taken  again 
upon  accouut  of   the    people's    offences 1 
When     Herod,    the     sou    of    An ti pater, 
brought    upon     us    Sosius,    aud     Sosius 
3F 


brought  upon  us  the  Roman  army,  they 
were  then  encompassed    and   besieged  foi 

six  mouths,  till,  as  a  punishment  for  their 
sins,  they   were  taken,  and   the  city  was 
plundered  by  the  enemy.    Thus  it  appears 
that  arms  were  never  given  to  our  nation; 
but  that  we  are  always  given  up  to   be 
fought    against,  and  to  be  taken;    for    I 
suppose,  that    such   as  inhabit    this   holy 
place  ought  to  commit  the  disposal  of  all 
things  to  God,  and  then  only  to  disregard 
the  assistance  of  men  when   they  resign 
themselves  up   to  their  arbitrator,  who  is 
above.      As  for  you,  what   have  you  done 
of  those  things  that  are  recommended  by 
our  legislator!    and  what    have  you   not 
done  of  those  things  that  he  hath    con- 
demned !     How  much  more  impious  are 
you  than  those  who  were  so  quickly  taken  ! 
You  have  not  avoided  so  much  as  those 
sins  which  are  usually  done  in  seeret;   I 
mean  thefts,  and  treacherous  plots  against 
men,  aud  adulteries.      You  are  quarrelling 
about  rapines  and  murders,  and    invent 
strange   ways  of   wickedness.      Nay,   the 
temple  itself  is  become  the  receptacle  of 
all,  and    this  divine  place  is   polluted  by 
the  hands  of  those  of  our  own  country  ; 
which  place  hath  yet  been  reverenced  by 
the  Romans  when  it  was  at  a  distance  from 
them,  when  they  have  suffered  many  of 
their  own  customs   to  give  place   to  our 
law.      And,  after   all   this,  do  you  expect 
Him  whom  you  have  so  impiously  abused, 
to  be  your  supporter.     To  be   sure   then 
you  have  a  right  to  be  petitioners,  and  to 
call  upon   Him  to  assist  you,  so  pure  are 
your  hands  !      Did  your  king  [Hezekiah] 
lift  up  such  hands  in  prayer  to  God  against 
the  king  of  Assyria,  when  he  destroyed 
that  great  army  in  one  nighty     And  do 
the  Romans  commit  such  wickedne—  as 
did  the    king  of  Assyria,   that  you  may 
have  reason  to  hope  for  the  like  vengeance 
upon  them.     Did  not  that  king  accept  of 
money  from  our  king  upon  this  condition, 
that  he  should  not  destroy  the  city,  and 
I  yet,  contrary  to  the  oath  he  had  taken, 
1  he  came  down  to  burn  the  temple  ?  \\  bile 
the  Romans  do  demand  no  more  than  that 
accustomed  tribute  which  our  fathers  paid 
!to  their    fathers;    aud  if    they   may   but 
'once  obtain  that,  they  neither  aim  to  de- 
stroy this  city,  nor  to  touch  this  sanctuary  ; 
nay,  they  will  grant  you  besides,  that  your 
posterity  shall   be   free,  and  your   posses- 
sions secured  to  you,  and  will   preserve 
your  holy  laws   inviolate  to  you.      And  it 
is  plain  madness  to  expect  that  God  shoula 


342 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  V, 


appear  as  well  disposed  toward  the  wicked 
as  toward  the  righteous,  since  he  knows 
when  it  is  proper  to  punish  men  for  their 
sins  immediately j  accordingly  he  brake 
the  power  of  the  Assyrians  the  very  first 
night  that  they  pitched  their  camp. 
"Wherefore,  had  he  judged  that  our  nation 
was  worthy  of  freedom,  or  the  Romans  of 
punishment,  he  had  immediately  inflicted 
punishment  upon  those  Romans,  as  he  did 
upon  the  Assyrians,  when  Pompey  began 
to  meddle  with  our  nation,  or  when  after 
him  Sisius  came  up  against  us,  or  when 
Vespasian  laid  waste  Galilee,  or,  lastly, 
when  Titus  came  first  of  all  near  to  this 
city:  although  Magnus  and  Sosius  did  not 
only  suffer  nothing,  but  took  the  city  by 
force  ;  as  did  Vespasian  go  from  the  war 
he  made  against  you  to  receive  the  em- 
pire ;  and  as  for  Titus,  those  springs  that 
were  formerly  almost  dried  up  when  they 
were  under  your  power,  since  he  is  come, 
run  more  plentifully  than  they  did  before  ; 
accordingly,  you  know  that  Siloam,  as  well 
as  all  the  other  springs  that  were  without 
the  city,  did  so  far  fail,  that  water  was 
sold  by  distinct  measures ;  whereas  they 
now  have  such  a  great  quantity  of  water 
for  your  enemies  as  is  sufficient  not  only 
for  drink  both  for  themselves  and  their 
cattle,  but  for  watering  their  gardens  also. 
The  same  wonderful  sign  you  had  also  ex- 
perience of  formerly,  when  the  before-men- 
tioned king  of  Babylon  made  war  against 
us,  and  when  he  took  the  city  and  burnt 
the  temple;  while  yet  I  believe  the  Jews 
of  that  age  were  not  so  impious  as  you 
are.  Wherefore,  I  cannot  but  suppose 
that  God  is  fled  out  of  his  sanctuary,  and 
stands  on  the  side  of  those  against  whom 
you  fight.  Now,  even  a  man,  if  he  be  but 
a  good  man,  will  fly  from  an  impure  house, 
and  will  hate  those  that  are  in  it;  aud  do 
you  persuade  yourselves  that  God  will 
abide  with  you  in  your  iniquities,  who  sees 
all  secret  things,  and  hears  what  is  kept 
most  private  !  Now,  what  crime  is  there, 
I  pray  you,  that  is  so  much  as  kept  secret 
among  you,  or  is  concealed  by  you  !  nay, 
what  is  there  that  is  not  open  to  your 
very  enemies  !  for  you  show  your  trans- 
gr<  s-ions  after  a  pompous  manner,  aud 
contend  one  with  another  which  of  you 
shall  be  more  wicked  than  another ;  and 
you  make  a  public  demonstration  of  your 
injustice,  as  if  it  were  virtue  !  However, 
there  is  a  place  left  for  your  preservation, 
if  you  be  willing  to  accept  of  it;  and  God 
is  easily  reconciled  to  those  that  confess 


their  faults,  and  repent  of  them.  C 
hard-hearted  wretches  as  you  are  !  cast 
away  all  your  arms,  and  take  pity  of 
your  country  already  going  to  ruin  ;  re- 
turn from  your  wicked  ways,  and  have  re- 
gard to  the  excellency  of  that  city  which 
you  are  going  to  betray,  to  that  excellent 
temple  with  the  donations  of  so  many 
countries  in  it.  Who  could  bear  to  be 
the  first  to  set  that  temple  on  fire !  who 
could  be  willing  that  these  things  should 
be  no  more  !  and  what  is  there  that  can 
better  deserve  to  be  preserved  !  0  insensi- 
ble creatures,  and  more  stupid  than  are 
the  stones  themselves  !  And  if  you  can- 
not look  at  these  things  with  discerning 
eyes,  yet,  however,  have  pity  upon  your 
families,  and  set  before  every  one  of  your 
eyes  your  children,  and  wives,  and  parents, 
who  will  be  gradually  consumed  either  by 
famine  or  by  war.  I  am  sensible  that 
this  danger  will  extend  to  my  mother,  and 
wife,  and  to  that  family  of  mine  who 
have  been  by  no  means  ignoble,  and  in- 
deed to  one  that  hatfi  been  very  eminent 
in  old  time;  and  perhaps  you  may  imagine 
that  it  is  on  their  account  only  that  I  give 
you  this  advice  :  if  that  be  all,  kill  them  ; 
nay,  take  my  own  blood  as  a  reward,  if  it 
may  but  procure  your  preservation;  for  I 
am  ready  to  die  in  case  you  will  but  re- 
turn to  a  sound  mind  after  my  death." 


CHAPTER  X. 

Many  of  the  Jews  endeavour  to  desert  to  the  Ro- 
mans— Severe  famine  in  the  city. 

As  Josephus  was  speaking  thus  with  a 
loud  voice,  the  seditious  would  neither 
yield  to  what  he  said,  nor  did  they  deem 
it  safe  for  them  to  alter  their  conduct; 
but  as  for  the  people,  they  had  a  great 
inclination  to  desert  to  the  Romans;  ac- 
cordingly, some  of  them  sold  what  they 
had,  and  even  the  most  precious  things 
that  had  been  laid  up  as  treasures  by  them, 
for  a  very  small  matter,  and  swallowed 
down  pieces  of  gold,  that  they  might  not 
be  found  out  by  the  robbers ;  and  when 
they  had  thus  escaped  to  the  Romans, 
they  had  wherewithal  to  provide  plenti- 
fully for  themselves  :  for  Titus  let  a  great 
number  of  them  go  away  into  the  coun- 
try, whither  they  pleased;  and  the  main 
reasons  why  they  were  so  ready  to  desert 
were  these :  That  now  they  should  be 
freed  from  those  miseries  which  they  had 
endured  in  that  city,  and  yet  should  not 
be  in  slavery  to  the  Romans :  however 


Chap.  X.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


::  13 


John  and  Simon,  with  their  factions,  did 
more  carefully  watch  these  men's  going 
out  than  they  did  the  coming  in  of  the 
Romans;  and,  if  any  one  did  but  afford 
the  least  shadow  of  suspicion  of  such  an 
intention,  his  throat  was  cut  immediately. 

But  as  for  the  richer  sort,  it  proved  all 
one  to  them  whether  they  stayed  in  the 
city,  or  attempted  to  get  out  of  it,  for 
they  were  equally  destroyed  in  both  cases; 
for  every  such  person  was  put  to  death 
under  this  pretence,  that  they  were  going 
to  desert, — but  in  reality,  that  the  rob- 
bers might  get  what  thoy  had.  The  mad- 
ness of  the  seditious  did  also  increase  to- 
gether with  their  famine,  and  both  those 
miseries  were  every  day  inflamed  more 
and  more ;  for  there  was  no  corn  which 
anywhere  appeared  publicly,  but  the  rob- 
bers came  running  into,  and  searched 
men's  private  houses ;  and  then,  if  they 
fouud  any,  they  tormented  them,  because 
they  denied  they  had  any ;  and  if  they 
found  none,  they  tormented  them  worse, 
because  they  supposed  they  had  more 
carefully  concealed  it.  The  indication  they 
made  use  of  whether  they  had  any  or  not, 
was  taken  from  the  bodies  of  these  misera- 
ble wretches ;  which,  if  they  were  in  good 
case,  they  supposed  they  were  in  no  want 
at  all  of  food;  but  if  they  were  wasted 
away,  they  walked  off  without  searching 
any  further  ;  nor  did  they  think  it  proper 
to  kill  such  as  these,  because  they  saw 
they  would  very  soon  die  of  themselves 
for  want  of  food.  Many  there  were,  in- 
deed, who  sold  what  they  had  for  one  mea- 
sure; it  was  of  wheat,  if  they  were  of 
the  richer  sort;  but  barley,  if  they  were 
poorer.  When  these  had  so  done,  they 
shut  themselves  up  in  the  inmost  rooms 
of  their  houses,  and  ate  the  corn  they  had 
gotten;  some  did  it  without  grinding  it, 
by  reason  of  the  extremity  of  the  want 
they  were  in,  and  others  baked  bread  of 
it,  according  as  necessity  and  fear  dictated 
to  them  :  a  table  was  nowhere  laid  for  a 
distinct  meal,  but  they  snatched  the  bread 
out  of  the  fire,  half-baked,  and  ate  it  very 
hastily. 

It  was  now  a  miserable  case,  and  a 
sight  that  would  justly  bring  tears  into 
our  eyes,  how  men  stood  as  to  their  food, 
while  the  more  powerful  had  more  than 
enough,  and  the  weaker  were  lamenting 
[for  want  of  it].  But  the  famine  was  too 
hard  for  all  other  passions,  and  it  is  de- 
structive to  nothing  so  much  as  to  mo- 
desty ;  for  what  was  otherwise  worthy  of 


reverence  was  in  this  case  despised  ;  inso- 
much that  children  pulled  the  very  mor- 
sels that  their  fathers  were  eating  out  of 
their  very  mouths,  and  what  was  still 
more  to  be  pitied,  so  did  the  mothers  do 
as  to  their  infants;  and  when  those  that 
were  most  dear  were  perishing  under  their 
hands,  they  were  not  ashamed  to  t;ike 
from  them  the  very  last  drops  that  might 
preserve  their  lives  ;  and  while  they  ate 
after  this  manner,  yet  were  they  not  con- 
cealed in  so  doing;  but  the  seditious 
everywhere  came  upon  them  immediately, 
and  snatched  away  from  them  what  they 
had  gotten  from  others;  for  when  they 
saw  any  house  shut  up,  this  was  to  them 
a  signal  that  the  people  within  had  gotten 
sonic  food ;  whereupon  they  broke  open 
the  doors  and  ran  in,  and  took  pieces  of 
what  they  were  eating  almost  up  out  of 
their  very  throats,  and  this  by  force  :  the 
old  men,  who  held  their  food  fast,  were 
beaten ;  and  if  the  women  hid  what  they 
had  within  their  hands,  their  hair  was 
torn  for  so  doing  ;  nor  was  there  any  com- 
miseration shown  either  to  the  aged  or  to 
infants,  but  they  lifted  up  children  from 
the  ground  as  they  hung  upon  the  mor- 
sels they  had  gotten,  and  shook  them 
down  upon  the  floor ;  but  still  were  they 
more  barbarously  cruel  to  those  that  had 
prevented  their  coming  in,  and  had  actu- 
ally swallowed  down  what  they  were  go- 
ing to  seize  upon,  as  if  they  had  been 
unjustly  defrauded  of  their  right.  They 
also  invented  terrible  methods  of  torment 
to  discover  where  any  food  was,  and  they 
were  these :  to  stop  up  the  passages  of 
the  privy  parts  of  the  miserable  wretches, 
and  to  drive  sharp  stakes  therein;  and  a 
man  was  forced  to  bear  what  it  is  terrible 
even  to  hear,  in  order  to  make  him  con- 
fess that  he  had  but  one  loaf  of  bread,  or 
that  he  might  discover  a  handful  of  barley- 
meal  that  was  concealed ;  and  this  was 
done  when  these  tormentors  were  not 
themselves  hungry;  for  the  thing  had 
been  less  barbarous  had  necessity  forced 
them  to  it ;  but  this  was  done  to  keep 
their  madness  in  exercise,  and  as  making 
preparation  of  provisions  for  themselves 
for  the  following  days.  These  men  went 
also  to  meet  those  that  had  crept  out  of  the 
city  by  night,  as  far  as  the  Roman  guards, 
to  gather  some  plants  and  herbs  that  grew 
wild;  and  when  those  people  thought 
they  had  got  clear  of  the  enemy,  these 
snatched  from  them  what  they  had  brought 
with  them;  even  while  they  had  frequently 


344 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V. 


entreated  them,  and  that  by  calling  upon 
the  tremendous  name  of  God,  to  give  them 
back  some  part  of  what  they  had  brought, 
though  these  would  not  give  them  the 
least  crumb ;  and  they  were  to  be  well 
contented  that  they  were  only  spoiled,  and 
not  slain  at  the  same  time. 

These  were  the  afflictions  which  the 
lower  sort  of  people  suffered  from  these 
tyrants'  guards;  but  for  the  men  that 
were  in  dignity,  and  withal  were  rich,  they 
were  earned  before  the  tyrants  themselves; 
some  of  whom  were  falsely  accused  of 
laying  treacherous  plots,  and  so  were  de- 
stroyed ;  others  of  them  were  charged 
with  designs  of  betraying  the  city  to  the 
Romans  :  but  the  readiest  way  of  all  was 
this,  to  suborn  somebody  to  affirm  that 
they  were  resolved  to  desert  to  the  enemy; 
and  he  who  was  utterly  despoiled  of  what 
he  had  by  Simon,  was  sent  back  again  to 
John,  as  of  those  who  had  been  already 
plundered  by  John,  Simon  got  what  re- 
mained ;  insomuch  that  they  drank  the 
blood  of  the  populace  to  one  another,  and 
divided  the  dead  bodies  of  the  poor  crea- 
tures between  them  ;  so  that  although,  on 
account  of  their  ambition  after  dominion, 
they  contended  with  each  other,  yet  did 
they  very  well  agree  in  their  wicked  prac- 
tices ;  for  he  that  did  not  communicate 
what  he  had  got  by  the  miseries  of  others 
to  the  other  tyrant,  seemed  to  be  too  lit- 
tle guilty,  and  in  one  respect  only;  and 
he  that  did  not  partake  of  what  was  so 
communicated  to  him,  grieved  at  this,  as 
at  the  loss  of  what  was  a  valuable  thing, 
that  he  had  no  share  in  such  barbarity. 

It  is,  therefore,  impossible  to  go  dis- 
tinctly over  every  instance  of  these  men's 
iniquity.  I  shall,  therefore,  speak  my 
mind  here  at  once  briefly  : — That  neither 
did  any  other  city  ever  suffer  such  mise- 
ries, nor  did  any  age  ever  breed  a  gene- 
ration more  fruitful  in  wickedness  than 
this  was,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
world.  Finally,  they  brought  the  He- 
brew nation  into  contempt,  that  they 
might  themselves  appear  comparatively 
less  impious  with  regard  to  strangers. 
They  confessed  what  was  true,  that  they 
were  the  slaves,  the  scum,  and  the  spu- 
rious and  abortive  offspring  of  our  nation, 
while  they  overthrew  the  city  themselves, 
aud  forced  the  Romans,  whether  they 
would  or  no,  to  gain  a  melancholy  reputa- 
tion, by  acting  gloriously  against  them, 
and  did  almost  draw  that  tire  upon  the 
temple,  which  they  seemed  to  think  came 


too  slowly ;  and,  indeed,  when  they  saw 
that  temple  burning  from  the  upper  city, 
they  were  neither  troubled  at  it,  nor  did 
they  shed  any  tears  on  that  account,  while 
yet  these  passions  were  discovered  among 
the  Romans  themselves ;  which  circum- 
stances we  shall  speak  of  hereafter  in  their 
proper  place,  when  we  come  to  treat  of 
such  matters. 


CHAPTER  XL 

The  Jews  cruciBecl  before  the  walls  of  the  city — 
Antiochus  Epiphanes — The  Jews  overthrow  the 
banks  raised  by  the  Romans. 

So  now  Titus's  banks  were  advanced  a 
great  way,  notwithstanding  his  soldiers 
had  been  very  much  distressed  from  the 
wall.  He  then  sent  a  party  of  horse- 
men, and  ordered  they  should  lay  am- 
bushes for  those  that  went  out  into  the 
valleys  to  gather  food.  Some  of  these 
were  indeed  fighting  men,  who  were  not 
contented  with  what  they  got  by  rapine ; 
but  the  greater  part  of  them  were  poor 
people,  who  were  deterred  from  deserting 
by  the  concern  they  were  under  for  their 
own  relations  :  for  they  could  not  hope  to 
escape  away,  -together  with  their  wives 
and  children,  without  the  knowledge  of 
the  seditious ;  nor  could  they  think  of 
leaving  these  relations  to  be  slain  by  the 
robbers  on  their  account ;  nay,  the  seve- 
rity of  the  famine  made  them  bold  in 
thus  going  out :  so  nothing  remained  but 
that,  when  they  were  concealed  from  the 
robbers,  they  should  be  taken  by  the 
enemy;  and  when  they  were  going  to 
be  taken,  they  were  forced  to  defeud 
themselves,  for  fear  of  being  punished : 
as,  after  they  had  fought,  they  thought 
it  too  late  to  make  any  supplications 
for  mercy  :  so  they  were  first  whipped, 
and  then  tormented  with  all  sorts  of 
tortures  before  they  died,  and  were  then 
crucified  before  the  wall  of  the  city.  This 
miserable  procedure  made  Titus  greatly  to 
pity  them,  while  they  caught  every  day 
500  Jews ;  nay,  some  days  they  caught 
more ;  yet  did  it  not  appear  to  be  safe  for 
him  to  let  those  that  were  taken  by  force 
go  their  way ;  and  to  set  a  guard  over  so 
many,  he  saw  would  be  to  make  such  as 
guarded  them  useless  to  him.  The  main 
reason  why  he  did  not  forbid  that  cruelty 
was  this,  that  he  hoped  the  Jews  might, 
perhaps,  yield  at  that  sight,  out  of  fear 
lest  they  might  themselves  afterward  be 
liable  to  the   same  cruel  treatment.     So 


Cuap.  XL] 


WARS   OF   TIIE   JEWS. 


.11 


n 


the  soldiera,  out  of  the  wrath  and  hatred 
they  bore  .the  Jews,  nailed  those  they 
caught,  one  after  one  way,  and  another 
after  another,  to  the  crosses,  by  way  of 
jest  •  when  their  multitude  was  so  great 
that' room  was  wanting  for  the  crosses, 
and  crosses  wanting  for  the  bodies. 

But  so  far  were  the  seditious  from  re- 
penting at  this  sad  sight,  that,  on  the  con- 
trary, they  made  the  rest  of  the  multitude 
believe  otherwise;  for  they  brought  the 
relations  of  those  that  had  deserted  upon 
the  wall,  with   such  of   the  populace  as 
were  very  eager  to  go  over  upon  the  se- 
curity   offered    them,   and   showed    them 
what  miseries  those  underwent  who  fled 
to  the  Romans ;  and  told  them  that  those 
who  were  caught  were  supplicants  to  them, 
and  not  such  as  were  taken  prisoners.    This 
Bight  kept  many  of  those  within  the  city 
who  were  so  eager  to  desert,  till  the  truth 
was  known;    yet  did  some  of  them  run 
away  immediately  as  unto  certain  punish- 
ment, esteeming  death  from  their  enemies 
to  be  a  quiet  departure,  if  compared  with 
that   by  famine.      So   Titus  commanded 
that  the  bauds  of  many  of  those  that  were 
caught  should  be  cut  off,  that  they  might 
not°be  thought  deserters,  and  might  be 
credited  on  account  of  the  calamity  they 
were  under,  and  sent  them  into  John  and 
Simon,  with    this  exhortation,  that  they 
would  now  at  length  leave  off  [their  mad- 
ness], and  not  force  him  to  destroy  the 
city,  whereby  they  would  have  those  ad- 
vantages   of   repentance,    even    in    their 
utmost  distress,  that  they  would  preserve 
their  own  lives,  and  so  fine  a  city  of  then- 
own,   and  that  temple,   which  was  then- 
peculiar.     He  then  went  round  about  the 
banks   that  were   cast  up,  and  hastened 
them,  in  order  to   show  that  his  words 
should  in  no  long  time  be  followed  by 
bis    deeds.      In    answer    to    which,   the 
seditious  cast  reproaches  upon  Caisar  him- 
self, and  upon  his  father  also,  and  cried 
out  with  a  loud  voice,  that  they  contemned 
death,  and  did  well  in  preferring  it  before 
slavery ;  that  they  would  do  all  the  mis- 
chief  to  the  Romans  they  could   while 
they  had  breath  in  them  ;  and  that  for 
their  own  city,  since  they  were,  as  he  said, 
to    be    destroyed,  they   had   no   concern 
about  it,  and  that  the  world  itself  was  a 
better  temple  to  God  than  this.     That  yet 
this  temple  would  be  preserved  by  him 
that  inhabited    therein,  whom  they  still 
bad  for  their  assistant  in  this  war,  and  did 
therefore  laugh  at   all    his  threatenings, 


which  would  come  to  nothing;  beeause 
the   conclusion   of  the    whole   depended 

upon  God  only.  These  words  were  mixed 
with  reproaches,  and  with  them  they  made 
a  mighty  clamour. 

In  the  mean  time  Antiocbua  Epiphanea 
came  to  the  city,  having  with  him  a  con- 
siderable   number  of    other   armed    men, 
1  and  a  band  called  the  Macedonian   hand 
about  him,  all  of  the  same  age,  tall,  and 
just  past  their  childhood,  armed,  and  in- 
structed  after   the   Macedonian    manner, 
whence  it  was  that  they  took  that  name. 
Yet  were  many  of  them  unworthy  oi  BO 
famous  a  nation ;  for  it  had  so  happened 
that  the  kingof  Commagene  had  aounshed 
more   than  other  kings  that   were   under 
the  power  of  the  Romaus,  till  a  change 
happened  in  his  condition ;  and  when  he 
was   become    an    old    man,    he    declared 
plainly  that  we  ought  not  to  call  any  man 
happy  before  he  is  dead.     1  Jut  this  a< m  ( >f 
his,  who  was  then  come  thither  before  his 
father  was  decaying,  said  that  he  could 
not  but  wonder  what  made  the  Romana 
so  tardy  in  making  their  attacks  upon  the 
wall.     Now   he  was  a  warlike  man,  and 
naturally  bold  in  exposing  himself  to  dan- 
gers: he  was  also  so  strong  a  man  that 
his  boldness  seldom  failed  of  having  suc- 
|  cess.     Upon  this,  Titus  smiled  and  said 
he  would  share  the  pains  of  an  attack  with 
him.     However,    Antiocbus  went  as   he 
then  was,  and  with  his  Macedonians  made 
a  sudden  assault  upon  the  wall;  and,  in- 
deed, for  his  own  part,  his  strength  and 
skill  were  so  great,  that  he  guarded  him- 
self from  the  Jewish  darts,  and  yet  shot 
his  darts  at  them,  while  yet  the   young 
men    with    him    were    almost   all    Borely 
called:  for  they  had  so  great  a  regard  to 
the  promises  that  had  been  made  of  their 
courage,  that  they  would  needs  persevere 
in  their  fighting,  and  at  length  many  of 
them    retired,    but    not    till    they   were 
wounded;  and  then    they  perceived  that 
true  Macedonians,  if  they  were  to  be  con- 
querors, must  have  Alexander's  good  tor- 
tune  also.  .       .    . 
Now,  as  the  Romans  began  to  raise  their 
banks  on  the  twelfth  day  of  the  month 
Artemisius  [Jyar],  so  had  they  much  ado 
to  finish  them  by  the  twenty-ninth  day  ot 
the  same  month,  after  they  had  laboured 
hard  for  seventeen  days  continually ;  lor 
there  were  now  four  great  banks  raised, 
one  of  which  was  at  the  tower  of  Automa; 
this  was  raised  by  the  fifth  legion,  over 
against  the  middle  of  that  pool  which  was 


346 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  V 


called  Struthius.  Another  was  cast  up 
by  the  twelfth  legion,  at  the  distance  of 
about  twenty  cubits  from  the  other.  But 
the  labours  of  the  tenth  legion,  which  lay 
a  great  way  off  these,  were  on  the  north 
quarter,  and  at  the  pool  called  Amygda- 
lon;  as  was  that  of  the  fifteenth  legion 
about  thirty  cubits  from  it,  and  at  the 
high  priest's  monument.  And  now,  when 
the  engines  were  brought,  John  had  from 
within  undermined  the  space  that  was 
over  against  the  tower  of  Antonia,  as  far 
as  the  banks  themselves,  and  had  sup- 
ported the  ground  over  the  mine  with 
beams  laid  across  one  another,  whereby 
the  Roman  works  stood  upon  an  uncertain 
foundation.  Then  did.  he  order  such  ma- 
terials to  be  brought  in  as  were  daubed 
over  with  pitch  and  bitumen,  and  set  them 
on  fire;  and  as  the  cross-beams  that  sup- 
ported the  banks  were  burning,  the  ditch 
yielded  on  the  sudden,  and  the  banks  were 
shaken  down,  and  fell  into  the  ditch  with 
a  prodigious  noise.  Now  at  the  first  there 
arose  a  very  thick  smoke  and  dust,  as  the 
fire  was  choked  by  the  fall  of  the  bank  ; 
but  as  the  suffocated  materials  were  now 
gradually  consumed,  a  plain  flame  broke 
out;  on  which  sudden  appearance  of  the 
flame  a  consternation  fell  upon  the  Romans, 
and  the  shrewdness  of  the  contrivance  dis- 
couraged them;  and  indeed,  this  accident 
coming  upon  them  at  a  time  when  they 
thought  they  had  already  gained  their 
point,  cooled  their  hopes  for  the  time  to 
come.  They  also  thought  it  would  be  to 
no  purpose  to  take  the  pains  to  extinguish 
the  fire,  since,  if  it  were  extinguished,  the 
banks  were  swallowed  up  already  [and 
become  useless]  to  them. 

Two  days  after  this,  Simon  and  his 
party  made  an  attempt  to  destroy  the 
other  banks;  for  the  Romans  had  brought 
their  engines  to  bear  there,  and  began  al- 
ready to  make  the  wall  shake.  And  here 
one  Tephtheus,  of  Grarsis,  a  city  of  Galilee, 
and  Megassarus,  one  who  was  derived  from 
some  of  Queen  Mariamne's  servants,  and 
with  them  one  from  Adiabene,  he  was  the 
son  of  Nabateus,  and  called  by  the  name 
of  Chagiras,  from  the  ill  fortune  he  had, 
the  word  signifying  "  a  lame  man," 
snatched  some  torches  and  ran  suddenly 
upon  the  engines.  Nor  were  there,  during 
this  war,  any  men  that  ever  sallied  out  of 
the  city  who  were  their  superiors,  either 
in  their  own  boldness,  or  in  the  terror 
they  struck  into  their  enemies;  for  they 
ran  out  upon  the  Romans,  not  as  if  they 


were  enemies,  but  friends,  without  fear  or 
delay;  nor  did  they  leave  their  enemies 
till  they  had  rushed  violently  through  the 
midst  of  them,  and  set  their  machines  on 
fire ;  and  though  they  had  darts  thrown 
at  them  on  every  side,  and  were  on  every 
side  assaulted  with  their  enemies'  swords, 
yet  did  they  not  withdraw  themselves  nut 
of  the  dangers  they  were  in,  till  the  fire 
had  caught  hold  of  the  instruments;  but 
when  the  flame  went  up,  the  Romans 
came  running  from  their  camp  to  save 
their  engines.  Then  did  the  Jews  hinder 
their  succours  from  the  wall,  and  fought 
with  those  that  endeavoured  to  queueh 
the  fire,  without  any  regard  to  the  danger 
their  bodies  were  in.  So  the  Romans 
pulled  the  engines  out  of  the  fire,  while 
the  hurdles  that  covered  them  were  on 
fire  ;  but  the  Jews  caught  hold  of  the  bat- 
tering-rams through  the  flame  itself,  and 
held  them  fast,  although  the  iron  upon 
them  was  become  red  hot ;  and  now  the 
fire  spread  itself  from  the  engines  to  the 
banks,  and  prevented  those  that  came  to 
defend  them;  and  all  this  while  the  Ro- 
mans were  encompassed  round  about  with 
the  flame;  and,  despairing  of  saving  their 
works  from  it,  they  retired  to  their  camp. 
Then  did  the  Jews  become  still  more  and 
more  in  number,  by  the  coming  of  those 
that  were  within  the  city  to  their  assist- 
ance; and  as  they  were  very  bold  upon 
the  good  success  they  had  had,  their  vio- 
lent assaults  were  almost  irresistible;  nay, 
they  proceeded  as  far  as  the  fortifications 
of  the  enemy's  camp,  and  fought  with 
their  guards.  Now,  there  stood  a  body  of 
soldiers  in  array  before  that  camp,  which 
succeeded  one  another  by  turns  in  their 
armour;  and  as  to  those,  the  law  of  the 
Romans  was  terrible,  that  he  who  left  his 
post  there,  let  the  occasion  be  whatsoever 
it  might,  he  was  to  die  for  it;  so  that 
body  of  soldiers,  preferring  rather  to  die 
in  fighting  courageously,  than  as  a  pu- 
nishment for  their  cowardice,  stood  firm; 
and  at  the  necessity  these  men  were  in  of 
standing  to  it,  many  of  the  others  that 
had  run  away,  out  of  shame,  turned  back 
again;  and  when  they  had  set  their  en- 
gines against  the  wall,  they  kept  the  mul- 
titude from  coming  more  of  them  out  of 
the  city  [which  they  could  the  more  easily 
do];  because  they  had  made  no  provision 
for  preserving  or  guarding  their  bodies  at 
this  time;  for  the  Jews  fought  now  hand 
to  hand,  with  all  that  came  in  their  way, 
and,  without  any  caution,  fell  against  the 


Chai\  XII.] 


WARS   OF    THE    JEW8. 


347 


points  of  their  enemy's  spears,  and  at- 
tacked them  bodies  against  bodies  ;  for 
they  were  now  too  hard  for  the  Romans, 
not  so  much  by  their  other  warlike  actions, 
as  by  these  courageous  assaults  they  made 
upou  them ;  and  the  Romans  gave  way 
more  to  their  boldness  than  they  did  to 
the  sense  of  the  harm  they  had  received 
from  them. 

And  now  Titus  had  come  from  the  tower 
of  Antonia,  whither  he  had  gone  to  look 
out  for  a  place  for  raising  other  banks,  and 
reproached  the  soldiers  greatly  for  permit- 
ting their  own  walls  to  be  in  danger,  when 
they  had  taken  the  walls  of  their  enemies, 
and  sustained  the  fortune  of  men  besieged, 
while  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  sally  out 
against  them,  though  they  were  already 
in  a  sort  of  prison.  He  then  went  round 
about  the  enemy  with  some  chosen  troops, 
and  fell  upon  their  flank  himself;  so  the 
Jews,  who  had  been  before  assaulted  in 
their  faces,  wheeled  about  to  Titus,  and 
continued  the  fight.  The  armies  also  were 
now  mixed  one  among  another,  and  the 
dust  that  was  raised  so  far  hindered  them 
from  seeing  one  another,  and  the  noise 
that  was  made  so  far  hindered  them  from 
heariug  one  another,  that  neither  side 
could  discern  an  enemy  from  a  friend. 
However,  the  Jews  did  not  flinch,  though 
not  so  much  from  their  real  strength,  as 
from  their  despair  of  deliverance.  The 
Romans  also  would  not  yield,  by  reason 
of  the  regard  they  had  to  glory,  and  to 
their  reputation  in  war,  and  because  Caesar 
himself  went  into  the  danger  before  them; 
insomuch  that  I  cannot  but  think  the  Ro- 
mans would  in  the  conclusion  have  now 
taken  even  the  whole  multitude  of  the 
Jews,  so  very  angry  were  they  at  them, 
had  these  not  prevented  the  upshot  of  the 
battle,  and  retired  into  the  city.  How- 
ever, seeing  the  banks  of  the  Romans 
were  demolished,  these  Romans  were  very 
much  cast  down  upon  the  loss  of  what  had 
cost  them  so  long  pains,  and  this  in  one 
hour's  time;  and  many  indeed  despaired 
of  taking  the  city  with  their  usual  engines 
of  war  only. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Titus  encompasses  the  city  round  with  a  wall — The 
famine  consumes  the  people  by  whole  houses  and 
families. 

And  now  did  Titus  consult  with  his 
commanders  what  was  to  be  done.  Those 
that  were  of  the  warmest  tempers  thought 
he  should  briug  the  whole  army  against 


the  city  and  storm  the  wall;  for  that 
hitherto  no  more  than  a  part  of  their  army 
had  fought  with  the  Jews;  but  that  in 
case  the  entire  army  was  to  come  at  once, 
they  would  not  be  able  to  sustain  their 
attacks;  but  would  be  overwhelmed  by 
their  darts;  but  of  those  that  were  for  a 
more  cautious  management,  some  were  for 
raising  their  banks  again;  and  others  ad- 
vised to  let  the  banks  alone,  but  to  lie 
still  before  the  city,  to  guard  against  the 
coming  out  of  the  Jews,  and  against  their 
carrying  provisions  into  the  city,  and  bo 
to  leave  the  enemy  to  the  famine,  and  this 
without  direct  fighting  with  them ;  for 
that  despair  was  not  to  be  conquered, 
especially  as  to  those  who  are  desirous  to 
die  by  the  sword,  while  a  more  terrible 
misery  than  that  is  reserved  for  them. 
However,  Titus  did  not  think  it  fit  for  bo 
great  an  army  to  lie  entirely  idle,  and  that 
yet  it  was  in  vain  to  fight  with  those  that 
would  be  destroyed  one  by  another;  he 
also  showed  them  how  impracticable  it 
was  to  cast  up  any  more  banks,  for  want 
of  materials,  and  to  guard  against  the 
Jews  coming  out,  still  more  impractica- 
ble; as  also,  that  to  encompass  the  whole 
city  round  with  his  army,  was  not  very 
easy,  by  reason  of  its  magnitude,  and  the 
difficulty  of  the  situation;  and  on  other 
accounts  dangerous,  upon  the  sallies  the 
Jews  might  make  out  of  the  city;  for  al- 
though they  might  guard  the  known  pas- 
sages out  of  the  place,  yet  would  they, 
when  they  found  themselves  under  the 
greatest  distress,  contrive  secret  passages 
out,  as  being  well  acquainted  with  all  such 
places ;  and  if  any  provisions  were  carried 
in  by  stealth,  the  siege  would  thereby  be 
longer  delayed.  He  also  owned,  that  he 
was  afraid  that  the  length  of  time  thus  to 
be  spent  would  diminish  the  glory  of  his 
success;  for  though  it  be  true,  that  length 
of  time  will  perfect  every  thing,  yet,  that 
to  do  what  we  do  in  a  little  time,  is  still 
necessary  to  the  gaining  reputation  :  that 
therefore  his  opinion  was,  that  if  they 
aimed  at  quickness,  joined  with  security, 
they  must  build  a  wall  round  about  the 
whole  city;  which  was,  he  thought,  the 
only  way  to  prevent  the  Jews  from  coming 
out  any  way,  and  that  then  they  would 
either  entirely  despair  of  saving  the  city, 
and  so  would  surrender  it  up  to  him,  or  be 
still  the  more  easily  conquered  when  the 
famine  had  further  weakened  them;  for 
that  besides  this  wall,  he  would  not  lie 
entirely  at  rest  afterward,  but  would  take 


348 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book.  V 


care  then  to  have  banks  raised  again,  when 
those  that  would  oppose  them  were  become 
weaker:  but  that  if  any  one  should  think 
such  a  work  to  be  too  great,  and  not  to  be 
finished  without  much  difficulty,  he  ought 
to  consider  that  it  is  not  fit  for  Romans  to 
undertake  any  small  work,  and  that  none 
but  God  himself  could  with  ease  accom- 
plish any  great  thing  whatsoever. 

These  arguments  prevailed  with  the 
commanders.  So  Titus  gave  orders  that 
the  army  should  be  distributed  to  their 
several  shares  of  this  work;  and  indeed 
there  now  came  upon  the  soldiers  a  certain 
divine  fury,  so  that  they  did  not  only  part 
the  whole  wall  that  was  to  be  built  among 
them,  nor  did  only  one  legion  strive  with 
another,  but  the  lesser  divisions  of  the 
army  did  the  same ;  insomuch  that  each 
soldier  was  ambitious  to  please  his  decu- 
rion,  each  decurion  his  centurion,  each 
centurion  his  tribune,  and  the  ambition  of 
the  tribunes  was  to  please  their  superior 
commanders,  while  Caesar  himself  took 
notice  of  and  rewarded  the  like  contention 
in  those  commanders;  for  he  went  round 
about  the  works  many  times  every  day, 
and  took  a  view  of  what  was  done.  Titus 
began  the  wall  from  the  Camp  of  the  As- 
syrians, where  his  own  camp  was  pitched, 
and  drew  it  down  to  the  lower  parts  of 
Cenopolis;  thence  it  went  along  the  valley 
of  Cedron  to  the  Mount  of  Olives;  it  then 
bent  toward  the  south,  and  encompassed 
the  mountain  as  far  as  the  rock  called 
Peristereon,  and  that  other  hill  which  lies 
next  to  it,  and  is  over  the  valley  which 
reaches  to  Siloam ;  whence  it  bended 
again  to  the  west,  and  went  down  to  the 
valley  of  the  Fountain,  beyond  which  it 
went  up  again  at  the  monument  of  Ana- 
nus  the  high  priest,  and  encompassing 
that  mountain  where  Pompey  had  for- 
merly pitched  his  camp,  it  returned  back 
to  the  north  side  of  the  city,  and  was  car- 
ried on  as  far  as  a  certain  village  called 
"The  House  of  the  Erebinthi;"  after 
which  it  encompassed  Herod's  monument, 
and  there,  on  the  east,  was  joined  to  Ti- 
tus's own  camp,  where  it  began.  Now 
the  length  of  this  wall  was  forty  furlongs, 
one  only  abated.  Now  at  this  wall  with- 
out were  erected  thirteen  places  to  keep 
garrisons  iu,  the  circumference  of  which, 
put  together,  amounted  to  ten  furlongs; 
the  whole  was  completed  in  three  days: 
so  that  what  would  naturally  have  re- 
quired some  months,  was  done  in  so 
short  an  interval  as  is  incredible.     When 


'  Titus    had,    therefore,    encompassed    the 
I  city   with    this    wall,   and    put    garrisons 
into    proper  places,    he  went    round    the 
wall,    at    the   first    watch   of    the    night, 
,  and  observed  how  the  guard  was  kept; 
the  second  watch  he  allotted  to  Alexan- 
der; the  commanders  of  legions  took  the 
I  third  watch.      They  also  cast  lots  among 
I  themselves  who  should  be  upon  the  watch 
i  in  the  night-time,  and  who  should  go  all 
night  long  round   the    spaces   that  were 
iuterposed  between  the  garrisons. 

So  all  hope  of  escaping  was  now  cut 
off  from  the  Jews,  together  with  their 
liberty  of  going  out  of  the  city.  Then 
did  the  famine  widen  its  progress,  and  de- 
voured the  people  by  whole  houses  and 
families;  the  upper  rooms  were  full  of 
women  and  children  that  were  dying  by 
famine;  and  the  lanes  of  the  city  were 
full  of  the  dead  bodies  of  the  aged;  the 
children  also  and  the  young  men  wandered 
about  the  market-places  like  shadows,  all 
swelled  with  the  famine,  and  fell  down 
dead  wheresoever  their  misery  seized  them. 
As  for  burying  them,  those  that  were  sick 
themselves  were  not  able  to  do  it;  and 
those  that  were  hearty  and  well  were  de- 
terred from  doing  it  by  the  great  multi- 
tude of  those  dead  bodies,  and  by  the  un- 
certainty there  was  how  soon  they  should 
die  themselves;  for  many  died  as  they 
were  burying  others,  and  many  went  to 
their  coffins  before  that  fatal  hour  was 
come !  Nor  was  there  any  lamentation 
made  under  these  calamities,  nor  were 
heard  any  mournful  complaints ;  but  the 
famine  confounded  all  natural  passions ; 
for  those  who  were  just  going  to  die,  looked 
upon  those  that  were  gone  to  their  rest  be- 
fore them  with  dry  eyes  and  open  mouths. 
A  deep  silence  also,  and  a  kind  of  deadly 
night,  had  seized  upon  the  city;  while  yet 
the  robbers  were  still  more  terrible  than 
these  miseries  were  themselves;  for  they 
brake  open  those  houses  which  were 
no  other  than  graves  of  dead  bodies, 
and  plundered  them  of  what  they  had ; 
and  carrying  off  the  coverings  of  their 
bodies,  went  out  laughing,  and  tried  the 
points  of  their  swords  on  their  dead  bo- 
dies ;  and,  in  order  to  prove  what  mettle 
they  were  made  of,  they  thrust  some  of 
those  through  that  still  lay  alive  upon  the 
ground ;  for  those  that  entreated  them  to 
lend  them  their  right  hand  and  their 
sword  to  despatch  them,  they  were  too 
proud  to  grant  their  requests,  and  left 
them  to  be  consumed  by  the  famine.    Now 


=n 


Chap.  XIII.] 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


r;  to 


every  one  of  these  died  with  their  eyes 
fixed  npon  the  temple,  and  left  the  sedi- 
tious alive  behind  them.  Now  the  sedi- 
tious at  first  gave  orders  that  the  dead 
should  be  buried  out  of  the  public  treasury, 
as  not  enduring  the  stench  of  their  dead 
bodies.  But  afterward,  when  they  could 
not  do  that,  they  had  them  cast  down 
from  the  walls  into  the  valleys  beneath. 

However,   when    Titus,    in    going    his 
rounds  along  those  valleys,  saw  them  full 
of  dead  bodies,  and  the  thick  putrefaction 
running  about   them,  he  gave   a   groan ; 
and,  spreading  out  his  hands  to  heaven, 
called  God  to  witness  that  this  was  not  his 
doing  :  and  such  was  the  sad  case  of  the 
city 'itself.     But  the  Romans  were  very 
joyful,  since  none  of  the  seditious  could 
now  make  sallies  out  of  the  city,  because 
they  were   themselves  disconsolate;    and 
the    famine   already   touched   them    also. 
These  Romans,  besides,  bad  great  plenty 
of  corn  and  other  necessaries  out  of  Syria, 
and  out  of  the  neighbouring  provinces; 
many  of  whom  would  stand  near  to  the 
wall  of  the  city,  and  show  the  people  what 
great  quantities  of  provisions  they  had, 
and  so  make  the  enemy  more  sensible  of 
their  famine,  by  the  great  plenty,  even  to 
satiety,  which  they  had  themselves.   How- 
ever, when  the  seditious  still  showed  no 
inclination   of  yielding,  Titus,  out  of  his 
commiseration    of    the    people    that   re- 
mained, and  out  of  his  earnest  desire  of 
rescuing  what  was  still  left  out  of  these 
miseries,  began  to  raise  his  banks  again, 
although  materials  for  them  were  hard  to 
be  come  at;  for  all  the  trees  that  were 
about  the  city  had  been  already  cut  down 
for  the  making  of  the  former  banks.     Yet 
did  the    soldiers  bring  with  them   other 
materials  from  the  distance  of  ninety  fur- 
longs, and  thereby  raised  banks  in  four 
parts,    much     greater    than    the    former, 
though  this  was  done  only  at  the  tower 
of  Antonia.     So  Caesar  went  his  rounds 
through  the  legions,  and  hastened  on  the 
works,  and  showed  the  robbers  that  they 
were  now  in  his  hands.     But  these  meu, 
and  these  only,  were  incapable  of  repent- 
ing  of    the    wickedness    they  had    been 
guilty  of;  and  separating  their  souls  from 
their  bodies,  they  used  them   both  as  if 
they  belonged  to  other  folks,  and  not  to 
themselves.     For  no  gentle  affection  could 
touch  their  souls,  nor  could  any  pain  affect 
their  bodies,  since  they  could  still  tear  the 
dead  bodies  of  the  people  as  dogs  do,  and 
fill  the  prisons  with  those  that  were  sick. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Great  slaughter  and  sacrilege  in  Jerusalem. 

Accordingly,  Simon  would  not  suffer 
Matthias,  by  whose  means  be  got  p 
sion  of  the  city,  to  go  off  without  torment. 
This  Matthias   was  the  son   of  Boethus, 
and  was  one  of  the  high  priests,  one  that 
had  been   very  faithful  to  the  people,  and 
in  great  esteem  with  them :  he,  when  the 
multitude  were  distressed  by  the  Zealots, 
among  whom  John   was  numbered,  per- 
suaded the  people  to  admit  this  Simon  to 
come  in  to  assist  them,  while  he  had  made 
no    terms   with    him,   nof    expected    any 
thing  that  was  evil  from  him.     But  when 
Simon   was  come  in,  and  had  gotten  the 
city  under  his   power,  he  esteemed  hi  in 
that     had     advised    them    to    admit    him 
as  his  enemy   equally  with  the  rest,   as 
looking  upon  that  advice  as  a  piece  of  his 
simplicity    only:    so    he    had    him    then 
brought  before  him,  and  condemned  to  die 
for    being    on    the   side   of  the  Romans, 
without  giving  him  leave  to  make  his  de- 
fence.    He  condemned  also  his  three  sons 
to  die  with  him  ;  for,  as  to  the  fourth,  he 
prevented  him,  by  running  away  to  Titus 
before.     And  when    he  begged  for  this, 
that  he  might  be  slain  before  his  sons,  and 
that  as  a  favour,  on  account  that  he   had 
procured  the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  opened 
to  him,  he  gave  order  that  he  should  be 
slain  the  last  of  them  all;  so  he  was  not 
slain  till  he  had  seen  his  sons  slain  before 
his  eyes,  and  that  by  being  produced  over 
against  the   Romans  ;  for  such   a  charge 
had  Simon  given  to  Anauus,  the  son  of 
Bamadus,  who  was  the  most  barbarous  of 
all  his  guards.      He  also  jested  upon  him, 
and  told  him  that  he  might  now  see  whether 
those  to  whom  he  intended  to  go  over,  would 
send  him  any  succours  or  not;  but  still 
he  forbade  their  dead  bodies   should  be 
buried.     After  the  slaughter  of  these,  a 
certain   priest,   Ananias,  the  son  of  Ma- 
sambulus,  a  person  of  eminence,  as  also 
Aristeus,  the  scribe  of  the  sanhedrim,  and 
born  at  Emmaus,  and  with  them  fifteen 
men    of   figure    among  the  people,  were 
slain.     They  also  kept  Josephus's   father 
in  prison,  and  made  public  proclamation 
that   no  citizen   whosoever  should  either 
speak  to  him  himself,  or  go  into  his  com- 
pany among  others,  for  fear  he  should  be- 
tray them.     They  also  slew  such  as  joined 
in  lamenting  these  men,  without  any  fur- 
ther examination. 

Now,  wheu  Judas,  the  son  of  Judas, 


350 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  Y 


who  was  one  of  Simon's  under-officersr 
and  a  peison  intrusted  by  him  to  keep 
one  of  the  towers,  saw  this  procedure  of 
Simon,  he  called  together  ten  of  those 
under  him,  that  were  most  faithful  to  him, 
(perhaps  this  was  done,  partly  out  of  pity 
to  those  that  had  so  barbarously  been  put 
to  death ;  but,  principally,  in  order  to 
provide  for  his  own  safety,)  and  spoke 
thus  to  them  : — "  How  long  shall  we  bear 
these  miseries  ?  or,  what  hopes  have  we 
of  deliverance  by  thus  continuing  faithful 
to  such  wicked  wretches  ?  Is  not  the 
famine  already  come  against  us?  Are 
not  the  Romans  in  a  manner  gotten  within 
the  city?  Is  not  Simon  become  uufaith- 
ful  to  his  benefactors  ?  and  is  there  not 
reason  to  fear  he  will  very  soon  bring  us 
to  the  like  punishment,  while  the  security 
the  Romans  offer  us  is  sure  ?  Come  on, 
let  us  surrender  up  this  wall,  and  save 
ourselves  and  the  city.  Nor  will  Simon 
be  very  much  hurt,  if,  now  he  despairs  of  de- 
liverance, he  be  brought  to  justice  a  little 
sooner  than  he  thinks  on."  Now,  these 
ten  were  prevailed  upon  by  those  argu- 
ments; so  he  sent  the  rest  of  those  that 
were  under  him,  some  one  way  and  some 
another,  that  no  discovery  might  be  made 
of  what  they  had  resolved  upon.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  called  to  the  Romans  from 
the  tower,  about  the  third  hour ;  but 
they,  some  of  them  out  of  pride,  despised 
what  he  said,  and  others  of  them  did  not 
believe  him  to  be  in  earnest,  though  the 
greatest  number  delayed  the  matter,  as 
believing  they  should  get  possession  of 
the  city  in  a  little  time,  without  any  ha- 
zard; but  when  Titus  was  just  coming 
thither  with  his  armed  men,  Simon  was 
acquainted  with  the  matter  before  he 
came,  and  present^  took  the  tower  into 
his  own  custody,  before  it  was  surren- 
dered, and  seized  upon  these  men,  and 
put  them  to  death  in  the  sight  of  the  Ro- 
mans themselves;  and,  when  he  had  man- 
gled their  dead  bodies,  he  threw  them 
down  before  the  wall  of  the  city. 

In  the  mean  time,  Josephus,  as  he  was 
going  round  the  city,  had  his  head 
wounded  by  a  stone  that  was  thrown  at 
him  ;  upon  which  he  fell  down  as  giddy. 
Upon  which  fall  of  his  the  Jews  made  a 
sally,  and  he  had  been  hurried  away  into 
the  city,  if  Caesar  had  not  sent  men  to 
protect  him  immediately;  and,  as  these 
men  were  fighting,  Josephus  was  taken 
up,  though  he  heard  little  of  what  was 
done.     So    the    seditious   supposed   they 


had  now  slain  that  man  whom  they  were 
the  most  desirous  of  killing,  and  made 
thereupon  a  great  noise,  in  way  of  rejoic- 
ing. This  accident  was  told  in  the  city  ; 
and  the  multitude  that  remained  became 
very  disconsolate  at  the  news,  as  being 
persuaded  that  he  was  really  dead,  on 
whose  account  alone  they  could  venture 
to  desert  to  the  Romans ;  but  when  Jose- 
phus's  mother  heard  in  prison  that  her 
son  was  dead,  she  said  to  those  that 
watched  about  her,  That  she  had  always 
been  of  opinion,  since  the  siege  of  Jota- 
pata  [that  he  would  be  slain],  and  she 
should  never  enjoy  him  alive  any  more. 
She  also  made  great  lamentation  privately 
to  the  maid-servants  that  were  about  her, 
and  said,  That  this  was  all  the  advantage 
she  had  of  bringing  so  extraordinary  a 
person  as  this  son  into  the  world  ;  that 
she  should  not  be  able  even  to  bury  that 
son  of  hers,  by  whom  she  expected  to 
have  been  buried  herself.  However,  this 
false  report  did  not  put  his  mother  to 
pain,  nor  afford  merriment  to  the  robbers 
long;  for  Josephus  soon  recovered  of  his 
wound,  and  came  out  and  cried  out  aloud, 
That  it  would  not  be  long  ere  they  should 
be  punished  for  this  wound  they  had  given 
him.  He  also  made  a  fresh  exhortation 
to  the  people  to  come  out,  upou  the  secu- 
rity that  would  be  given  them.  This 
sight  of  Josephus  encouraged  the  people 
greatly,  and  brought  a  great  consternation 
upon  the  seditious. 

Hereupon  some  of  the  deserters,  hav- 
ing no  other  way,  leaped  down  from  the 
wall  immediately,  white  -others  of  them 
went  out  of  the  city  with  stones,  as  if 
they  would  fight  them;  but  thereupon, 
they  fled  away  to  the  Romans.  But  here 
a  worse  fate  accompanied  these  than  what 
they  had  found  within  the  city  ;  and  they 
met  with  a  quicker  despatch  from  the  too 
great  abundance  they  had  among  the  Ro- 
mans, than  they  could  have  done  from  the 
famine  among  the  Jews;  for  when  they 
came  first  to  the  Romans,  they  were 
puffed  up  by  the  famine,  and  swelled  like 
men  in  a  dropsy ;  after  which  they  all  on 
the  sudden  overfilled  those  bodies  that 
were  before  empty,  and  so  burst  asunder, 
excepting  such  only  as  were  skilful 
enough  to  restrain  their  appetites,  and, 
by  degrees,  took  in  their  food  into  bodies 
unaccustomed  thereto.  Yet  did  auother 
plague  seize  upou  those  that  were  thus 
preserved;  for  there  was  found  among 
the  Syrian  deserters  a  certain  person  who 


Chap.  XIII.] 


WARS   OF   THE    JEWS. 


851 


7 


was  caught  gathering  pieces  of  gold  out 
of  the  excrements  of  the  Jews'  bellies; 
for  the  deserters  used  to  swallow  such 
pieces  of  gold,  as  we  told  you  before,  when 
they  came  out;  and  for  these  did  the  se- 
ditious search  them  all ;  for  there  was  a 
great  quantity  of  gold  in  the  city,  inso- 
much that  as  much  was  now  sold  [in  the 
Roman  camp]  for  twelve  Attic  [drams], 
as  was  sold  before  for  twenty-five;  but 
when  this  contrivance  was  discovered  in 
one  instance,  the  fame  of  it  filled  their 
several  camps,  that  the  deserters  came  to 
them  full  of  gold.  So  the  multitude  of 
the  Arabians,  with  the  Syrians,  cut  up 
those  that  came  as  supplicants,  and 
searched  their  bellies.  Nor  docs  it  seem 
to  me  that  any  misery  befell  the  Jews  that 
was  more  terrible  than  this,  since  in  one 
night's  time  about  2000  of  these  deserters 
were  thus  dissected. 

When  Titus  came  to  the  knowledge  of 
this  wicked  practice,  he  had  like  to  have 
surrounded  those  that  had  been  guilty  of 
it  with  his  horse,  and  have  shot  them  dead ; 
and  he  had  done  it,  had  not  their  number 
been  so  very  great,  and  those  that  were 
liable  to  this  punishment  would  have  been 
manifold  more  than  those  whom  they  had 
slain.  However,  he  called  together  the 
commanders  of  the  auxiliary  troops  he 
had  with  him,  as  well  as  the  commanders 
of  the  Roman  legions,  (for  some  of  his 
own  soldiers  had  been  also  guilty  herein, 
as  he  had  been  informed,)  aud  had  great 
indignation  against  both  sorts  of  them, 
and  spoke  to  them  as  follows  : — "  What ! 
have  any  of  my  own  soldiers  done  such 
things  as  this  out  of  the  uncertain  hope 
of  gain,  without  regarding  their  own  wea- 
pons, which  are  made  of  silver  and  gold  ? 
Moreover,  do  the  Arabians  and  Syrians 
now  first  of  all  begin  to  govern  themselves 
as  they  please,  and  to  indulge  their  appe- 
tites in  a  foreign  war,  and  then,  out  of 
their  barbarity  in  murdering  men,  and 
out  of  their  hatred  to  the  Jews,  get  it  as- 
cribed to  the  Romans  ?" — for  this  infa- 
mous practice  was  said  to  be  spread  among 
6ome  of  his  own  soldiers  also.  Titus  then 
threatened  that  he  would  put  such  men  to 
death,  if  any  one  of  them  were  discovered 
to  be  so  insolent  as  to  do  so  again  :  more- 
over, he  gave  it  in  charge  to  the  legions, 
that  they  should  make  a  search  after  such 
as  were  suspected,  and  should  bring  them 
to  him  ;  but  it  appeared  that  the  love  of 
money  was  too  hard  for  all  their  dread  of 


punishment,  and  a  vehement  desire  of 
gain  is  natural  to  men,  and  no  passion  is 
so  venturesome  as  oovetousness  j  other- 
wise such  passions  have  certain  bounds, 
and  are  subordinate  to  fear;  but  in  reality 
it  was  God  who  condemned  the  whole  na- 
tion, and  turned  every  course  that  was 
taken  for  their  preservation  to  their  de- 
struction. This,  therefore,  which  was  for- 
bidden by  Caesar  under  such  a  threatening, 
was  ventured  upon  privately  against  the 
deserters,  and  these  barbarians  would  go 
out  still,  and  meet  those  that  ran  away 
before  any  Baw  them,  and  looking  about 
them  to  see  that  no  Romans  spied  them, 
they  dissected  them,  and  pulled  this  pol- 
luted money  out  of  their  bowels;  which 
money  was  still  found  in  a  few  of  them, 
while  yet  a  great  many  were  destroyed  by 
the  bare  hope  there  was  of  thus  getting  by 
them,  which  miserable  treatment  made 
many  that  were  deserting  to  return  back 
again  into  the  city. 

Rut  as  for  John,  when  he  could  no 
longer  plunder  the  people,  he  betook  him- 
self to  sacrilege,  and  melted  down  many 
of  the  sacred  utensils,  which  had 
given  to  the  temple  ;  as  also  many  of  these 
vessels  which  were  necessary  for  such  as 
ministered  about  holy  things,  the  caldrons, 
the  dishes,  and  the  tables;  nay,  he  did  not 
abstain  from  those  pouring-vessels  that 
were  sent  them  by  Augustus  aud  his  wife  ] 
for  the  Roman  emperors  did  ever  both 
honour  and  adorn  this  temple  :  whereas 
this  man,  who  was  a  Jew,  seized  upon 
what  were  the  donations  of  foreigners; 
and  said  to  those  that  were  with  him,  that 
it  was  proper  for  them  to  use  divine  things 
while  they  were  fighting  for  the  Divinity, 
without  fear,  and  that  such  whose  warfare 
is  for  the  temple,  should  live  of  the  tem- 
ple; on  which  account  he  emptied  the  ves- 
sels of  that  sacred  wine  and  oil,  which  the 
priests  kept  to  be  poured  on  the  burnt-of- 
ferings, and  which  lay  in  the  inner  court 
of  the  temple,  and  distributed  it  among 
the  multitude,  who,  in  their  anointing 
themselves  and  drinking,  used  [each  of 
them]  above  a  bin  :  and  here  I  cannot  but 
speak  my  mind,  and  what  the  concern  I 
am  under  dictates  to  me,  and  it  is  this:  L 
suppose,  that  had  the  Romans  made  any 
longer  delay  in  coming  against  these  vil- 
lains, the  city  would  either  have  b  n 
swallowed  up  by  the  ground  opening uj  >n 
them,  or  been  overflowed  by  water,  or  else 
been  destroyed   by  such  thunder    as  the 


352 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI 


country  of  Sodom*  perished  by,  for  it,  had 
brought  forth  a  generation  of  men  much 
more  atheistical  than  were  those  that  suf- 
fered such  punishments;  for  by  their  mad- 
ness it  was  that  all  the  people  came  to  be 
destroyed. 

And  indeed,  why  do  I  relate  these  par- 
ticular calamities  ? — while  Manneus,  the 
son  of  Lazarus,  came  running  to  Titus  at 
this  very  time,  and  told  him  that  there 
had  been  carried  out  through  that  one 
gate,  which  was  intrusted  to  his  care,  no 
fewer  than  115,880  dead  bodies,  in  the  in- 
terval between  the  fourteenth  day  of  the 
month  Xanthicus  [Nisan],  when  the  Ro- 
mans pitched  their  camp  by  the  city,  and 
the  first  day  of  the  month  Panemus  [Ta- 
muz].  This  was  itself  a  prodigious  multi- 
tude ;  and  though  this  man  was  not  him- 
self set  as  a  governor  at  that  gate,  yet 
was  he  appointed  to  pay  the  public  stipend 
for  carrying  these  bodies  out,  and  so  was 
obliged  of  necessity  to  number  them, 
while  the  rest  were  buried  by  their  rela- 
tions, though  all  their  burial  was  but  this, 
to  bring  them  away,  and  cast  them  out  of 
the  city.     After  this  man  there  ran  away 


to  Titus  many  of  the  eminent  citizens, 
and  told  him  the  entire  number  of  the 
poor  that  were  dead ;  and  that  no  fewer 
than  600,000  were  thrown  out  at  the  gates, 
though  still  the  number  of  the  rest  could 
not  be  discovered ;  and  they  told  him 
further,  that  when  they  were  no  longer  able 
to  carry  out  the  dead  bodies  of  the  poor, 
they  laid  their  corpses  on  heaps  in  very 
large  houses,  and  shut  them  up  therein  ; 
as  also  that  a  medimnus  of  wheat  was  sold 
for  a  talent;  and  that  when,  a  while  after- 
ward, it  was  not  possible  to  gather  herbs, 
by  reason  the  city  was  all  walled  about, 
some  persons  were  driven  to  that  terrible 
distress  as  to  search  the  common  sewers 
and  old  dunghills  of  cattle,  and  to  eat  the 
dung  which  they  got  there ;  and  what 
they  of  old  could  not  endure  so  much  as 
to  see,  they  now  used  for  food.  When  the 
Romans  barely  heard  all  this,  they  com- 
miserated their  case  ;  while  the  seditious, 
who  saw  it  also,  did  not  repent,  but  suffer- 
ed the  same  distress  to  come  upon  them- 
selves ;  for  they  were  blinded  by  thafcfate 
which  was  already  coming  upon  the  city, 
and  upon  themselves  also. 


BOOK  VI. 

CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  ONE  MONTH,  FROM  THE  GREAT 
EXTREMITY  TO  WHICH  THE  JEWS  WERE  REDUCED  TO  THE  TAKING 
OF  JERUSALEM  BY  TITUS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  miseries  of  the  Jews  increase — The  Romans 
make  an  assault  upon  the  tower  of  Antonia. 

Thus  did  the  miseries  of  Jerusalem 
grow  worse  and  worse  every  day,  and  the 
seditious  were  still  more  irritated  by  the 
calamities  they  were  under,  even  while  the 
famine  preyed  upon  themselves,  after  it 
had  preyed  upon  the  people.  And,  in- 
deed, the  multitude  of  carcases  that  lay  in 
heaps  one  upon  another  was  a  horrible 
sight,  and  produced  a  pestilential  stench, 
which  was  a  hinderance  to  those  that 
would  make  sallies  out  of  the  city  and 


*  Josephus  esteems  the  land  of  Sodom,  not  as 
part  of  the  lake  Asphaltitis,  or  under  its  waters; 
but  near  it  only,  as  Tacitus  also  took  the  same  no- 
tion from  him,  whieh  Reland  takes  to  lie  the  truth, 
both  in  his  note  on  this  place  and  in  his  Palestina. 


fight  the  enemy :  but  as  those  were  to  go 
in  battle-array  who  had  been  already  used 
to  10,000  murders,  and  must  tread  upon 
those  dead  bodies  as  they  marched  along, 
so  were  not  they  terrified,  nor  did  they 
pity  men  as  they  marched  over  them  ;  nor 
did  they  deem  this  affront  offered  to  the 
deceased  to  be  any  ill  omen  to  themselves; 
but  as  they  had  their  right  hands  already 
polluted  with  the  murders  of  their  own 
countrymen,  and  in  that  condition  ran  out 
to  fight  with  foreigners,  they  seemed  to 
me  to  have  casta  reproach  upon  God  him- 
self, as  if  he  were  too  slow  in  punishing 
them;  for  the  war  was  not  now  gone  on 
with  as  if  they  had  any  hope  of  victory ; 
for  they  gloried  after  a  brutish  manner  in 
that  despair  of  deliverance  they  were  al- 
ready in.  And  now  the  Romans,  although 


Chap.  I.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


353 


they  were  greatly  distressed  in  getting  to- 
gether their  materials,  raised  their  banks 
in  one-and-twenty-days,  after  they  hud  cut 
down  all  the  trees  that  were  in  the  coun- 
try that  adjoined  to  the  city,  and  that  for 
ninety  furlongs  round  about,  as  I  have 
already  related.  And  truly,  the  very 
view  itself  of  the  country  was  a  melancho- 
ly thing;  for  those  places  which  were  be- 
fore adorned  with  trees  and  pleasant  gar- 
dens, were  now  become  a  desolate  country 
every  way,  and  its  trees  were  all  cut  down  : 
nor  could  any  foreigner  that  had  formerly 
seen  Judea  and  the  most  beautiful  suburbs 
of  the  city,  and  now  saw  it  as  a  desert, 
but  lament  and  mourn  sadly  at  so  great  a 
change;  for  the  war  had  laid  all  signs  of 
beauty  quite  waste:  nor,  if  any  one  that 
bad  known  the  place  before  had  come  on 
a  sudden  to  it  now,  would  he  have  known 
it  again  ;  but  though  he  were  at  the  city 
itself,  yet  would  he  have  inquired  for  it 
notwithstanding. 

And  now  the  banks  were  finished,  they 
afforded  a  foundation  for  fear  both  to  the 
Romans  and  to  the  Jews ;  for  the  Jews 
expected  that  the  city  would  be  taken,  un- 
less they  could  burn  those  banks,  as  did 
the  Romans  expect  that,  if  these  were 
once  burnt  down,  they  should  never  be 
able  to  take  it ;  for  there  was  a  mighty 
scarcity  of  materials,  and  the  bodies  of 
the  soldiers  began  to  fail  with  such  hard 
labours,  as  did  their  souls  faint  with  so 
many  instances  of  ill  success ;  nay,  the 
.very  calamities  themselves  that  were  in 
the  city  proved  a  greater  discouragement 
to  the  Romans  than  to  those  within  the 
city ;  for  they  found  the  fighting  men  of 
the  Jews  to  be  not  at  all  mollified  among 
such  their  sore  afflictions,  while  they  had 
themselves  perpetualby  less  and  less  hopes 
of  success,  and  their  banks  were  forced  to 
yield  to  the  stratagems  of  the  enemy, 
their  engines  to  the  firmness  of  the  wall, 
and  their  closest  fights  to  the  boldness  of 
their  attack  ;  and,  what  was  their  greatest 
discouragement  of  all,  they  found  the 
Jews'  courageous  souls  to  be  superior  to 
the  multitude  of  the  miseries  they  were 
under  by  their  sedition,  their  famine,  and 
the  war  itself;  insomuch  that  they  were 
ready  to  imagine  that  the  violence  of  their 
attacks  was  invincible,  and  that  the  ala- 
crity they  showed  would  not  be  discouraged 
by  their  calamities ;  for  what  would  not 
those  be  able  to  bear  if  they  should  be  for- 
tunate, who  turned  their  very  misfortunes 
to  the  improvement  of  their  valour !  These 
Vol.  II.— 23 


considerations  made  the  Romans  keep  a 
stronger  guard  about  their  bauks  than  they 
formerly  had  done. 

But  now  John  and  his  party  took  care 
for  securing  themselves  afterward,  even  in 
case  this  wall  should  bo  thrown  down, 
and  fell  to  their  work  before  the  battering- 
rams  were  brought  against  them.  V<  i 
did  they  not  compass  what  they  endea- 
voured to  do,  but  as  they  were  gone  out 
with  their  torches,  they  came  back  undei 
great  discouragement,  before  they  came 
near  to  the  banks ;  and  the  reasons  were 
these  :  that  in  the  first  place,  their  conduct 
did  not  seem  to  be  unanimous,  but  they  went 
out  in  distinct  parties,  and  at  distinct  inter- 
vals, and  after  a  slow  manner,  and  timor- 
ously, and  to  say  all  in  a  word,  without  a 
Jewish  courage  ;  for  they  were  now  de- 
fective in  what  is  peculiar  to  our  nation, 
that  is,  in  boldness,  in  violence  of  assault, 
and  in  running  upon  the  enemy  all  to- 
gether, and  in  persevering  in  what  they 
go  about,  though  they  do  not  at  first  suc- 
ceed in  it ;  but  they  now  went  out  in  a 
more  languid  manner  than  usual,  and  at 
the  same  time  found  the  Romans  set  in 
array,  and  more  courageous  than  ordinary, 
and  that  they  guarded  their  banks  both 
with  their  bodies  and  their  entire  armour, 
and  this  to  such  a  degree  on  all  sides,  that 
they  left  no  room  for  the  fire  to  get  among 
them,  and  that  every  one  of  their  soula 
was  in  such  good  courage,  that  they  would 
sooner  die  than  desert  their  ranks ;  for 
besides  their  notion  that  all  their  hopes 
were  cut  off,  in  case  their  works  were 
once  burnt,  the  soldiers  were  greatly 
ashamed  that  subtlety  should  be  quite  too 
hard  for  courage,  madness  for  armour, 
multitude  for  skill,  and  Jews  for  Romans. 
The  Romans  had  now  also  another  advan- 
tage— their  engines  for  sieges  co-operat- 
ing with  them  in  throwing  darts  and 
stones  as  far  as  the  Jews,  when  they  were 
coming  out  of  the  city;  whereby  the  man 
that  fell  became  an  impediment  to  him 
that  was  next  to  him,  as  did  the  danger 
of  going  farther  make  them  less  zealous 
in  their  attempts;  and  for  those  that  had 
run  under  the  darts,  some  of  them  were 
terrified  by  the  good  order  and  clo- 
of  the  enemies'  ranks  before  they  came  to 
a  close  fight,  and  others  were  pricked  with 
their  spears,  and  turned  back  again;  at 
length  they  reproached  one  another  for 
their  cowardice,  and  retired  without  doing 
any  thing.  This  attack  was  made  upon  the 
first  day  of  the  month  Panemus  [TauiuzJ. 


354 


WARS   OF   THE    JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


So,  when  the  Jews  were  retreated,  the  Ro- 
mans brought  their  engines,  although  they 
had  all  the  while  stones  thrown  at  them 
from  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  were  as- 
saulted by  fire  and  sword,  and  by  all  sorts 
of  darts,  which  necessity  afforded  the  Jews 
to  make  use  of;  for  although  these  had 
great  dependence  on  their  own  wall,  and 
a  contempt  of  the  Roman  engines,  yet  did 
they  endeavour  to  hinder  the  Romans  from 
bringing  them.  Now  these  Romans  strug- 
gled hard,  on  the  contrary,  to  bring  them, 
as  deeming  that  this  zeal  of  the  Jews  was 
in  order  to  avoid  any  impression  being 
made  on  the  tower  of  Antonia,  because  its 
wall  was  but  weak,  and  its  foundations 
rotten.  However,  that  tower  did  not  yield 
to  the  blows  given  it  from  the  engines; 
yet  did  the  Romans  bear  the  impressions 
made  by  the  enemies'  darts  which  were 
perpetually  cast  at  them,  and  did  not  give 
way  to  auy  of  those  dangers  that  came 
upon  them  from  above,  and  so  they  brought 
their  engines  to  bear;  but  then,  as  they 
were  beneath  the  other,  and  were  sadly 
wounded  by  the  stones  thrown  down  upon 
them,  some  of  them  threw  their  shields 
over  their  bodies,  and  partly  with  their 
hands,  and  partly  with  their  bodies,  and 
partly  with  crows,  they  undermined  its 
foundations,  and  with  great  pains  they  re- 
moved four  of  its  stones.  Then  night 
came  upon  both  sides,  and  put  an  end  to 
this  struggle  for  the  present;  however, 
that  night  the  wall  was  so  shaken  by  the 
battering-rams  in  that  place  where  John 
had  used  his  stratagem  before,  and  had 
undermined  their  banks,  that  the  ground 
then  gave  way,  and  the  wall  fell  down 
suddenly. 

AVhen  this  accident  had  unexpectedly 
happened,  the  minds  of  both  parties  were 
variously  affected:  for  though  one  would 
expect  that  the  Jews  would  be  discouraged, 
because  this  fall  of  their  wall  was  unex- 
pected by  them,  and  they  had  made  no 
provision  in  that  case,  yet  did  they  pull 
up  their  courage,  because  the  tower  of 
Antonia  itself  was  still  standing;  as  was 
the  unexpected  joy  of  the  Romans,  at  this 
fall  of  the  wall,  soon  queuched  by  the 
eight  they  had  of  another  wall,  whicA  John 
aud  his  party  had  built  within  it  How- 
ever, the  attack  of  this  second  wall  ap- 
peared to  be  easier  than  that  ox  tho  former, 
because  it  seemed  a  thing  of  greater  facility 
to  get  up  to  it  through  the  parts  of  the 
former  wall  that  were  now  thrown  down. 
This  new  wall  appeared  also  to  be  much 


weaker  than  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and  ac- 
cordingly the  Romans  imagined  that  it  had 
been  erected  so  much  on  the  sudden,  that 
they  should  soon  overthrow  it :  yet  did 
not  anybody  venture  now  to  go  up  to  this 
wall ;  for  that  such  as  first  ventured  so  to 
do  must  certainly  be  killed. 

And  now,  Titus,  upon  consideration 
that  the  alacrity  of  soldiers  in  war  is 
chiefly  excited  by  hopes  and  by  good 
words,  and  that  exhortations  aud  promises 
do  frequently  make  men  to  forget  the 
hazards  they  run,  nay,  and  sometimes  to 
despise  death  itself,  got  together  the  most 
courageous  part  of  his  army,  and  tried 
what  he  could  do  with  his  men  by  these 
methods  : — "  0  fellow-soldiers,"  said  he, 
"  to  make  an  exhortation  to  men,  to  do 
what  hath  no  peril  in  it,  is  on  that  very 
account  inglorious  to  such  to  whom  that 
exhortation  is  made;  and  indeed,  so  it  is 
in  him  that  makes  the  exhortation,  an  ar- 
gument of  his  own  cowardice  also.  I 
therefore  think,  that  such  exhortations 
ought  then  only  to  be  made  use  of  when 
affairs  are  in  a  dangerous  condition,  aud 
yet  are  worthy  of  being  attempted  by 
every  one  themselves ;  accordingly,  I  am 
fully  of  the  same  opinion  with  you,  that 
it  is  a  difficult  task  to  go  up  to  this  wall ; 
but  that  it  is  proper  for  those  that  desire 
reputation  for  their  valour,  to  struggle 
with  difficulties  in  such  cases,  will  then 
appear,  when  I  have  particularly  shown 
that  it  is  a  brave  thing  to  die  with  glory, 
and  that  the  courage  here  necessary  shall 
not  go  unrewarded  in  those  that  first  begin 
the  attempt;  and  let  my  first  argument  to 
move  you  to  it  be  taken  from  what  proba- 
bly some  would  think  reasonable  to  dis- 
suade you,  I  mean  the  constancy  and 
patience  of  these  Jews,  even  under  their 
ill  successes;  for  it  is  unbecoming  you, 
who  are  Romans  and  my  soldiers,  who 
have  in  peace  been  taught  how  to  make 
wars,  and  who  have  also  been  used  to  con- 
quer in  those  wars,  to  be  inferior  to  Jews, 
either  in  action  of  the  hand  or  in  courage 
of  the  soul,  and  this  especially  when  you 
are  at  the  conclusion  of  your  victory,  and 
are  assisted  by  God  himself;  for  as  to  our 
misfortunes,  they  have  been  owing  to  the 
madness  of  the  Jews,  while  their  suffer- 
ings have  been  owing  to  your  valour,  and 
to  the  assistance  God  hath  afforded  }'ou; 
for  as  to  the  seditious  they  have  been  in, 
and  the  famine  they  are  under,  and  the 
siege  they  now  endure,  and  the  fall  of 
their  walls  without  our  engines,  what  can 


Chap  I.] 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


they  all  be  but  demonstrations  of  God's 
anger  against  them,  and  of  bis  assistance 
afforded  us?  It  will  not,  therefore,  be 
proper  for  you,  either  to  show  yourselves 
inferior  to  those  to  whom  you  are  really 
superior,  or  to  betray  that  divine  assist- 
ance which  is  afforded  you;  and,  indeed, 
how  can  it  be  esteemed  otherwise  than  a 
base  and  unworthy  thing,  that  while  the 
Jews,  who  need  not  to  be  much  ashamed 
if  they  be  deserted,  because  they  have 
long  learned  to  be  slaves  to  others,  do  yet 
despise  death,  that  they  may  be  so  no 
longer, — and  to  make  sallies  into  the  very 
midst  of  us  frequently,  not  in  hopes  of 
conquering  us,  but  merely  for  a  demon- 
stration of  their  courage ;  we,  who  have 
gotten  possession  of  almost  all  the  world 
that  belongs  to  either  land  or  sea,  to 
whom  it  will  be  a  great  shame  if  we  do 
not  conquer  them,  do  not  once  undertake 
any  attempt  against  our  enemies  wherein 
there  is  much  danger,  but  sit  still  idle, 
with  such  brave  arms  as  we  have,  and  only 
wait  till  the  famine  and  fortune  do  our 
business  themselves,  and  this  when  we 
have  it  in  our  power,  with  some  small 
hazard,  to  gain  all  that  we  desire  !  For 
if  we  go  up  to  this  tower  of  Antonia,  we 
gain  the  city;  for  if  there  should  be  any 
more  occasion  for  fighting  against  those 
within  the  city,  which  I  do  not  suppose 
there  will,  since  we  shall  then  be  upon  the 
top  of  the  hill,  and  be  upon  cfar  enemies 
before  they  can  have  taken  breath,  these 
advantages  promise  us  no  less  than  a  cer- 
tain and  sudden  victory.  As  for  myself, 
I  shall  at  present  waive  any  commendation 
of  those  who  die  in  war,*  and  omit  to 
speak  of  the  immortality  of  those  men 
who  are  slain  in  the  midst  of  their  martial 
bravery;  yet  cannot  I  forbear  to  impre- 
cate upon  those  who  are  of  a  contrary  dis- 
position, that  they  may  die  in  time  of 
peace,  by  some  distemper  or  other,  since 
their  souls  are  already  condemned  to  the 
grave,  together  with  their  bodies;  for 
what  man  of  virtue  is  there  who  does  not 
know  that  those  souls  which  are  severed 


*  In  this  speech  of  Titus  we  may  clearly  see  the 
notions  which  the  Romans  then  had  of  death,  and 
of  the  happy  state  of  those  who  died  bravely  in 
war,  and  the  contrary  estate  of  those  who  died  ig- 
nobly in  their  beds  by  sickness.  Rcland  here  also 
produces  two  parallel  passages,  the  one  out  of  Am- 
mianus  Marcellinus,  concerning  the  Alani,  that 
"  they  judged  that  man  happy  who  laid  down  his 
life  in  battle;"  the  other  of  Valerius  Maximus,  who 
says,  "  that  the  Cimbri  and  Celtiberi  exulted  for 
joy  in  the  army,  as  being  to  go  out  of  the  world 
gloriously  and  happily." 

3  G 


from  their  fleshly  bodies  in  battles  by  the 
sword,  are  received  by  the  ether,  that 
purest  of  elements,  and  joined  to  that 
company  which  are  placed  among  the 
stars;  that  they  become  good  demons,  and 
propitious  heroes,  and  show  themselves  as 
such  to  their  posterity  afterward?  while 
upon  those  souls  that  wear  away  in  and 
with  their  distempered  bodies,  comes  a 
subterranean  night  to  dissolve  them  to 
nothing,  and  a  deep  oblwion  to  take  away 
all  the  remembrance  of  them,  and  this 
notwithstanding  they  be  clean  from  all 
spots  and  defilements  of  this  world;  so 
that,  in  this  case,  the  soul  at  tho  same 
time  comes  to  the  utmost  bounds  of  its 
life,  and  of  its  body,  and  of  its  memorial 
also;  but  since  fate  hath  dctermiiu'd  that 
death  is  to  come  of  necessity  upon  all 
men,  a  sword  is  a  better  instrument  for 
that  purpose  than  any  disease  whatsoever. 
Why,  is  it  not  then  a  very  mean  thing  for 
us  not  to  yield  up  that  to  the  public  bene- 
fit, which  we  must  yield  up  to  fate  ?  Aud 
this  discourse  have  I  made,  upon  the  sup- 
position that  those  who  at  first  attempt  to 
go  upon  this  wall  must  needs  be  killed  in 
the  attempt,  though  still  men  of  true  cou- 
rage have  a  chance  to  escape,  even  in  the 
most  hazardous  undertakings ;  for,  in  the 
first  place,  that  part  of  the  former  wall 
that  is  thrown  down  is  easily  to  be 
ascended;  and  for  the  new-built  wall,  it 
is  easily  destroyed.  Do  you,  therefore, 
many  of  you,  pull  up  your  courage,  and 
set  about  this  work,  and  do  you  mutually 
encourage  and  assist  one  another;  and 
this  your  bravery  will  soon  break  the 
hearts  of  your  enemies  ;  and  perhaps  such 
a  glorious  undertaking  as  yours  is  may  be 
accomplished  without  bloodshed ;  for,  al- 
though it  be  justly  to  be  supposed  that 
the  Jews  will  try  to  hinder  you  at  your  first 
beginning  to  go  up  to  them,  yet  when  you 
have  once  concealed  yourselves  from  them, 
and  driven  them  away  by  force,  they  will 
not  be  able  to  sustain  your  efforts  against 
them  any  longer,  though  but  a  few  of 
you  prevent  them,  and  get  over  the  wall. 
As  for  that  person  who  first  mounts  the 
wall,  I  should  blush  for  shame  if  I  did  not 
make  him  to  be  envied  of  others,  by  those 
rewards  I  would  bestow  upon  him.  If 
such  a  one  escape  with  his  life,  he  shall 
have  the  command  of  others  that  are  now 
but  bis  equals ;  although  it  be  true  also, 
that  the  greatest  rewards  will  accrue  to 
such,  as  die  in  the  attempt." 

Upon  this  speech  of  Xitus,  the  rest  of 


356 


WARS    OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


the  multitude  were  affrighted  at  so  great 
a  danger.  But  there  was  one  whose  name 
was  Sabinus,  a  soldier  that  served  among 
the  cohorts,  and  a  Syrian  by  birth,  who 
appeared  to  be  of  very  great  fortitude,  both 
in  the  actions  he  had  done,  and  the  cou- 
rage of  his  soul  he  had  shown;  although 
anybody  would  have  thought,  before  he 
came  to  his  work,  that  he  was  of  such  a 
weak  constitution  of  body  that  he  was 
not  fit  to  be  a  soldier ;  for  his  colour  was 
black,  his  flesh  was  lean  and  thin,  and  lay 
close  together;  but  there  was  a  certain 
heroic  soul  that  dwelt  in  this  small  body, 
which  body  was  indeed  much  too  narrow 
for  that  peculiar  courage  which  was  in 
him.  Accordingly,  he  was  the  first  that 
rose  up;  when  he  thus  spake  : — "  I  readily 
surrender  myself  to  thee,  0  Csesar :  I  first 
ascend  the  wall,  and  I  heartily  wish  that 
my  fortune  may  follow  my  courage  and 
my  resolution.  And  if  some  ill  fortune 
grudge  me  the  success  of  my  undertaking, 
take  notice  that  my  ill  success  will  not  be 
unexpected,  but  that  I  choose  death  volun- 
tarily for  thy  sake."  When  he  had  said 
this,  and  had  spread  out  his  shield  over 
his  head  with  his  left  hand,  and  had,  with 
his  right  hand,  drawn  his  sword,  he 
marched  up  to  the  wall  just  about  the 
sixth  hour  of  the  day.  There  followed 
him  eleven  others,  and  no  more,  that  re- 
solved to  imitate  his  bravery ;  but  still 
this  was  the  principal  person  of  them  all, 
and  went  first,  as  excited  by  a  divine  fury. 
Now  those  that  guarded  the  wall  shot  at 
them  from  thence,  and  cast  innumerable 
darts  upon  them  from  every  side ;  they 
also  rolled  very  large  stones  upon  them, 
which  overthrew  some  of  those  eleven  that 
were  with  him.  But  as  for  Sabinus  him- 
self, he  met  the  darts  that  were  cast  at 
him,  and  though  he  was  overwhelmed  with 
them,  yet  did  he  not  leave  off  the  violence 
of  his  attack  before  he  had  gotten  up  on 
the  top  of  the  wall,  and  had  put  the  enemy 
to  flight.  For  as  the  Jews  were  astonished 
at  his  great  strength,  and  the  bravery  of 
his  soul ;  and  as,  withal,  they  imagined 
more  of  them  had  got  upon  the  wall  than 
really  had,  they  were  put  to  flight.  And 
now  one  cannot  but  complain  here  of  for- 
tune, as  still  envious  of  virtue,  and  always 
hindering  the  performance  of  glorious 
achievements :  this  was  the  case  of  the 
man  before  us,  when  he  had  just  obtained 
his  purpose;  for  he  then  stumbled  at  a 
certain  large  stone,  and  fell  down  upon  it 
headlong,  with  a  very  great  noise.     Upon 


which  the  Jews  turned  back,  and  when 
they  saw  him  to  be  alone,  and  fallen  down 
also,  they  threw  darts  at  him  from  every 
side.  However,  he  got  upon  his  knee, 
aud  covered  himself  with  his  shield,  and 
at  the  first  defended  himself  against  them, 
and  wounded  many  of  those  that  came 
near  him ;  but  he  was  soon  forced  to  relax 
his  right  hand,  by  the  multitude  of  the 
wounds  that  had  been  given  him,  till  at 
length  he  was  quite  covered  over  with 
darts  before  he  gave  up  the  ghost.  He 
was  one  who  deserved  a  better  fate,  by 
reason  of  his  bravery;  but,  as  might  be 
expected,  he  fell  under  so  vast  an  attempt. 
As  for  the  rest  of  his  partners,  the  Jews 
dashed  three  of  them  to  pieces  with  stones, 
and  slew  them  as  they  were  gotten  up  to 
the  top  of  the  wall ;  the  other  eight,  being 
wounded,  were  pulled  down  and  carried 
back  to  the  camp.  These  things  were 
done  upon  the  third  day  of  the  month 
Panemus  [Tamuz]. 

Now,  two  days  afterward,  twelve  of 
these  men  that  were  on  the  forefront,  and 
kept  watch  upon  the  banks,  got  together, 
and  called  to  them  the  standard-bearer  of 
the  fifth  legion,  and  two  others  of  a  troop 
of  horsemen,  and  one  trumpeter;  these 
went  without  noise,  about  the  ninth  hour 
of  the  night,  through  the  ruins,  to  the 
tower  of  Antonia;  and  when  they  had  cut 
the  throats  of  the  first  guards  of  the  place, 
as  they  were  asleep,  they  got  possession  of 
the  wall,  and  ordered  the  trumpeter  to 
sound  his  trumpet.  Upon  which  the  rest 
of  the  guard  got  up  on  the  sudden,  and 
ran  away  before  anybody  could  see  how 
many  they  were  thnt  were  gotten  up;  for 
partly  from  the  fear  they  were  in,  and 
partly  from  the  sound  of  the  trumpet  which 
they  heard,  they  imagined  a  great  number 
of  the  enemy  were  gotten  up.  But  as 
soon  as  Caesar  heard  the  signal,  he  ordered 
the  army  to  put  on  their  armour  imme- 
diately, and  came  thither  with  his  com- 
manders, and  first  of  all  ascended,  as  did 
the  chosen  men  that  were  with  him.  And 
as  the  Jews  were  flying  away  to  the  tem- 
ple, they  fell  into  that  mine  which  John 
had  dug  under  the  Roman  banks.  Then 
did  the  seditious  of  both  the  bodies  of  the 
Jewish  army,  as  well  that  belonging  to 
John  as  that  belonging  to  Simon,  drive 
them  away;  and  indeed  were  noway 
wanting  as  to  the  highest  degree  of  force 
and  alacrity;  for  they  esteemed  themselves 
entirely  ruined  if  once  the  Romans  got 
into  the  temple,  as  did  the  Romans  look 


Chap,  I.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


857 


upon  the  same  thing  as  the  beginning  of 
their  entire  conquest.  So  a  terrible  battle 
was  fought  at  the  entrance  of  the  temple, 
while  the  Romans  were  forcing  their  way, 
in  order  to  get  possession  of  that  temple, 
and  the  Jews  were  driving  them  back  to 
the  tower  of  Antonia;  in  which  battle  the 
daits  were  on  both  sides  useless,  as  well  as 
the  spears,  and  both  sides  drew  their 
swords,  and  fought  it  out  hand  to  hand. 
Now,  during  this  struggle,  the  positions 
of  the  men  were  undistinguished  on  both 
sides,  and  they  fought  at  random,  the  men 
being  intermixed  one  with  another,  and 
confounded,  by  reason  of  the  narrowness 
of  the  place  j  while  the  noise  that  was 
made  fell  on  the  ear  after  an  indistinct 
manner,  because  it  was  so  very  loud. 
Great  slaughter  was  now  made  on  both 
sides,  and  the  combatants  trod  upon  the 
bodies  and  the  armour  of  those  that  were 
dead,  and  dashed  them  to  pieces.  Ac- 
cordingly, to  which  side  soever  the  battle 
inclined,  those  that  had  the  advantage  ex- 
horted one  another  to  go  on,  as  did  those 
that  were  beaten  make  great  lamentation. 
But  still  there  was  no  room  for  flight,  nor 
for  pursuit,  but  disorderly  revolutions  and 
retreats,  while  the  armies  were  intermixed 
one  with  another;  but  those  that  were 
in  the  first  ranks  were  under  the  ne- 
cessity of  killing  or  being  killed,  with- 
out any  way  for  escaping;  for  those  on 
both  sides  that  came  behind  forced 
those  before  them  to  go  on,  without  leav- 
ing any  space  between  the  armies.  At 
length  the  Jews'  violent  zeal  was  too  hard 
for  the  Romans'  skill,  and  the  battle  al- 
ready inclined  entirely  that  way;  for  the 
fight  had  lasted  from  the  ninth  hour  of 
the  night  till  the  seventh  hour  of  the  day, 
while  the  Jews  came  on  in  crowds,  and 
had  the  danger  the  temple  was  in  for  their 
motive;  the  Romans  having  no  more  here 
than  a  part  of  their  army;  for  those  le- 
gions on  which  the  soldiers  on  that  side 
depended  were  not  come  up  to  them.  So 
it  was  at  present  thought  sufficient  by  the 
Romans  to  take  possession  of  the  tower  of 
Antonia. 

But  there  was  one  Julian,  a  centurion, 
that  came  from  Bithynia;  a  man  he  was 
of  great  reputation,  whom  I  had  formerly 
6eeu  in  that  war,  and  one  of  the  highest 
fame,  both  for  his  skill  in  war,  his  strength 
of  body,  and  the  courage  of  his  soul.  This 
man,  seeing  the  Romans  giving  grouud, 
and  in  a  sad  condition,  (for  he  stood  by 
Titus  at  the  tower  of  Antonia,)  leaped  out, 


and  of  himself  alone  put  the  Jews  to 
flight  when  they  were  already  conquerors, 
and  made  them  retire  as  far  as  the  corner 
of  the  inner  court  of  the  temple:  from  him 
the  multitude  fled  away  in  crowds,  as  sup- 
posing that  neither  his  strength  nor  lii> 
violent  attacks  could  be  those  of  a  mere 
man.  Accordingly,  he  rushed  through 
the  midst  of  the  Jews,  as  they  were  dis- 
persed all  abroad,  and  killed  those  that  he 
caught.  Nor,  indeed,  was  there  any  sight 
that  appeared  more  wonderful  in  the  eyes 
of  Cassar,  or  more  terrible  to  others,  than 
this.  However,  he  was  himself  pursued 
by  fate,  which  it  was  not  possible  that  he 
who  was  but  a  mortal  man  should  escape  : 
for  as  he  had  shoes  all  full  of  thick  and 
sharp  nails,  as  had  every  one  of  the  other 
soldiers,  so  when  he  ran  on  the  pavement 
of  the  temple,  he  slipped,  and  fell  down 
upou  his  back  with  a  very  great  noise, 
which  was  made  by  his  armour.  This 
made  those  that  were  running  away  to 
turn  back;  whereupon  those  Romans  that 
were  in  the  tower  of  Antonia  set  up  a  great 
shout,  as  they  were  in  fear  for  the  man. 
But  the  Jews  got  about  him  in  crowds, 
and  struck  at  him  with  their  spears  and 
with  their  swords  on  all  sides.  Now  he 
received  a  great  many  of  the  strokes  of 
these  iron  weapons  upon  his  shield,  and 
often  attempted  to  get  up  again,  but  was 
thrown  down  by  those  that  struck  at  him; 
yet  did  he,  as  he  lay  along,  stab  many  of 
them  with  his  sword.  Nor  was  he  soon 
killed,  as  being  covered  with  his  helmet 
and  his  breastplate  in  all  those  parts  of 
his  body  where  he  might  be  mortally 
wounded  ;  he  also  pulled  his  neck  close  to 
his  body,  till  all  his  other  limbs  were  shat- 
tered, and  nobody  durst  come  to  defend 
him,  and  then  he  yielded  to  his  fate.  Now 
Cassar  was  deeply  affected  on  account  of 
this  man  of  so  great  fortitude,  and  espe- 
cially as  he  was  killed  in  the  sight  of  so 
many  people;  he  was  desirous  himself  to 
come  to  his  assistance,  but  the  place  would 
not  give  him  leave,  while  such  as  could 
have  done  it  were  too  much  terrified  to 
attempt  it.  Thus  when  Julian  had  strug- 
gled with  death  a  great  while,  and  had  let 
but  few  of  those  that  had  given  him  his 
mortal  wound  go  off  unhurt,  he  had  at 
last  his  throat  cut,  though  not  without 
some  difficulty;  and  left  behind  him  a 
very  great  fame,  not  only  among  the  Ro- 
mans and  with  Cassar  himself,  but  among 
his  enemies  also;  then  did  the  Jews  catch 
up  his  dead  body,  and  put  the  Rjmans  to 


358 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


flight  again,  and  shut  them  up  in  the  tower 
of  Antonia.  Now  those  that  most  signal- 
ized themselves,  and  fought  most  zeal- 
ously in  this  battle  of  the  Jewish  side, 
were  one  Alexas  and  Gyphtheus,  of  John's 
party;  and  of  Simon's  party  were  Mala- 
chias,  and  Judas  the  son  of  Merto,  and 
James  the  son  of  Sosas,  the  commander 
of  the  Idumeans;  and  of  the  Zealots,  two 
brethren,  Simon  and  Judas,  the  sons  of 
Jairus. 


CHAPTER  II. 

Titus  orders  the  tower  of  Antonia  to  be  destroyed — 
Josephus  exhorts  the  Jews  to  surrender. 

And  now  Titus  gave  orders  to  his  sol- 
diers that  were  with  him  to  dig  up  the 
foundations  of  the  tower  of  Antonia,  and 
make  him  a  ready  passage  for  his  army  to 
come  up;  while  he  himself  had  Josephus 
brought  to  him,  (for  he  had  been  informed 
that  on  that  very  day,  which  was  the 
seventeenth  day*  of  Panemus  [Tamuz], 
the  sacrifice  called  "the  Daily  Sacrifice" 
had  failed,  and  had  not  been  offered  to 
God  for  want  of  men  to  offer  it,  and  that 
the  people  were  grievously  troubled  at  it,) 
and  commanded  him  to  say  the  same 
things  to  John  that  he  had  said  before, 
that  if  he  had  any  malicious  inclination 
for  fighting,  he  might  come  out  with  as 
many  of  his  men  as  he  pleased,  in  order 
to  fight,  without  the  danger  of  destroying 
either  his  city  or  temple;  but  that  he  de- 
sired he  would  not  defile  the  temple,  nor 
thereby  offend  against  God.  That  he 
might,  if  he  pleased,  offer  the  sacrifices 
which  were  now  discontinued,  by  any  of 
the  Jews  whom  he  should  pitch  upon.  Upon 
this,  Josephus  stood  in  such  a  place  where 
he  might  be  heard,  not  by  John  only,  but 
by  many  more,  and  then  declared  to  them 
what  Caesar  had  given  him  in  charge,  aud 
this  in  the  Hebrew  language. f  So  he 
earnestly  prayed  them  to  spare  their  own 

*  This  was  a  very  remarkable  day,  the  17th  of 
Paiieinus  [Tamuz],  A.  D.  70,  when,  according  to 
Daniel's  prediction,  600  years  before,  the  llomans 
"  in  half  a  week  caused  the  sacrifice  and  oblation 
t<>  nasi',"  Dan.  ix.  27  ;  for  from  the  month  of  Fo- 
bruary,  A.  D.  66,  about  which  time  Vespasian  en- 
tered  on  this  war,  to  this  very  time,  was  just  three 
years  and  a  half.  See  Bishop  Lloyd's  Tables  of 
Chronology  on  (his  year.  Nor  is  it  to  be  omitted, 
what  very  nearly  confirms  this  duration  of  the  war, 
that  four  years  before  the  war  began,  was  some- 
what  above  seven  years  and  five  months  before  the 
n   ion  of  Jerusalem. 

f  'flic  same  that  in  the  New  Testament  is  always 
bo  called,  and  was  then  the  common  language  of 
the  Jews  in  Judea,  which  was  the  Syriac  dialect. 


city,  and  to  prevent  that  fire  which  was 
just  ready  to  seize  upon  the  temple,  and 
to  offer  their  usual  sacrifices  to  God 
therein.  At  these  words  of  his  a  great 
sadness  and  silence  were  observed  among 
the  people.  But  the  tyrant  himself  cast 
many  reproaches  upon  Josephus,  with 
imprecations  besides;  and  at  last  added 
this  withal,  that  he  did  never  fear  the 
taking  of  the  city,  because  it  was  God's 
own  city.  In  answer  to  which,  Josephus 
said  thus,  with  aloud  voice : — "  To  be  sure, 
thou  hast  kept  this  city  wonderfully  pure 
for  God's  sake  !  the  temple  also  continues 
entirely  unpolluted  !  Nor  hast  thou  been 
guilty  of  any  impiety  against  him,  for 
whose  assistance  thou  hopest!  He  still 
receives  his  accustomed  sacrifices!  Vile 
wretch  that  thou  art!  if  any  one  should 
deprive  thee  of  thy  daily  food,  thou  wouldst 
esteem  him  to  be  an  enemy  to  thee;  but 
thou  hopest  to  have  that  God  for  thy  sup- 
porter in  this  war  whom  thou  has  deprived 
of  his  everlasting  worship  !  and  thou  im- 
putest  those  sins  to  the  Romans,  who,  to 
this  very  time,  take  care  to  have  our  laws 
observed,  and  almost  compel  these  sacri- 
fices to  be  still  offered  to  God,  which  have 
by  thy  means  been  intermitted  !  Who  is 
there  that  can  avoid  groans  and  lamenta- 
tions at  the  amazing  change  that  is  made 
in  this  city?  since  very  foreigners  and 
enemies  do  now  correct  that  impiety  which 
thou  hast  occasioned  :  while  thou,  who  art 
a  Jew,  and  wast  educated  in  our  laws,  art 
become  a  greater  enemy  to  them  than  the 
others !  But  still,  John,  it  is  never  dis- 
honourable to  repent,  and  amend  what 
hath  been  done  amiss,  even  at  the  last  ex- 
tremity. Thou  hast  an  instance  before 
thee  in  Jechoniah,*  the  king  of  the  Jews, 
if  thou  hast  a  mind  to  save  the  city,  who, 
when  the  king  of  Babylon  made  war 
against  him,  did,  of  his  own  accord,  go  out 
of  this  city  before  it  was  taken,  and  did 
undergo  a  voluntary  captivity  with  his 
family,  that  the  sanctuary  might  not  be 
delivered  up  to  the  enemy,  and  that  he 
might  not  see  the  house  of  God  set  on  fire : 
on  which  account  he  is  celebrated  among 
all  the  Jews,  in  their  sacred  memorials, 
and  his  memory  is  become  immortal,  and 
will  be  conveyed  fresh  down  to  our  pos- 
terity through  all  ages.  This,  John,  is  an 
excellent  example  in  such  a  time  of  dan- 


*  Our  present  copies  of  the  Old  Testament  want 
this  encomium  upon  King  Jechoniah  or  Jehoiachim, 
which  it  seems  was  in  Josephus's  copy. 


Chap.  II.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


359 


ger;  and  T  dare  venture  to  promise  that 
the  Romans  shall  still  forgive  thee.  And 
take  notice,  that  T,  who  make  this  exhort- 
ation to  thee,  am  one  of  thine  own  nation; 
I,  who  am  a  Jew,  do  make  this  promise 
to  thee.  And  it  will  become  thee  to  con- 
sider who  I  am  that  give  thee  this  counsel, 
and  whence  I  am  derived  ;  for  while  I  am 
alive  I  shall  never  be  in  such  slavery  as 
to  forego  my  own  kindred,  or  forget  the 
laws  of  our  forefathers.  Thou  hast  indig- 
nation at  me  again,  and  makest  a  clamour 
at  me,  and  reproachest  me  ;  indeed,  I  can- 
not deny  but  I  am  worthy  of  worse  treat- 
ment than  all  this  amounts  to,  because,  in 
opposition  to  fate,  I  make  this  kind  invi- 
tation to  thee,  and  endeavour  to  force  de- 
liverance upon  those  whom  God  hath  con- 
demned. And  who  is  there  that  does  not 
know  what  the  writings  of  the  ancient 
prophets  contain  in  them, — and  particu- 
larly that  oracle  which  is  just  now  going 
to  be  fulfilled  upon  this  miserable  city  ! — 
for  they  foretold  that  this  city  should  be 
then  taken  when  somebody  shall  begin  the 
slaughter  of  his  countrymen !  and  are  not 
both  the  city  and  the  entire  temple  now 
full  of  the  dead  bodies  of  your  country- 
men ?  It  is  God,  therefore,  it  is  God  him- 
self, w7ho  is  bringing  on  this  fire,  to  purge 
that  city  and  temple  by  means  of  the  Ro- 
mans,* and  is  going  to  pluck  up  this  city, 
which  is  full  of  your  pollutions." 

As  Josephus  spoke  these  words  with 
groans,  and  tears  in  his  eyes,  his  voice 
was  intercepted  by  sobs.  However,  the 
Romans  could  not  but  pity  the  affliction 
he  was  under,  and  wonder  at  his  conduct. 
But  for  John,  and  those  that  were  with 
him,  they  were  but  the  more  exasperated 
against  the  Romans  on  this  account,  and 
were  desirous  to  get  Josephus  also  into 
their  power :  }Tet  did  that  discourse  influ- 
ence a  great  many  of  the  better  sort;  and 
truly  some  of  them  were  so  afraid  of  the 
guards  set  by  the  seditious,  that  they  tar- 
ried where  they  were,  but  still  were  satis- 
fied that  both  they  and  the  city  were 
doomed  to  destruction.  Some  also  there 
were  who,  watching  for  a  proper  opportu- 
nity when  they  might  quietly  get  away, 
fled  to  the  Romans,  of  whom  were  the 
high  priests,  Joseph  and  Jesus,  and  of  the 
sons  of  high  priests  three,  whose  father 

*  Josephus,  both  here  and  in  many  places  else- 
where, speaks  so  that  it  is  must  evident  he  was  fully 
satisfied  that  God  was  on  the  Romans'  side,  and 
made  use  of  them  now  for  the  destruction  of  the 
Jewish  nation.. 


was  Ishmael,  who  was  beheaded  in  Cyrene, 
and  four  sons  of  Matthias,  as  also  01 
of  the  other  Matthias,  who  ran  away  after 
his  father's  death,*  and  whose  father  was 
slain  by  Simon,  the  son  of  Grioras,  with 
three  of  his  sons,  as  I  have  already  re- 
lated: many  also  of  the  other  nobility 
went  over  to  the  Romans,  together  with 
the  high  priests.  Now  Caesar  not  only 
received  these  men  very  kindly  in  other 
respects,  but,  knowing  they  would  not 
willingly  live  after  the  customs  of  other 
nations,  he  sent  them  to  Gophna,  and  de- 
sired them  to  remain  there  for  the  present, 
and  told  them,  that  when  he  was  gotten 
clear  of  this  war,  he  would  restore  each  of 
them  to  their  possessions  again  :  so  they 
cheerfully  retired  to  that  small  city  which 
was  allotted  them,  without  fear  of  any 
dauger.  But  as  they  did  not  appear,  the 
seditious  gave  out  again  that  these  desert- 
ers were  slain  by  the  Romans, — which  was 
done  in  order  to  deter  the  rest  from  run- 
ning away,  by  fear  of  the  like  treatment. 
This  trick  of  theirs  succeeded  now  for 
a  while,  as  did  the  like  trick  before ;  for 
the  rest  were  hereby  deterred  from  de- 
serting, by  fear  of  the  like  treatment. 

However,  when  Titus  had  recalled  those 
men  from  Gophna,  he  gave  orders  that 
they  should  go  round  the  wall,  together 
with  Josephus,  and  show  themselves  to 
the  people ;  upon  which  a  great  many  fled 
to  the  Romans.  These  men,  also,  got  in 
a  great  number  together,  and  stood  before 
the  Romans,  and  besought  the  seditious, 
with  groans,  and  tears  in  their  eyes,  in 
the  first  place  to  receive  the  Romans  en- 
tirely into  the  city,  and  save  that  their 
own  place  of  residence  again  ;  but  that,  if 
they  would  not  agree  to  such  a  proposal, 
they  would  at  least  depart  out  of  the  tem- 
ple, and  save  the  holy  house  for  their  own 
use;  for  that  the  Romans  would  not  ven- 
ture to  set  the  sanctuary  on  fire,  but  un- 
der the  most  pressing  necessity.  Yet  did 
the  seditious  still  more  and  more  contra- 
diet  them;  and  while  they  cast  loud  and 
bitter  reproaches  upon  these  deserters, 
they  also  set  their  engines  for  throwing 
of  darts  and  javelins  and  stones  upon 
the  sacred  gates  of  the  temple,  at  due  dis- 


*  Josephus  had  before  told  us.  that  this  fourth 
son  of  Matthias  ran  away  to  the  Romans  "  before" 
his  father's  and  brethren's  slaughter,  and  not  "af- 
ter" it,  as  here.  The  former  account  is,  in  all  pro- 
bability, the  truest;  for  had  not  that  fourth  sou 
escaped  before  the  others  were  caught  and  pur  to 
death,  he  had  been  caught  aud  put  to  death  with 
them. 


360 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


tances  from  one  another,  insomuch  that 
all  the  space  round  about  within  the  tem- 
ple might  be  compared  to  a  burying- 
ground,  so  great  was  the  number  of  the 
dead  bodies  therein ;  as  might  the  holy 
house  itself  be  compared  to  a  citadel.  Ac- 
cordingly, these  men  rushed  upon  these 
holy  places  in  their  armour,  that  were 
otherwise  unapproachable,  and  that  while 
their  hands  were  yet  warm  with  the  blood 
of  their  own  people  which  they  had  shed; 
nay,  they  proceeded  to  such  great  trans- 
gressions, that  the  very  same  indignation 
which  Jews  would  naturally  have  against 
Komans,  had  they  been  guilty  of  such 
abuses  against  them,  the  Romans  now  had 
against  Jews,  for  their  impiety  in  regard 
to  their  own  religious  customs.  Nay,  in- 
deed, there  were  none  of  the  Roman  sol- 
diers who  did  not  look  with  a  sacred  hor- 
ror upon  the  holy  house,  and  adored  it, 
and  wished  that  the  robbers  would  repent 
before  their  miseries  became  incurable. 

Now  Titus  was  deeply  affected  with  this 
state  of  things,  and  reproached  John  and 
his  party,  and  said  to  them,  "  Have  not 
you,  vile  wretches  that  you  are,  by  our 
permission,  put  up  this  partition-wall  be- 
fore your  sanctuary  ?  Have  not  you  been 
allowed  to  put  up  the  pillars  thereto  be- 
longing, at  due  distances,  and  on  it  to 
engrave  in  Greek,  and  in  your  own  let- 
ters, this  prohibition,  that  no  foreigner 
should  go  beyond  that  wall  ?  Have  not 
we  given  you  leave  to  kill  such  as  go 
beyond  it,  though  he  were  a  Roman  ? 
And  what  do  you  do  now,  you  pernicious 
villains  ?  Why  do  you  trample  upon  dead 
bodies  in  this  temple  ?  and  why  do  you 
pollute  this  holy  house  with  the  blood 
both  of  foreigners  and  Jews  themselves? 
I  appeal  to  the  gods  of  my  own  country, 
and  to  every  god  that  ever  had  any  regard 
to  this  place,  (for  I  do  not  suppose  it  to 
be  now  regarded  by  any  of  them ;)  I  also 
appeal  to  my  own  army,  and  to  those  Jews 
that  are  now  with  me,  and  even  to  you, 
yourselves,  that  I  do  not  force  you  to  de- 
file this  your  sanctuary  ;  and  if  you  will 
but  change  the  place  whereon  you  will 
fight,  no  Roman  shall  either  come  near 
your  sanctuary,  or  offer  any  affront  to  it ; 
nay,  I  will  endeavour  to  preserve  you 
your  holy  house,  whether  you  will  or 
not."* 


*  That  these  seditious  Jews  were  the  direct  oc- 
casion of  their  own  destruction,  and  of  the  con- 
flagration of  their  city  and  temple;  and  that  Titus 


As  Josephus  explained  these  things 
from  the  mouth  of  Caesar,  both  the  rob- 
bers and  the  tyrant  thought  that  these 
exhortations  proceeded  from  Titus's  fear, 
and  not  from  his  good-will  to  them,  and 
grew  insolent  upon  it ;  but  when  Titus 
saw  that  these  men  were  neither  to  be 
moved  by  commiseration  toward  them- 
selves, nor  had  any  concern  upon  them  to 
have  the  holy  house  spared,  he  proceeded, 
unwillingly,  to  go  on  again  with  the  war 
against  them.  He  could  not  indeed  bring 
all  his  army  against  them,  the  place  was 
so  narrow  ;  but  choosing  thirty  soldiers 
of  the  most  valiant  out  of  every  hundred, 
and  committing  1000  to  each  tribune,  and 
making  Cerealis  their  commander-in-chief, 
he  gave  orders  that  they  should  attack 
the  guards  of  the  temple  about  the  ninth 
hour  of  that  night;  but,  as  he  was  now 
in  his  armour,  and  preparing  to  go  down 
with  them,  his  friends  would  not  let  him 
go,  by  reason  of  the  greatness  of  the  dan- 
ger, and  what  the  commanders  suggested 
to  them ;  for  they  said  that  he  would  do 
more  by  sitting  above  in  the  tower  of  An- 
tonia,  as  a  dispenser  of  rewards  to  those 
soldiers  that  signalized  themselves  in  the 
fight,  than  by  coming  down  and  hazarding 
his  own  person  in  the  forefront  of  them ; 
for  that  they  would  all  fight  stoutly  while 
Caesar  looked  upon  them.  With  this  ad- 
vice Caesar  complied,  and  said  that  the 
only  reason  he  had  for  such  compliance 
with  the  soldiers  was  this,  that  he  might 
be  able  to  judge  of  their  courageous 
actions,  and  that  no  valiant  soldier  might 
lie  concealed,  and  miss  .of  his  reward ; 
and  no  cowardly  soldier  might  go  un- 
punished ;  but  that  he  might  himself  be 
an  eye-witness,  and  able  to  give  evidence 
of  all  that  was  done,  who  was  to  be  the 
disposer  of  punishments  and  rewards  to 
them.  So  he  sent  the  soldiers  about  then- 
work  at  the  hour  before  mentioned,  while 
he  went  out  himself  to  a  higher  place  in 
the  tower  of  Antonia,  whence  he  might 
see  what  was  done,  and  there  waited  with 
impatience  to  see  the  event. 

However,  the  soldiers  that  were  sent 
did  not  find  the  guards  of  the  temple 
asleep,  as  they  hoped  to  have  done;  but 
were  obliged  to  fight  with  them  immedi- 
ately hand  to  hand,  as  they  rushed  with 
violence  upon  them  with  a  great  shout. 
Now,  as  soon  as  the  rest  within  the  tem- 

earnestly  and  constantly  laboured  to  save  both,  in 
here  and  everywhere  most  evident  in  Josephus. 


Chap.  II.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


361 


1 


pie  beard  that  shout  of  those  that  were 
upon  the  watch,  they  ran  out  in  troops 
upon  them.  Then  did  the  Romans  re- 
ceive the  onset  of  those  that  came  first 
upon  them ;  but  those  that  followed  them 
fell  upon  their  own  troops,  and  many  of 
them  treated  their  own  soldiers  as  if  they 
bad  been  enemies ;  for  the  great  confused 
noise  that  was  made  on  both  sides  hin- 
dered them  from  distinguishing  one  an- 
other's voices,  as  did  the  darkness  of  the 
night  hinder  them  from  the  like  distinc- 
tion by  the  sight,  besides  that  blindness 
which  arose  otherwise  also  from  the  pas- 
sion and  the  fear  they  were  in  at  the  same 
time  ;  for  which  reason  it  was  all  one  to 
the  soldiers  who  it  was  they  struck  at. 
Howrever,  this  ignorance  did  less  harm  to 
the  Romans  than  to  the  Jews,  because 
they  were  joined  together  under  their 
shields,  and  made  their  sallies  more  regu- 
larly than  the  others  did,  and  each  of 
them  remembered  their  watchword;  while 
the  Jews  were  perpetually  dispersed 
abroad,  and  made  their  attacks  and  re- 
treats at  random,  and  so  did  frequently 
seem  to  one  another  to  be  enemies;  for 
every  one  of  them  received  those  of  their 
own  men  that  came  back  in  the  dark  as 
Romans,  and  made  an  assault  upon  them  ; 
so  that  more  of  them  were  wounded  by 
their  own  men  than  by  the  enemy,  till, 
upon  the  coming  on  of  the  day,  the  na- 
ture of  the  fight  was  discerned  by  the  eye 
afterward.  Then  did  they  stand  in  battle- 
array  in  distinct  bodies,  and  cast  their 
darts  regularly,  and  regularly  defended 
themselves ;  nor  did  either  side  yield  or 
grow  weary.  The  Romans  contended 
with  each  other  who  should  fight  the  most 
strenuously,  both  single  men  and  entire 
regiments,  as  being  under  the  eye  of  Ti- 
tus ;  and  every  one  concluded  that  this 
day  would  begin  his  promotion,  if  he 
fought  bravely.  The  great  encourage- 
ments which  the  Jews  had  in  view  to  act 
vigorously  were  their  fear  for  themselves 
and  for  the  temple,  and  the  presence  of 
their  tyrant,  who  exhorted  some,  and  beat 
and  threatened  others,  to  act  courageously. 
Now,  it  so  happened  that  this  fight  was,  for 
the  most  part,  a  stationary  one,  wherein 
the  soldiers  went  on  and  came  back  in  a 
short  time,  and  suddenly ;  for  there  was 
no  long  space  of  ground  for  either  their 
flights  or  pursuits;  but  still  there  was  a 
tumultuous  noise  among  the  Romans  from 
the  tower  of  Antouia,  who  loudly  cried 
out  upon  all  occasions  for  their  own  men 


to  press  on  courageously,  when  they  were 
too  hard  for  the  dews,  and  to  stay  when 
they  were  retiring  backward  ;  so  that  here 
was  a  kind  of  theatre  of  war;  for  what 
was  done  in  this  fight  could  not  bo  con- 
cealed either  from  Titus  or  from  those 
that  were  about  him.  At  length  it  ap- 
peared that  this  fight,  which  began  at  the 
ninth  hour  of  the  night,  was  not  over  till 
past  the  fifth  hour  of  the  day  ;  and  that, 
in  the  same  place  where  the  battle  began, 
neither  party  could  say  they  had  made  the 
other  to  retire;  but  both  the  armies  left 
the  victory  almost  in  uncertainty  between 
them;  wherein  those  that  signalized  them- 
selves on  the  Roman  side  were  a  great 
many ;  but  on  the  Jewish  side,  and  of 
those  that  were  with  Simon,  Judas  the 
son  of  Merto,  and  Simon  the  son  of  Jo- 
sias  ;  of  the  Idumeans,  James  and  Simon, 
the  latter  of  whom  was  the  son  of  Cathlas, 
and  James  was  the  son  of  Sosas  ;  of  those 
that  were  with  John,  Gyphtheus  and 
Alexas;  and  of  the  Zealots,  Simon  the 
son  of  Jairus. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  rest  of  the  Ro- 
man army  had,  in  seven  days'  time,  over- 
thrown [some]  foundations  of  the  tower 
of  Antonia,  and  had  made  a  ready  and 
broad  way  to  the  temple.  Then  did  the 
legions  come  near  the  first  court,*  and 
began  to  raise  their  banks.  The  one  bank 
was  over  against  the  north-west  corner  of 
the  inner  temple  ;f  another  was  at  that 
northern  edifice  which  was  between  the 
two  gates ;  and  of  the  other  two,  one  was 
at  the  western  cloister  of  the  outer  court* 
of  the  temple;  the  other  against  its 
northern  cloister.  However,  these  worka 
were  thus  far  advauced  by  the  Roman-;, 
not  without  great  pains  and  difficulty,  and 
particularly  by  beiug  obliged  to  bring  their 
materials  from  the  distance  of  100  fur- 
longs. They  had  further  difficulties  also 
upon  them  :  sometimes,  by  the  over-great 
security  they  were  in,  that  they  should 
overcome  the  Jewish  snares  laid  for  them, 
and  by  that  boldness  of  the  Jews,  which 
their  despair  of  escaping  had  inspired 
them  withal ;  for  some  of  their  horse- 
men, when  they  went  out  to  gather  wood 
or  hay,  let  their  horses  feed  without  hav- 
ing their  bridles  on  during  the  time  of 
foraging;  upon  which  horses  the  Jews 
sallied  out  in  whole  bodies,  and  seized 
them;    and    when    this    was    continually 


*  The  Court  of  the  Gentiles. 
f  The  Court  of  Israel. 


362 


*VARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


done,  and  Oresar  believed,  what  the  truth 
was,  that  the  horses  were  stolen  more  by 
the  negligence  of  his  own  men  than  by 
the  valour  of  the  Jews,  he  determined  to 
use  greater  severity  to  oblige  the  rest  to 
take  care  of  their  horses ;  so  he  com- 
manded that  one  of  those  soldiers  who 
had  lost  their  horses  should  be  capitally 
punished ;  whereby  he  so  terrified  the 
rest,  that  they  preserved  their  horses  for 
the  time  to  come  ;  for  they  did  not  any 
longer  let  them  go  from  them  to  feed  by 
themselves,  but,  as  if  they  had  grown  to 
them,  they  went  always  along  with  them 
when  they  wanted  necessaries.  Thus  did 
the  Romans  still  continue  to  make  war 
against  the  temple,  and  to  raise  their 
banks  against  it. 

Now,  after  one  day  had  been  interposed 
since  the  Romans  ascended  the  breach, 
many  of  the  seditious  were  so  pressed  by 
the  famine,  upon  the  present  failure  of 
their  ravages,  that  they  got  together,  and 
made  an  attack  on  those  Roman  guards 
that  were  upon  the  Mount  of  Olives,  and 
this  about  the  eleventh  hour  of  the  day, 
as  supposing  first,  that  they  would  not  ex- 
pect such  an  onset,  and,  in  the  next  place, 
that  they  were  then  taking  care  of  their 
bodies,  and  that  therefore  they  should  very 
easily  beat  them;  but  the  Romans  were 
apprized  of  their  coming  to  attack  them 
beforehand,  and  running  together  from  the 
neighbouring  camps  on  the  sudden,  pre- 
vented them  from  getting  over  their  forti- 
fication, or  forcing  the  wall  that  was  built 
about  them.  Upon  this  came  on  a  sharp 
fight,  and  here  many  great  actions  were 
performed  on  both  sides ;  while  the  Ro- 
mans showed  both  their  courage  and  their 
skill  in  war,  as  did  the  Jews  come  on 
them  with  immoderate  violence  and  in- 
tolerable passion.  The  one  party  were 
urged  on  by  shame,  and  the  other  by  ne- 
cessity ;  for  it  seemed  a  very  shameful 
thing  to  the  Romans  to  let  the  Jews  go, 
now  they  were  taken  in  a  kind  of  net; 
while  the  Jews  had  but  one  hope  of  sav- 
ing themselves,  and  that  was,  in  case  they 
could  by  violence  break  through  the  Ro- 
man wall  :  and  one,  whose  name  was  Pe- 
dauius,  belonging  to  a  party  of  horsemen, 
when  the  Jews  were  already  beaten  and 
forced  down  into  the  valley  together, 
spurred  his  horse  on  their  flank  with  great 
vehemence,  and  caught  up  a  certain  young 
man  belonging  to  the  enemy  by  his  ankle, 
as  he  was  ruuuiug  away.  The  man  was, 
however,  of  a  robust  body,  and  in  his  ar- 


[Book  VI. 

mour ;  so  low  did  Pedanius  bend  himself 
downward  from  his  horse,  even  as  he  was 
galloping  away,  and  so  great  was  the 
strength  of  his  right  hand,  and  of  the  rest 
of  his  body,  as  also  such  skill  had  he  in 
horsemanship.  So  this  man  seized  upon 
that  his  prey,  as  upon  a  precious  treasure, 
and  carried  him  as  a  captive  to  Caesar: 
whereupon  Titus  admired  the  man  that 
had  seized  the  other  for  his  great  strength, 
and  ordered  the  man  that  was  caught  to 
be  punished  [with  death]  for  his  attempt 
against  the  Roman  wall,  but  betook  him- 
self to  the  siege  of  the  temple,  and  to 
pressing  on  the  raising  of  the  banks. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Jews  were  so  dis- 
tressed by  the  fights  they  had  been  in,  as 
the  war  advanced  higher  and  higher,  and 
creeping  up  to  the  holy  house  itself,  that 
they,  as  it  were,  cut  off  those  limbs  of  their 
body  which  were  infected,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  distemper's  spreading  farther; 
for  they  set  the  north-west  cloister  which 
was  joined  to  the  tower  of  Antonia,  on 
fire,  and  after  that  brake  off  about  twenty 
cubits  of  that  cloister,  and  thereby  made 
a  beginning  in  burning  the  sauctuary : 
two  days  after  which,  or  on  the  twenty- 
fourth  day  of  the  before-named  mouth 
[Panemus,  or  Tamuz],  the  Romans  set  fire 
to  the  cloisters  that  joined  to  the  other, 
when  the  fire  went  fifteen  cubits  farther. 
The  Jews,  in  like  manner,  cut  off  its  roof; 
nor  did  they  entirely  leave  off  what  they 
were  about  till  the  tower  of  Antonia  was 
parted  from  the  temple,  even  when  it  was 
in  their  power  to  have  stopped  the  fire ; 
nay,  they  lay  still  while  the  temple  was 
first  set  on  fire,  and  deemed  this  spread- 
ing of  the  fire  to  be  for  their  own  advan- 
tage. However,  the  armies  were  still 
fighting  one  against  another  about  the  tem- 
ple ;  and  the  war  was  managed  by  con- 
tinual sallies  of  particular  parties  against 
one  another. 

Now  there  was  at  this  time  a  man  among 
the  Jews  ;  low  of  stature  he  was,  and  of 
a  despicable  appearance  ;  of  no  character 
either  as  to  his  family,  or  in  other  re- 
spects :  his  name  was  Jonathan.  He 
went  out  at  the  high  priest  John's  monu- 
ment, and  uttered  many  other  insolent 
things  to  the  Romans,  and  challenged  the 
best  of  them  all  to  a  single  combat ;  but 
many  of  those  that  stood  there  in  the 
army  huffed  him,  and  many  of  them  (as 
they  might  well  be)  were  afraid  of  him. 
Some  of  them  also  reasoned  thus,  and  that 
justly  enough  :  that  it  was  not  fit  to  fight 


Chap.  III.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


363 


with  a  man  that  desired  to  die,  because 
those  that  utterly  despaired  of  deliverance 
had,  besides  other  passions,  a  violence  in 
attacking  men  that  could  not  be  opposed, 
and  had  no  regard  to  God  himself ;  and 
that  to  hazard  one's  self  with  a  person, 
whom  if  you  overcome,  you  do  no  great 
matter,  and  by  whom  it  is  hazardous  that 
you  may  be  taken  prisoner,  would  be  an 
instance,  not  of  manly  courage,  but  of  un- 
manly rashness.  So  there  being  nobody 
that  came  out  to  accept  the  man's  chal- 
lenge, and  the  Jew  cutting  them  with  a 
great  number  of  reproaches,  as  cowards, 
(for  he  was  a  very  haughty  man  in  him- 
self, and  a  great  despiserof  the  Romans,) 
one  whose  name  was  Pudens,  of  the  body 
of  horsemen,  out  of  his  abomination  of 
the  other's  words,  and  of  his  impudence 
withal,  and  perpaps  out  of  an  inconsider- 
ate arrogance,  on  account  of  the  other's 
lowness  of  stature,  ran  out  to  him,  and 
was  too  hard  for  him  in  other  respects, 
but  was  betrayed  by  his  ill  fortune  ;  for  he 
fell  down,  and  as  he  was  down,  Jonathan 
came  ruuning  to  him,  and  cut  his  throat, 
and  then  standing  upon  his  dead  body,  he 
brandished  his  sword,  bloody  as  it  was, 
and  shook  his  shield  with  his  left  hand, 
and  made  many  acclamations  to  the  Ro- 
man army,  and  exulted  over  the  dead  man, 
and  jested  upon  the  Romans;  till  at  length 
one  Priscus,  a  centurion,  shot  a  dart  at 
him  as  he  was  leaping  and  playing  the 
fool  with  himself,  and  thereby  pierced  him 
through  :  upon  which  a  shout  was  set  up 
both  by  the  Jews  and  the  Romans,  though 
on  different  accounts.  80  Jonathan  grew 
giddy  by  the  pain  of  his  wounds,  and  fell 
down  upon  the  body  of  his  adversary — a 
plain  instance  how  suddenly  vengeance 
may  come  upon  men  that  have  Buccess  in 
war,  without  any  just  deserving  of  the 
same. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Stratagems  of  the  Jews  against  the  Romans — Fur- 
ther account  of  the  famine  within  the  city. 

But  now  the  seditious  that  were  in  the 
temple  did  every  day  openly  endeavour 
to  beat  off  the  soldiers  that  were  upon  the 
banks,  and  on  the  twenty-seventh  day  of 
the  before-named  month  [Pancmus,  or  Ta- 
muz],  contrived  such  a  stratagem  as  this  : 
they  tilled  that  part  of  the  western  cloister* 
which  was  between    the   beams,  and  the 


*  Of  the  Court  of  the  Gentiles. 


roof  under  them,  with  dry  materials,  as 
also  with  bitumen  and  pitch,  and  then  re- 
tired from  that  place  as  though  they  were 
tired  with  the  pains  they  had  taken  ;  at 
which  procedure  of  theirs,  many  of  the 
most  iuconsiderate  among  the  Romans, 
who  were  carried  away  with  violent  pas- 
sions, followed  hard  after  them  as  tiny 
were  retiring,  and  applied  ladders  to  tho 
cloister,  and  got  up  to  it  suddenly  ;  but 
the  prudent  part  of  them,  when  they  un- 
derstood this  unaccountable  retreat  of  the 
Jews,  stood  still  where  they  were  before. 
However,  the  cloister  was  full  of  those; 
that  were  gone  up  the  ladders;  at  which 
time  the  Jews  set  it  all  on  fire;  and  as 
tho  flames  burst  out  everywhere  on  the 
sudden,  the  Romans  that  were  out  of  the 
danger  were  seized  with  a  very  great  con- 
sternation, as  were  those  that  were  in  the 
midst  of  the  danger  in  the  utmost  dis- 
tress. So  when  they  perceived  themselves 
surrounded  with  the  flames,  some  of  them 
threw  themselves  down  backward  into 
the  city,  and  some  among  their  enemies 
[in  the  temple];  as  did  many  leap  down 
to  their  own  men,  and  broke  their  limbs 
to  pieces:  but  a  great  number  of  those 
that  were  going  to  take  these  violent  me- 
thods were  prevented  by  the  fire;  though 
some  prevented  the  fire  by  their  own 
swords.  However,  the  fire  was  on  the 
sudden  carried  so  far  as  to  surround  those 
who  would  have  otherwise  perished.  As 
for  Caesar  himself,  he  could  not,  however, 
but  commiserate  those  that  thus  perished, 
although  they  got  up  thither  without  any 
order  for  so  doing,  since  there  was  no 
way  of  giving  them  any  relief.  Yet  was 
this  some  comfort  to  those  that  were  de- 
stroyed, that  everybody  might  see  that 
person  grieve,  for  whose  sake  they  came 
to  their  end  ;  for  he  cried  out  openly  to 
them,  and  leaped  up,  and  exhorted  those 
that  were  about  him  to  do  their  utmost  to 
relieve  them.  So  every  one  of  them  died 
cheerfully,  as  carrying  along  with  him 
these  words  and  this  intention  of  Caesar 
as  a  sepulchral  monument.  Some  there 
were,  indeed,  who  retired  into  the  wall  of 
the  cloister,  which  was  broad,  and  were 
preserved  out  of  the  fire,  but  were  then 
surrounded  by  the  Jews;  and  although 
they  made  resistance  against  the  Jews  for 
a  long  time,  yet  were  they  wounded  by 
them,  and  at  length  they  all  fell  down 
dead. 

At  the  last,  a  young  man  among  them, 
whose   name  was  Longus,  became  a  deco- 


364 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


ration  to  this  sad  affair,  and  while  every 
one  of  them  that  perished  were  worthy 
of  a  memorial,  this  man  appeared  to  de- 
serve it  beyond  all  the  rest.  Now  the 
Jews  admired  this  man  for  his  courage, 
and  were  further  desirous  of  having  him 
slain ;  so  they  persuaded  him  to  come 
down  to  them,  upon  security  given  him 
for  his  life.  But  Cornelius,  his  brother, 
persuaded  him,  on  the  contrary,  not  to 
tarnish  his  own  glory,  nor  that  of  the  Ro- 
man army.  He  complied  with  this  last 
advice,  and  lifting  up  his  sword  before 
both  armies,  he  slew  himself.  Yet  was 
there  one  Artorius  among  those  surround- 
ed with  the  fire,  who  escaped  by  his  sub- 
tlety ;  for  when  he  had  with  a  loud  voice 
called  to  him  Lucius,  one  of  his  fellow- 
soldiers,  that  lay  with  him  in  the  same 
tent,  and  said  to  him,  "  I  do  leave  thee 
heir  of  all  I  have,  if  thou  wilt  come  and 
receive  me."  Upon  this  he  came  running 
to  receive  him  readily ;  Artorius  then 
threw  himself  down  upon  him,  and  saved 
his  own  life,  while  he  that  received  him 
was  dashed  so  vehemently  against  the 
stone  pavement  by  the  other's  weight, 
that  he  died  immediately.  This  melan- 
choly accident  made  the  Romans  sad  for  a 
while,  but  still  it  made  them  more  upon 
their  guard  for  the  future,  and  was  of  ad- 
vantage to  them  against  the  delusions  of 
the  Jews,  by  which  they  were  greatly 
damaged,  through  their  unacquaintedness 
with  the  places,  and  with  the  nature  of 
the  inhabitants.  Now  this  cloister  was 
burnt  down  as  far  as  John's  tower,  which 
he  built  in  the  war  he  made  against  Si- 
mon, over  the  gates  that  led  to  the  Xys- 
tus.  The  Jews  also  cut  off  the  rest  of 
that  cloister  from  the  temple,  after  they 
had  destroyed  those  that  got  up  to  it.  But 
the  next  da}f  the  Romans  burnt  down  the 
northern  cloister  entirely,  as  far  as  the 
east  cloister,  whose  common  angle  joined 
to  the  valley  that  was  called  Cedron,  and 
was  built  over  it;  on  which  account  the 
depth  was  frightful.  And  this  was  the 
state  of  the  temple  at  that  time. 

Now  of  those  that  perished  by  famine 
in  the  city,  the  number  was  prodigious, 
and  the  miseries  they  underwent  were  un- 
speakable ;  for  if  so  much  as  the  shadow 
of  any  kind  of  food  did  anywhere  appear, 
a  war  was  commenced  presently ;  and  the 
dearest  friends  fell  a-fighting  one  with 
another  about  it,  snatching  from  each 
other  the  most  miserable  supports  of  life. 
Nor  would  men  believe  that   those  who 


were  dying  had  no  food  ;  but  the  robbers 
would  search  them  when  they  were  ex- 
piring, lest  any  one  should  have  concealed 
food  in  their  bosoms,  and  counterfeited 
dying:  nay,  these  robbers  gaped  for  want, 
and  ran  about  stumbling  and  staggering 
along  like  mad  dogs,  and  reeling  against 
the  doors  of  the  houses  like  drunken  men  ; 
they  would  also,  in  the  great  distress  they 
were  in,  rush  into  the  very  same  houses 
two  or  three  times  in  one  and  the  same 
day.  Moreover,  their  hunger  was  so  in- 
tolerable, that  it  obliged  them  to  chew 
every  thing,  while  they  gathered  such 
things  as  the  most  sordid  animals  would 
not  touch,  and  endured  to  eat  them  ;  nor 
did  they  at  length  abstain  from  girdles 
and  shoes  ;  and  the  very  leather  which  be- 
longed to  their  shields  they  pulled  off  and. 
gnawed  :  the  very  wisps  of  old  hay  be- 
came food  to  some  ;  and  some  gathered  up 
fibres,  and  sold  a  very  small  weight  of 
them  for  four  Attic  [drachmae].  But 
why  do  I  describe  the  shameless  impu- 
dence that  the  famine  brought  on  men 
in  their  eating  inanimate  things,  while  I 
am  going  to  relate  a  matter  of  fact,  the 
like  to  which  no  history  relates,  either 
among  the  Greeks  or  Barbarians  !  It  is 
horrible  to  speak  of  it,  and  incredible 
when  heard.  I  had  indeed  willingly 
omitted  this  calamity  of  ours,  that  1 
might  not  seem  to  deliver  what  is  so  por- 
tentous to  posterity,  but  that  I  have  innu- 
merable witnesses  to  it  in  my  own  age ; 
and  besides,  my  country  would  have  had 
little  reason  to  thank  me  for  suppressing 
the  miseries  that  she  underwent  at  this 
time 

There  was  a  certain  woman  that  dwelt 
beyond  Jordan — her  name  was  Mary;  her 
father  was  Eleazar,  of  the  village  Bethe- 
zub,  wheh  signifies  the  "house  of  hyssop." 
She  was  eminent  for  her  family  and  her 
wealth,  and  had  fled  away  to  Jerusalem 
with  the  rest  of  the  multitude,  and  was 
with  them  besieged  therein  at  this  time. 
The  other  effects  of  this  woman  had  been 
already  seized  upon  ;  such,  I  mean,  as  she 
had  brought  with  her  out  of  Perea,  and 
removed  to  the  city.  What  she  had  trea- 
sured up  besides,  as  also  what  food  she 
had  contrived  to  save,  had  been  also  car- 
ried off  by  the  rapacious  guards,  who  came 
every  day  running  into  her  house  for  that 
purpose.  This  put  the  poor  woman  into 
a  very  great  passion,  and  by  the  frequent  re- 
proaches and  imprecations  she  cast  at  these 
rapacious  villains,  she  had  provoked  tlaem 


J 


Chap.  IV.] 


WARS   OF   TIIK   JEWS. 


3G5 


to  anger  against  her ;  but  none  of  them, 
either  out  of    the    indignation    she    had 
raised  against  herself,  or  out  of  the  com- 
miseration of  her  case,  would  take  away 
her  life ;  and  if  she  found  any  food,  she 
perceived  her  labours  were  for  others,  and 
not  for  herself;  and  it  was  now  become 
impossible  for  her  any  way  to  find  any 
more     food,    while    the    famine    pierced 
through    her   very   bowels   and    marrow, 
when  also  her  passion  was  fired  to  a  de- 
gree  beyond  the  famine  itself:   nor  did 
she  consult  with  any  thing  but  with  her 
passion  and  the  necessity  she  was  in.  She 
then  attempted  a  most  unnatural  thing ; 
and  snatching  up  her  son,  who  was  a  child 
sucking  at  her  breast,  she  said,  "  0  thou 
miserable  infant !  for  whom  shall  I  pre- 
serve thee  in  this  war,  this  famine,  and 
this  sedition  ?     As  to  the  war  with  the 
Komans,  if  they  preserve   our  lives,   we 
must  be  slaves !     This  famine  also  will 
destroy  us,  even  before  that  slavery  comes 
upon  us ;  yet  are  these  seditious  rogues 
more  terrible  than  both  the  other.     Come 
on;  be  thou  my  food,  and  be  thou  a  fury 
to  these  seditious  varlets,  and  a  byword 
to   the  world,  which  is  all    that  is  now 
wanting  to  complete  the  calamities  of  us 
Jews."     As  soon  as  she  had  said  this,  she 
slew  bp.r  son ;  and  then  roasted  him,  and 
ate   the   one   half  of  him,  and  kept  the 
other  half  by  her  concealed.     Upon  this 
the  seditious  came  in  presently,  and  smell- 
ing   the  horrid  scent  of  this  food,  they 
threatnned  her  that  they  would  cut  her 
throat  immediately  if  she  did   not  show 
them   what  food  she  had  gotten   ready. 
She  replied,  that  she   had  saved  a  very 
fine  portion  of  it  for  them ;  and  withal 
uncovered    what    was    left    of   her    son. 
Hereupon  they  were  seized  with  a  horror 
and  amazement  of  mind,  and  stood  asto- 
nished   at  the   sight;   when  she  said  to 
them.  "  This  is  mine  own  son ;  and  what 
hath   been   done  was  mine    own   doing ! 
Come,  eat  of  this  food ;  for  I  have  eaten 
of  it  myself !     Do  not  you  pretend  to  be 
either  more  tender  than  a  woman,  or  more 
compassionate  than  a  mother ;   but  if  you 
be  so  scrupulous,  and  do  abominate  this 
my  sacrifice,  as  I  have  eaten  the  one  half, 
let   the   rest   be  reserved    for  me    also." 
After  which,  those  men  went  out  trem- 
bling, being  never  so  much  affrighted  at 
any  thing  as  they  were  at  this,  and  with 
some  difficulty  they  left  the  rest  of  that 
meat   to   the    mother.     Upon   which  the 
whole  city  was  full  of  this  horrid  action 


immediately;  and  while  everybody  laid 
this  miserable  case  before  their  own  eyes, 
they  trembled,  as  if  this  unheard-of  action 
had  been  done  by  themselves.  So  those 
that  were  thus  distressed  by  the  famine 
were  very  desirous  to  die ;  and  those  al- 
ready dead  were  esteemed  happy,  because 
they  had  not  lived  long  enough  either  to 
hear  or  to  see  such  miseries. 

This  sad  instance  was  quickly  told  to 
the  llomans,  some  of  whom  could  not  be- 
lieve it,  and  others  pitied  the  distress 
which  the  Jews  were  under;  but  there 
were  many  of  them  who  were  hereby  in- 
duced to  a  more  bitter  hatred  than  ordi- 
nary against  our  nation  ;  but  for  Ciesar, 
he  excused  himself  before  God  as  to  this 
matter,  and  said  that  he  had  proposed 
peace  and  liberty  to  the  Jews,  as  well  as 
an  oblivion  of  all  their  former  insolent 
practices ;  but  that  they,  instead  of  con- 
cord, had  chosen  sedition ;  instead  of 
peace,  war;  and  before  satiety  and  abun- 
dance, a  famine.  That  they  had  begun 
with  their  own  hands  to  burn  down  that 
temple  which  we  have  preserved  hitherto  ; 
and  that  therefore  they  deserved  to  eat 
such  food  as  this  was.  That,  however, 
this  horrid  action  of  eating  one's  own  child 
ought  to  be  covered  with  the  overthrow 
of  their  very  country  itself;  and  men 
ought  not  to  leave  such  a  city  upon  the 
habitable  earth  to  be  seen  by  the  sun, 
wherein  mothers  are  thus  fed,  although 
such  food  may  be  more  fit  for  the  fathers 
than  for  the  mothers  to  cat  of,  since  it  is 
they  that  continue  still  in  a  state  of  war 
against  us,  after  they  have  uudergone  such 
miseries  as  these.  And  at  the  same  time 
that  he  said  this,  he  reflected  on  the  des- 
perate condition  these  men  must  be  in ; 
nor  could  he  expect  that  such  men  could 
be  recovered  to  sobriety  of  mind,  after 
they  had  endured  those  very  sufferings, 
for  the  avoiding  whereof  it  only  was  pro- 
bable they  might  have  repented. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Destruction  of  the  Temple. 
And  now  two  of  the  legions  had  com- 
pleted their  banks  on  the  eighth  day  of 
the  month  Lous  [Ab].  Whereupon  Titus 
gave  orders  that  the  battering-rams  should 
be  brought  and  set  over  against  the  west- 
ern edifice  of  the  inner  temple  ;  for  before 
these  were  brought,  the  firmest  of  all  the 
other  engines  had  battered  the  wall  for 
six  days  together  without  ceasing,  without 


366 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


making  any  impression  upon  it ;  but  the 
vast  largeness  and  strong  connection  of 
the  stones  were  superior  to  that  engine, 
and  to  the  other  battering-rams  also. 
Other  Romans  did,  indeed,  undermine 
the  foundations  of  the  northern  gate,  and, 
after  a  world  of  pains,  removed  the  outer- 
most stones,  yet  was  the  gate  still  upheld 
by  the  inner  stones,  and  stood  still  un- 
hurt ;  till  the  workmen,  despairing  of  all 
such  attempts  by  engines  and  crows, 
brought  their  ladders  to  the  cloisters. 
Now  the  Jews  did  not  interrupt  them  in 
so  doing;  but  when  they  were  gotten  up, 
they  fell  upon  them  and  fought  with 
them ;  some  of  them  they  thrust  down, 
and  threw  them  backward  headlong; 
others  of  them  they  met  and  slew  :  they 
also  beat  many  of  those  that  went  down 
the  ladders  again,  and  slew  them  with 
their  swords,  before  they  could  bring  their 
shields  to  protect  them  ;  nay,  some  of  the 
ladders  they  threw  down  from  above,  when 
they  were  full  of  armed  men ;  a  great 
slaughter  was  made  of  the  Jews  also  at 
the  same  time,  while  those  that  carried 
the  ensigns  fought  hard  for  them,  as  deem- 
ing it  a  terrible  thing,  and  what  would 
tend  to  their  great  shame,  if  they  permit- 
ted them  to  be  stolen  away.  Yet  did  the 
Jews  at  length  get  possession  of  these 
engines,  and  destroyed  those  that  had 
gone  up  the  ladders,  while  the  rest  were 
so  intimidated  by  what  those  suffered  who 
were  slain  that  they  retired ;  although 
none  of  the  Romans  died  without  having 
done  good  service  before  his  death.  Of 
the  seditious, those  that  had  fought  bravely 
in  the  former  battles,  did  the  like  now ;  as 
besides  them  did  Eleazar,  the  brother's 
son  of  Simon  the  tyrant.  But  when  Ti- 
tus perceived  that  his  endeavours  to  spare 
a  foreign  temple  turned  to  the  damage  of 
his  soldiers,  and  made  them  be  killed,  he 
gave  order  to  set  the  gates  on  fire. 

In  the  mean  time  there  deserted  to  him 
Ananus,  who  came  from  Emmaus,  the 
most  bloody  of  all  Simon's  guards,  and 
Archelaus,  the  son  of  Magadatus,  they 
hoping  to  be  still  forgiven,  because  they 
left  the  Jews  at  a  time  when  they  were 
conquerors.  Titus  objected  this  to  these 
men,  as  a  cunning  trick  of  theirs ;  and  as 
he  had  been  informed  of  their  other  bar- 
barities toward  the  Jews,  he  was  going  in 
all  haste  to  have  them  both  slain.  He 
told  them  that  they  were  only  driven  to 
this  desertion  because  of  the  utmost  dis- 
tress they  were  in,  and  did  not  come  away 


of  their  own  good  disposition;  and  that 
those  did  not  deserve  to  be  preserved  by 
whom  their  own  city  was  already  set  on 
fire,  out  of  which  fire  they  now  hurried 
themselves  away.  However,  the  security 
he  had  promised  deserters  overcame  his 
resentments,  and  he  dismissed  them  ac- 
cordingly, though  he  did  not  give  them 
the  same  privileges  that  he  had  afforded 
to  others ;  and  now  the  soldiers  had  al- 
ready put  fire  to  the  gates,  and  the  silver 
that  was  over  them  quickly  carried  the 
flames  to  the  wood  that  was  within  it, 
whence  it  spread  itself  all  on  the  sudden, 
and  caught  hold  of  the  cloisters.  Upon  the 
Jews  seeing  this  fire  all  about  them,  their 
spirits  sank,  together  with  their  bodies, 
and  they  were  under  such  astonishment, 
that  not  one  of  them  made  any  haste, 
either  to  defend  himself  or  to  quench  the 
fire,  but  they  stood  as  mute  spectators 
of  it  only.  However,  they  did  not  so 
grieve  at  the  loss  of  what  was  now  burn- 
ing as  to  grow  wiser  thereby  for  the  time 
to  come;  but  as  though  the  holy  house 
itself  had  been  on  fire  already,  they  whet- 
ted their  passions  against  the  Romans. 
This  fire  prevailed  during  that  day  and 
the  next  also;  for  the  soldiers  were  not 
able  to  burn  all  the  cloisters  that  were 
round  about  together  at  one  time,  but 
only  by  pieces. 

But  then,  on  the  nest  day,  Titus  com- 
manded part  of  his  army  to  quench  the 
fire,  and  to  make  a  road  for  the  more  easy 
marching  up  of  the  legions,  while  he  him- 
self gathered  the  commanders  together. 
Of  those  there  were  assembled  the  six 
principal  persons :  Tiberius  Alexander, 
the  commander  [under  the  general]  of 
the  whole  army ;  with  Sextus  Cerealis, 
the  commander  of  the  fifth  legion ;  and 
Larcius  Lepidus,  the  commander  of  the 
tenth  legion  ;  and  Titus  Frigius,  the  com- 
mander of  the  fifteenth  legion  :  there  was 
also  with  them  Eternius,  the  leader  of 
the  two  legions  that  came  from  Alexan- 
dria;  and  Marcus  Antonius  Julian  us, 
procurator  of  Judea;  after  these  came 
together  all  the  rest  of  the  procurators 
and  tribunes.  Titus  proposed  to  these 
that  they  should  give  him  their  advice 
what  should  be  done  about  the  holy  house. 
Now,  some  of  these  thought  it  would  be 
the  best  way  to  act  according  to  the  rules 
of  war  [and  demolish  it]  ;  because  the 
Jews  would  never  leave  off  rebelling 
while  the  house  was  standing ;  at  which 
house  it  was  that  they  used  to  get  all  to- 


Chap.  IV.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


367 


gether.  Others  of  them  were  of  opinion, 
that,  in  case  the  Jews  would  leave,  and 
none  of  them  would  lay  their  arms  up  in 
it,  ne  might  save  it;  but  that  in  case  they 
got  upon  it,  and  fought  any  more,  he 
might  burn  it ;  because  it  must  then  be 
looked  upon  not  as  a  holy  house,  but  as  a 
citadel  ;  and  that  the  impiety  of  burning 
it  would  then  belong  to  those  that  forced 
this  to  be  done,  and  not  to  them.  But 
Titus  said,  that  u  although  the  Jews 
should  get  upon  that  holy  house,  and 
fight  us  thence,  yet  ought  we  not  to  re- 
venge ourselves  on  things  that  are  inani- 
mate, instead  of  the  men  themselves;" 
and  that  he  was  not  in  any  case  for  burn- 
ing down  so  vast  a  work  as  that  was, 
because  this  would  be  a  mischief  to  the 
Konians  themselves,  as  it  would  be  an 
ornament  to  their  government  while  it 
continued.  So  Fronto,  and  Alexander, 
and  Cerealis  grew  bold  upon  that  decla- 
ration, and  agreed  to  the  opinion  of  Titus. 
Then  was  this  assembly  dissolved,  when 
Titus  had  given  orders  to  the  commanders 
that  the  rest  of  their  forces  should  lie  still ; 
but  that  they  should  make  use  of  such 
as  were  most  courageous  in  this  attack. 
So  he  commanded  that  the  chosen  men 
that  were  taken  out  of  the  cohorts  should 
make  their  way  through  the  ruins,  and 
quench  the  fire. 

Now  it  is  true,  that  on  this  day  the 
Jews  were  so  weary,  and  under  such  con- 
sternation, that  they  refrained  from  any 
attacks ;  but  on  the  next  day  they  ga- 
thered their  whole  force  together,  and  ran 
upon  those  that  guarded  the  outward  court 
of  the  temple,  very  boldly,  through  the 
east  gate,  and  this  about  the  second  hour 
of  the  day.  These  guards  received  their 
attack  with  great  bravery,  and  by  cover- 
ing themselves  with  their  shields  before, 
as  if  it  were  with  a  wall,  they  drew  their 
squadrons  close  together;  yet  was  it  evi- 
dent that  they  could  not  abide  there  very 
long,  but  would  be  overborne  by  the  mul- 
titude of  those  that  sallied  out  upon  them, 
and  by  the  heat  of  their  passion.  How- 
ever, Caesar  seeing,  from  the  tower  of  An- 
ton ia,  that  this  squadron  was  likely  to 
give  way,  he  sent  some  chosen  horsemen 
to  support  them.  Hereupon  the  Jews 
found  themselves  not  able  to  sustain  their 
onset,  and,  upon  the  slaughter  of  those  in 
the  forefront,  many  of  the  rest  were  put 
to  flight ;  but  as  the  .Romans  were  going 
off",  the  Jews  turned  upon  them  and  fought 
them ;  and  as  those  llomans  came  back 


upon  them,  they  retreated  again,  until 
about  the  fifth  hour  of  the  day  they  were 
overborne,  and  shut  themselves  up  in  tho 
inner  [court  of  the]  temple. 

So  Titus  retired  into  the  tower  of  An- 
tonia,  and  resolved  to  storm  the  temple 
the  next  day,  early  in  the  morning,  with 
his  whole  army,  and  to  encamp  round 
about  the  holy  house ;  but,  as  for  that 
house,  God  had  for  certain  long  ago 
doomed  it  to  the  fire;  and  now  that  fatal 
day  was  come  according  to  the  revolution 
of  ages  :  it  was  the  tenth  day  of  the  month 
Lous  [Ab],  upon  which  it  was  formerly 
burnt  by  the  king  of  Babylon  ;  although 
these  flames  took  their  rise  from  the  Jews 
themselves,  and  were  occasioned  by  them: 
for,  upon  Titus's  retiring,  the  seditious 
lay  still  for  a  little  while,  and  then  at- 
tacked tht!  Romans  again,  when  those  that 
guarded  the  holy  house  fought  with  those 
that  quenched  the  Are  that  was  burning 
in  the  inner  [court  of  the]  temple  ;  but 
these  Romans  put  the  Jews  to  flight,  and 
proceeded  as  far  as  the  holy  house  itself. 
At  which  time  one  of  the  Boldiers, 
without  staying  for  any  orders,  and  with- 
out any  concern  or  dread  upon  him  at  so 
great  an  undertaking,  and  hurried  on  by 
a  certain  divine  fury,  snatched  somewhat 
out  of  the  materials  that  were  on  fire,  and 
being  lifted  up  by  another  soldier,  he  set 
fire  to  a  golden  window,  through  which 
there  was  a  passage  to  the  rooms  that 
were  round  about  the  holy  house,  on  the 
north  side  of  it.  As  the  flames  went  up- 
ward, the  Jews  made  a  great  clamour, 
such  as  so  mighty  an  affliction  required, 
and  ran  together  to  prevent  it ;  ami  now 
they  spared  not  their  lives  any  longer, 
nor  suffered  any  thing  to  restrain  their 
force,  since  that  holy  house  was  perishing, 
for  whose  sake  it  was  that  they  kept  such 
a  guard  about  it.  And  now  a  certain 
person  came  running  to  Titus,  and  told 
him  of  this  fire,  as  he  was  resting  himself 
in  his  tent  after  the  last  battle;  where- 
upon he  rose  up  in  great  haste,  and,  as 
he  was,  ran  to  the  holy  house,  in  order  to 
have  a  stop  put  to  the  fire;  after  him  fol- 
lowed all  his  commanders,  and  after  them 
followed  the  several  legions,  in  great  as- 
tonishment ;  so  there  was  a  great  clamour 
and  tumult  raised,  as  was  natural  upon 
the  disorderly  motion  of  so  great  an  army. 
Then  did  Cajsar,  both  by  calling  to  the 
soldiers  that  were  fighting,  with  a  loud 
voice,  and  by  giving  a  signal  to  them  with 
his  right  baud,  order  them  to  quench  the 


=T! 


368 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


fire ;  but  they  did  not  hear  -what  he  said, 
though  he  spake  so  loud,  having  their  ears 
already  dinned  by  a  greater  noise  another 
way  ;  nor  did  they  attend  to  the  signal  he 
made  with  his  hand  neither,  as  still  some 
of  them  were  distracted  with  fighting,  and 
others  with  passion ;  but  as  for  the  le- 
gions that  came  running  thither,  neither 
any  persuasions  nor  any  threatenings  could 
restrain  their  violence,  but  each  one's  own 
passion  was  his  commander  at  this  time ; 
and  as  they  were  crowding  into  the  tem- 
ple together,  many  of  them  were  tram- 
pled on  by  one  another,  while  a  great  num- 
ber fell  among  the  ruins  of  the  cloisters, 
which  were  still  hot  and  smoking,  and 
were  destroyed  in  the  same  miserable  way 
with  those  whom  they  had  conquered  : 
and  when  they  were  come  near  the  holy 
house,  they  made  as  if  they  did  not  so 
much  as  hear  Csesar's  orders  to  the  con- 
trary; but  they  encouraged  those  that 
were  before  them  to  set  it  on  fire.  As  for 
the  seditious,  they  were  in  too  great  dis- 
tress already  to  afford  their  assistance 
[toward  quenching  the  fire] ;  they  were 
everywhere  slain,  and  everywhere  beaten; 
and  as  for  a  great  part  of  the  people,  they 
were  weak  and  without  arms,  and  had 
their  throats  cut  wherever  they  were 
caught.  Now,  round  about  the  altar  lay 
dead  bodies  heaped  one  upon  another ;  as 
at  the  steps  going  up  to  it  ran  a  great 
quantity  of  their  blood,  whither  also  the 
dead  bodies  that  were  slain  above  [on  the 
altar]  fell  down. 

And  now,  since  Caesar  was  noway  able 
to  restrain  the  enthusiastic  fury  of  the 
soldiers,  and  the  fire  proceeded  on  more 
and  more,  he  went  into  the  holy  place  of 
the  temple,  with  his  commanders,  and  saw 
it,  with  what  was  in  it,  which  he  found  to 
be  far  superior  to  what  the  relations  of 
foreigners  contained,  and  not  inferior  to 
what  we  ourselves  boasted  of  and  believed 
about  it ;  but  as  the  flame  had  not  as  yet 
reached  to  its  inward  parts,  but  was  still 
consuming  the  rooms  that  were  about  the 
holy  house,  and  Titus  supposing  what  the 
fact  was,  that  the  house  itself  might  yet 
be  saved,  he  came  in  haste  and  endeavour- 
ed to  persuade  the  soldiers  to  quench  the 
fire,  and  gave  order  to  Liberalius  the  cen- 
turion, and  one  of  those  spearmen  that 
were  about  him,  to  beat  the  soldiers  that 
were  refractory  with  their  staves,  and  to 
restrain  them ;  yet  were  their  passions  too 
hard  for  the  regard  they  had  for  Caesar, 
and  the  dread  they  had  of  him  who  for- 


bade them,  as  was  their  hatred  of  the 
Jews,  and  a  certain  vehement  inclination 
to  fight  them,  too  hard  for  them  also. 
Moreover,  the  hope  of  plunder  induced 
many  to  go  on,  as  having  this  opinion, 
that  all  the  places  within  were  full  of  mo- 
ney, and  as  seeing  that  all  round  about  it 
was  made  of  gold ;  and  besides,  one  of 
those  that  went  into  the  place  prevented 
Cgesar,  when  he  ran  so  hastily  out  to  re- 
strain the  soldiers,  and  threw  the  fire  upon 
the  hinges  of  the  gate,  in  the  dark ; 
whereby  the  flame  burst  out  from  within 
the  holy  house  itself  immediately,  when 
the  commanders  retired,  and  Caesar  with 
them,  and  when  nobody  any  longer  for- 
bade those  that  were  without  to  setiire  to 
it ;  and  thus  was  the  holy  house  burnt 
down,  without  Caesar's  approbation. 

Now,  although  any  one  would  justly 
lament  the  destruction  of  such  a  work  as 
this  was,  since  it  was  the  most  admirable 
of  all  the  works  that  we  have  seen  or 
heard  of,  both  for  its  curious  structure 
and  its  magnitude,  and  also  for  the  vast 
wealth  bestowed  upon  it,  as  well  as  for 
the  glorious  reputation  it  had  for  its 
holiness;  yet  might  such  a  one  comfort 
himself  with  this  thought,  that  it  was  fate 
that  decreed  it  so  to  be,  which  is  inevi- 
table, both  as  to  living  creatures,  and  as 
to  works  and  places  also.  However,  one 
cannot  but  wonder  at  the  accuracy  of  this 
period  thereto  relating;  for  the  same 
month  and  day  were  now  observed,  as 
I  said  before,  wherein  the  holy  house  was 
burnt  formerly  by  the  Babylonians.  Now, 
the  number  of  years  that  passed  from  its 
first  foundation,  which  was  laid  by  King 
Solomon,  till  this  its  destruction,  which 
happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 
of  Vespasian,  are  collected  to  be  1 130, 
besides  seven  months  and  fifteen  days ; 
and  from  the  second  building  of  it,  which 
was  done  by  Haggai,  in  the  second  year 
of  Cyrus  the  king,  till  its  destruction  un- 
der Vespasian,  there  were  639  years  and 
forty-five  days. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Distress  of  the  Jews  upon  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple. 

While  the  holy  house  was  on  fire, 
every  thing  was  plundered  that  came  to 
hand,  and  10,000  of  those  that  were 
caught  were  slain ;  nor  was  there  a  com- 
miseration of  any  age,  or  any  reverence 
of  gravity;    but  children,  and  old  men, 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


369 


n) 


and  profane  persons,  and  priests,  were  all 
slain  in  the  same  manner;  so  that  this 
war  went  round  all  sorts  of  men,  and 
brought  them  to  destruction,  and  as  well 
those  that  made  supplication  for  their 
lives  as  those  that  defended  themselves 
by  fighting.  The  flame  was  also  carried  a 
long  way,  and  made  an  echo,  together 
with  the  groans  of  those  that  were  slain ; 
and  because  this  hill  was  high,  and  the 
works  at  the  temple  were  very  great,  one 
would  have  thought  the  whole  city  had 
been  on  fire.  Nor  can  one  imagine  any 
thing  either  greater  or  more  terrible  than 
this  noise ;  for  there  was  at  once  a  shout 
of  the  Roman  legions,  who  were  marching 
all  together,  and  a  sad  clamour  of  the  se- 
ditious, who  were  now  surrounded  with 
fire  and  sword.  The  people  also  that  were 
left  above  were  beaten  back  upon  the  ene- 
my, and  under  a  great  consternation,  and 
made  sad  moans  at  the  calamity  they 
were  under  :  the  multitude  also  that  was 
in  the  city  joined  in  this  outcry  with  those 
that  were  upon  the  hill;  and  besides, 
many  of  those  that  were  worn  away  by 
the  famine,  and  their  mouths  almost 
closed,  when  they  saw  the  fire  of  the  holy 
house,  they  exerted  their  utmost  strength, 
and  brake  out  into  groans  and  outcries 
again  :  Perea  did  also  return  the  echo,  as 
well  as  the  mountains  round  about  [the 
city],  and  augmented  the  force  of  the  en- 
tire noise.  Yet  was  the  misery  itself 
more  terrible  than  this  disorder ;  for  one 
would  have  thought  that  the  hill  itself,  on 
which  the  temple  stood,  was  seething-hot, 
as  full  of  fire  on  every  part  of  it,  that 
the  blood  was  larger  in  quantity  than  the 
fire,  and  those  that  were  slain  more  in 
number  than  those  that  slew  them ;  for 
the  ground  did  nowhere  appear  visible,  for 
the  dead  bodies  that  lay  on  it ;  but  the 
soldiers  went  over  heaps  of  these  bodies, 
as  they  ran  upon  such  as  fled  from  them. 
And  now  it  was  that  the  multitude  of  the 
robbers  were  thrust  out  [of  the  inner 
court  of  the  temple]  by  the  Romans,  and 
had  much  ado  to  get  into  the  outer  court, 
and  from  thence  into  the  city,  while  the 
remainder  of  the  populace  fled  into  the 
cloister  of  that  outer  court.  As  for  the 
priests,  some  of  them  plucked  up  from 
the  holy  house  the  spikes  that  were  upon 
it,  with  their  bases,  which  were  made  of 
lead,  and  shot  them  at  the  Romans  instead 
of  darts.  But  then  as  they  gained  no- 
thing by  so  doing,  and  as  the  fire  burst 
out  upon  them,  they  retired  to  the  wall 
Vol.  II.- -24  3H 


that  was  eight  cubits  broad,  and  there  the} 
tarried;  yet  did  two  of  these  of  eminence 
among  them,  who  might  have  saved  them- 
selves by  going  over  to  the  Romans,  or 
have  borne  up  with  courage,  and  takeu 
their  fortune  with  the  others,  throw  them- 
selves into  the  fire,  and  were  burnt  to- 
gether with  the  holy  house ;  their  names 
were  Meirus  the  son  of  Belgas,  and  Jo- 
seph the  sou  of  Daleus. 

And  now  the  Romans,  judging  that  it 
was  in  vain  to  spare  what  was  round  about 
the  holy  house,  burnt  all  those  places,  as 
also  the  remains  of  the  cloisters  and  tho 
gates,  two  excepted ;  the  one  on  the  east 
side,  and  the  other  on  the  south ;  both 
which,  however,  they  burnt  afterward. 
They  also  burnt  down  the  treasury-cham- 
bers, in  which  was  an  immense  quantity 
of  money,  and  an  immense  number  of 
garments,  and  other  precious  goods,  there 
deposited;  and,  to  speak  all  in  a  few 
words,  there  it  was  that  the  entire  riches 
of  the  Jews  were  heaped  up  .  together, 
while  the  rich  people  had  there  built  them* 
selves  chambers  [to  contain  such  furni- 
ture]. The  soldiers  also  came  to  the  rest 
of  the  cloisters  that  were  in  the  outer 
[court  of  the]  temple,  whither  the  wo- 
men and  children,  and  a  great  mixed  mul- 
titude of  the  people  fled,  in  number  about 
6000.  But  before  Csesar  had  determined 
any  thing  about  these  people,  or  given 
the  commanders  any  orders  relating  to 
them,  the  soldiers  were  in  such  a  rage, 
that  they  set  the  cloister  on  fire  ;  by  which 
means  it  came  to  pass  that  some  of  these 
were  destroyed  by  throwing  themselves 
down  headlong,  and  some  were  burnt  in 
the  cloisters  themselves.  Nor  did  any  one 
of  them  escape  with  his  life.  A  false 
prophet  was  the  occasion  of  these  people's 
destruction,  who  had  made  a  public  procla- 
mation in  the  city  that  very  day,  that  God 
commanded  them  to  get  up  upon  the  tem- 
ple, and  that  there  they  should  receive  mi- 
raculous signs  of  their  deliverance.  Now, 
there  was  then  a  great  number  of  false 
prophets  suborned  by  the  tyrants  to  im- 
pose upon  the  people,  who  denounced  this 
to  them,  that  they  should  wait  for  de- 
liverance from  God ;  and  this  was  in  or- 
der to  keep  them  from  deserting,  and  that 
they  might  be  buoyed  up  above  fear  and 
care  by  such  hopes.  Now,  a  man  that  is 
in  adversity  does  easily  comply  with  such 
promises ;  for  when  such  a  seducer  makes 
him  believe  that  he  shall  be  delivered  from 
those  miseries  which  oppress  him,  theu  it 


370 


AVARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


is  that  the  patient  is  full  of  hopes  of  such 
deliverance. 

Thus  were  the  miserable  people  persuad- 
ed by  these  deceivers,  and  such  as  belied 
God  himself ;  while  they  did  not  attend, 
nor  give  credit,  to  the  signs  that  were  so 
evident,  and  did  so  plainly  foretell  their 
future  desolation ;  but,  like  men  infatu- 
ated, without  either  eyes  to  see  or  minds 
to  consider,  did  not  regard  the  denuncia- 
tions that  God  made  to  them.  Thus, 
there  was  a  star  resembling  a  sword, 
which  stood  over  the  city,  and  a  comet, 
that  continued  a  whole  year.  Thus  also, 
before  the  Jews'  rebellion,  and  before 
those  commotions  which  preceded  the  war, 
when  the  people  were  come  in  great 
crowds  to  the  feast  of  unleavened  bread, 
on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Xanthicus 
[Nisan],  and  at  the  ninth  hour  of  the 
night,  so  great  a  light  shone  round  the  al- 
tar and  the  holy  house  that  it  appeared  to 
be  bright  daytime  ;  which  light  lasted  for 
half  an  hour.  This  light  seemed  to  be  a 
good  sign  to  the  unskilful,  but  was  so  in- 
terpreted by  the  sacred  scribes  as  to  por- 
tend those  events  that  followed  immediate- 
ly upon  it.  At  the  same  festival  also,  a 
heifer,  as  she  was  led  by  the  high  priest 
to  be  sacrificed,  brought  forth  a  lamb  in 
the  midst  of  the  temple.  Moreover,  the 
eastern  gate  of  the  inner  [court  of  the] 
temple,  which  was  of  brass,  a-nd  vastly 
heavy,  and  had  been  with  difficulty  sbut 
by  twenty  men,  and'  rested  upon  a  basis 
armed  with  iron,  and  had  bolts  fastened 
very  deep  into  the  firm  floor,  which  was 
there  made  of  one  entire  stone,  was  seen 
to  be  opened  of  its  own  accord  about  the 
sixth  hour  of  the  night.  Now,  those  that 
kept  watch  in  the  temple,  came  hereupon 
running  to  the  captain  of  the  temple,  and 
told  him  of  it ;  who  then  came  up  thither, 
and  not  without  great  difficulty  was  able 
to  shut  the  gate  again.  This  also  ap- 
peared to  the  vulgar  to  be  a  very  happy 
prodigy,  as  if  God  did  thereby  open  them 
the  gate  of  happiness.  But  the  men  of 
learning  understood  it,  that  the  security 
of  their  holy  house  was  dissolved  of  its 
own  accord,  and  that  the  gate  was  opened 
for  the  advantage  of  their  enemies.  So 
these  publicly  declared  that  this  signal 
foreshowed  the  desolation  that  was  coming 
upon  them.  Besides  these,  a  few  days 
after  that  feast,  on  the  one-and-twentieth 
day  of  the  month  Artemisius  [Jyar],  a  cer- 
tain prodigious  and  incredible  phenome- 
non appeared  :  I  suppose  the  account  of 


it  would  seem  to  be  a  fable,  were  it  not  re- 
lated by  those  that  saw  it,  and  were  not 
the  events  that  followed  it  of  so  consider- 
able a  nature  as  to  deserve  such  signals  ; 
for,  before  sunsetting,  chariots  and  troops 
of  soldiers  in  their  armour  were  seen  run- 
ning about  among  the  clouds,  and  sur- 
rounding of  cities.  Moreover,  at  that 
feast  which  we  call  Pentecost,  as  the 
priests  were  going  by  night  into  the  inner 
[court  of  the]  temple,  as  their  custom  was, 
to  perform  their  sacred  ministrations,  they 
said  that,  in  the  first  place,  they  felt  a 
quaking,  and  heard  a  great  noise,  and  af- 
ter that  they  heard  a  sound  as  of  a  great 
multitude,  saying,  "  Let  us  remove  hence." 
But,  what  is  still  more  terrible,  there  was 
one  Jesus,  the  son  of  Ananus,  a  plebeian 
and  a  husbandman,  who,  four  years  be- 
fore the  war  began,  and  at  a  time  when 
the  city  was  in  very  great  peace  and  pros- 
perity, came  to  that  feast  whereon  it  is 
our  custom  for  every  one  to  make  taberna- 
cles to  God  in  the  temple,  began  on  a 
sudden  to  cry  aloud,  "  A  voice  from  the 
east,  a  voice  from  the  west,  a  voice  from 
the  four  winds,  a  voice  against  Jerusalem 
and  the  holy  house,  a  voice  against  the 
bridegrooms  and  the  brides,  and  a  voice 
against  this  whole  people  I"  This  was 
his  cry,  as  he  went  about  by  day  and  by 
night,  in  all  the  lanes  of  the  city.  How- 
ever, certain  of  the  most  eminent  among 
the  populace  had  great  indignation  at  this 
dire  cry  of  his,  and  took  up  the  man,  and 
gave  him  a  great  number  of  severe  stripes  ; 
yet  did  not  he  either  say  any  thing  for 
himself,  or  any  thing  peculiar  to  those 
that  chastised  him,  but  still  he  went  on 
with  the  same  words  which  he  cried  be- 
fore. Hereupon  our  rulers  supposiug,  as 
the  case  proved  to  be,  that  this  was  a  sort 
of  divine  fury  in  the  man,  brought  him 
to  the  Roman  procurator;  where  he  was 
whipped  till  his  bones  were  laid  bare  ; 
yet  did  he  not  make  any  supplication  for 
himself,  nor  shed  any  tears,  but  turning 
his  voice  to  the  most  lamentable  tone  pos- 
sible, at  every  stroke  of  the  whip,  his  an- 
swer was,  "  Wo,  wo  to  Jerusalem  !"'  And 
when  Albinus  (for  he  was  then  our  procu- 
rator) asked  him,  "Who  he  was '(  and 
whence  he  came  ?  and  why  he  uttered 
such  words  V  he  made  no  manner  of  re- 
ply to  what  he  said,  but  still  did  not  leave 
off  his  melancholy  ditty,  till  Albinus  took 
him  to  be  a  madman,  and  dismissed  him. 
Now,  during  all  the  time  that  passed  be- 
fore the  war  began,  this  man  did  not  go 


Chap.  VI.] 


WARS    OF    Till:    JEWS. 


371 


no:ir  any  one  of  the  citizens,  nor  was  Been 
by  them  while  lie  said  so;  but  he  every 
day  uttered  these  lamentable  words,  as  if 
it  were  his  premeditated  vow,  "Wo,  wo, 
to  Jerusalem!''  Nor  did  he  give  ill  words 
to  any  of  those  that  heat  him  every  day, 
nor  good  words  to  those  that  gave  him 
food;  hut  this  was  his  reply  to  all  men, 
and  indeed  no  other  than  a  melancholy 
presage  of  what  was  to  come.  This  cry 
of  his  was  the  loudest  at  the  festivals ;  and 
he  continued  this  ditty  for  seven  years  and 
6ve  months,  without  growing  hoarse,  or 
being  tired  therewith,  until  the  very  time 
that  he  saw  his  presage  in  earnest  fulfilled 
in  our  siege,  when  it  ceased  ;  for  as  he 
was  going  round  upon  the  wall,  he  cried 
out  with  his  utmost  force,  "Wo,  wo,  to 
the  city  again,  and  to  the  people,  and  to 
the  holy  house!"  And  just  as  he  added 
at  the  last,  "Wo,  wo,  to  myself  also!" 
there  came  a  stone  out  of  one  the 
engines,  and  smote  him,  and  killed  him 
immediately;  and  as  he  was  uttering 
the  very  same  presages,  he  gave  up  the 
ghost. 

Now,  if  any  one  consider  these  things, 
he  will  find  that  God  takes  care  of  man- 
kind, and  by  all  ways  possible  foreshows 
to  our  race  what  is  for  their  preservation; 
but  that  men  perish  by  those  miseries 
which  they  madly  and  voluntarily  bring 
upou  themselves;  for  the  Jews,  by  demo- 
lishing the  tower  of  Antonia,  had  made 
their  temple  foursquare,  while  at  the 
same  time  they  had  it  written  in  their  sa- 
cred oracles,  "That  then  should  their  city 
be  taken,  as  well  as  their  holy  house, 
when  once  their  temple  should  become 
foursquare."  But  now,  what  did  most 
elevate  them  in  undertaking  this  war,  was 
an  ambiguous  oracle  that  was  also  found 
in  their  sacred  writings,  how,  "about  that 
time,  one  from  their  country  should  be- 
come governor  of  the  habitable  earth." 
The  Jews  took  this  prediction  to  belong 
to  themselves  in  particular;  aud  many  of 
the  wise  men  were  thereby  deceived  in 
their  determination.  Now,  this  oracle 
certainly  denoted  the  government  of  Ves- 
pasian, who  was  appointed  emperor  in 
Judea.  However,  it  is  not  possible  for 
men  to  avoid  fate,  although  they  see  it 
beforehand.  But  these  men  interpreted 
some  of  these  signals  according  to  their 
own  pleasure;  and  some  of  them  they 
utterly  despised,  until  their  madness  was 
demonstrated,  both  by  the  taking  of  their 
city  and  their  own  destruction. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


The   Romans  continue    to  plunder  ami  barn  the 
city. 

And  now  the  Romans,  upon  the  flight 
of  the  seditious  into  the  city,  and  upon  t!i<- 
burning  of  the  holy  house  itself,  and  of 
all  the  buildings  round  about  it,  br 
their  ensigns  to  the  temple,  and  set  them 
over  against  its  eastern  gate;  and  there 
did  they  offer  sacrifices  to  them,  and  there 
did  tluy  make  Titus  imperator,*  with  the 
greatest  acclamations  of  joy.  And  now 
all  the  soldiers  had  such  vast  quantities 
of  the  spoils  which  they  had  got' 
plunder,  that  in  Syria  a  pound  weight  of 
gold  was  sold  for  half  its  former  value. 
But  as  for  those  prie.-ts  that  kept  them- 
selves still  upon  the  wall  of  the  holy 
house,j"  there  was  a  buy  that,  out  of  the 
thirst  he  was  in,  desired  some  of  the  Ro- 
man guards  to  give  him  their  right  hands 
as  a  security  for  his  life,  and  confessed  he 
was  very  thirsty.  These  guards  commi- 
serated his  age,  and  the  distress  he  was 
in,  and  gave  him  their  right  hands  ac- 
cordingly.  So  he  came  down  himself,  and 
drank  some  water,  aud  filled  the  vessel  he 
had  with  him  when  he  came  to  them  with 
water,  and  then  went  off,  aud  fled  away  to 
his  own  friends;  nor  could  any  of 
guards  overtake  him;  but  still  they  re- 
proached him  for  his  perfidiousness.  To 
which  he  made  this  answer  : — "  1  have  not 
broken  the  agreement;  for  the  security  1 
had  given  me  was  not  in  order  to  my 
staying  with  you,  but  only  in  order  to  my 
coming  down  safely,  and  taking  up  some 
water;  both  which  things  I  have  per- 
formed, and  thereupon  think  myself  to 
have  been  faithful  to  my  engagement." 
Hereupon  those  whom  the  child  had  im- 
posed upon  admired  at  his  cunning,  and 
that  on  account  of  his  age.  On  the  fifth 
day  afterward,  the  priests  that  were  pined 
with  the  famine  came  down,  and  when 
they  were  brought  to  Titus  by  the  guards, 
they  begged  for  their  lives:  but  he  replied, 
that  the  time  of  pardon  was  over  as  to 
them;  and  that  this  very  holy  house,  on 
whose  account  only  they  could  justly  hope 
to  be  preserved,  was  destroyed;  aud  that 
it  was  agreeable  to  their  office  that  pri(  sis 


*  This  declaring  Titus  imperator  by  the  soldiers, 
apon  such  signal  success,  and  the  slau 
a  fast    number   of  enemies,  was   according  to  the 
usual  practice  of  the  Romans  in  like  c 

f  The  Jews  of  later  times  agree  with  Josephus, 
that  there  were  hiding-places  or  secret  chambers 
about  the  holy  house. 


372 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


should  perish  with  the  house  itself  to 
which  they  belonged.  So  he  ordered 
them  to  be  put  to  death. 

But  as  for  the  tyrants  themselves,  and 
those  that  were  with  them,  when  they 
found  that  they  were  encompassed  on 
every  side,  and,  as  it  were,  walled  round, 
without  any  method  of  escaping,  they  de- 
sired to  treat  with  Titus  by  word  of  mouth. 
Accordingly,  such  was  the  kindness  of  his 
nature,  and  his  desire  of  preserving  the 
city  from  destruction,  joined  to  the  advice 
of  his  friends,  who  now  thought  the  rob- 
bers were  come  to  a  temper,  that  he 
placed  himself  on  the  western  side  of  the 
outer  [court  of  the]  temple;  for  there 
were  gates  on  that  side  above  the  Xystus, 
and  a  bridge  that  connected  the  upper 
city  to  the  temple.  This  bridge  it  was 
that  lay  between  the  tyrants  and  Caesar, 
and  parted  them;  while  the  multitude 
stood  on  each  side ;  those  of  the  Jewish 
nation  about  Simon  and  John,  with  great 
hope  of  pardon ;  and  the  Romans  about 
Csesar,  in  great  expectation  how  Titus 
would  receive  their  supplication.  So  Ti- 
tus charged  his  soldiers  to  restrain  their 
rage,  and  to  let  their  darts  alone,  and  ap- 
pointed an  interpreter  between  them, 
which  was  a  sign  that  he  was  the  con- 
queror, and  first  began  the  discourse,  and 
said,  "I  hope  you,  sirs,  are  now  satiated 
with  the  miseries  of  your  country,  who 
have  not  had  any  just  notions,  either  of 
our  great  power,  or  of  your  own  great 
weakness;  but  have,  like  madmen,  after  a 
violent  and  inconsiderate  manner,  made 
such  attempts,  as  to  have  brought  your 
people,  your  city,  and  your  holy  house  to 
destruction.  You  have  been  the  men  that 
have  never  left  off  rebelling  since  Pompey 
first  conquered  you;  and  have,  since  that 
time,  made  open  war  with  the  Romans. 
Have  you  depended  on  your  multitude, 
while  a  very  small  part  of  the  Roman  sol- 
diery have  been  strong  enough  for  you? 
Have  you  relied  on  the  fidelity  of  your 
confederates  ?  and  what  nations  are  there, 
out  of  the  limits  of  our  domiuion,  that 
would  choose  to  assist  the  Jews  before  the 
Romans?  Are  your  bodies  stronger  than 
ours  ?  nay,  you  know  that  the  [strong] 
Germans  themselves  are  our  servants. 
Have  you  stronger  walls  than  we  have  ? 
Pray,  what  greater  obstacle  is  there  than 
the  wall  of  tlie  ocean,  with  which  the  Bri- 
tons are  encompassed,  and  yet  do  adore 
the  arms  of  the  Romans  ?  Do  you  exceed 
us  in  courage  of  soul,  and  in  the  sagacity 


of  your  commanders  ?  Nay,  indeed,  you 
cannot  but  know  that  the  very  Carthagi- 
nians have  been  conquered  by  us.  It  can 
therefore  be  nothing  certainly  but  the 
kindness  of  us  Romans,  which  hath  ex- 
cited you  against  us;  who,  in  the  first 
place,  have  given  you  this  land  to  possess; 
and,  in  the  next  place,  have  set  over  you 
kings  of  your  own  nation ;  and,  in  the 
third  place,  have  preserved  the  laws  of 
your  forefathers  to  you,  and  have  withal 
permitted  you  to  live,  either  by  yourselves, 
or  among  others,  as  it  should  please  you  ? 
and,  what  is  our  chief  favour  of  all,  we 
have  given  you  leave  to  gather  up  that 
tribute  which  is  paid  to  God,  with  such 
other  gifts  that  are  dedicated  to  him;  nor 
have  we  called  those  that  carried  these  do- 
nations to  account,  nor  prohibited  them; 
till  at  length  you  became  richer  than  we 
ourselves,  even  when  you  were  our  ene- 
mies ;  and  you  made  preparations  for  war 
against  us  with  our  own  money;  nay, 
after  all,  when  you  were  in  the  enjoyment 
of  all  these  advantages,  you  turned  your 
too  great  plenty  against  those  that  gave  it 
you,  and  like  merciless  serpents,  have 
thrown  out  your  poison  against  those  that 
treated  you  kindly.  I  suppose,  therefore, 
that  you  might  despise  the  slothfulness  of 
Nero,  and,  like  limbs  of  the  body  that  are 
broken  or  dislocated,  you  did  then  lie 
quiet,  waiting  for  some  other  time,  though 
still  with  a  malicious  intention,  and  have 
now  shown  your  distemper  to  be  greater 
than  ever,  and  have  extended  your  desires 
as  far  as  your  impudent  and  immense  hopes 
would  enable  you  to  do  it.  At  this  time 
my  father  came  into  this  country,  not  with 
a  design  to  punish  you  for  what  you  had 
done  uuder  Cestius,  but  to  admonish  you; 
for,  had  he  come  to  overthrow  your  nation, 
he  had  run  directly  to  your  fountain  head, 
and  had  immediately  laid  this  city  waste ; 
whereas  he  went  and  burnt  Galilee  and 
the  neighbouring  parts,  and  thereby  gave 
you  time  for  repentance;  which  instance 
of  humanity  you  took  for  an  argument  of 
his  weakness,  and  nourished  up  your  im- 
pudence by  our  mildness.  When  Nero 
was  gone  out  of  the  world,  you  did  as  the 
most  wicked  wretches  would  have  done, 
and  encouraged  yourselves  to  act  against 
us  by  our  civil  dissensions,  and  abused 
that  time,  when  both  I  and  my  father 
were  gone  away  to  Egypt,  to  make  prepa- 
rations for  this  war.  Nor  were  you 
ashamed  to  raise  disturbances  against  us 
when  we  were  made  emperors;  and  this 


Chap.  YL] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


373 


while  you  had  experienced  how  mild  we ' 
had   been,  when  we  were  no  more  than 
generals  of  the  army  ;  but  when  the  go- 
vernment was  devolved  upon  us,  and  all 
other  people  did  thereupon  lie  quiet,  and 
even  foreign  nations  sent  embassies,  and 
congratulated  our  access    to  the   govern- 
ment, then  did  you  Jews  show  yourselves 
to  be  our  enemies.     You  sent  embassies 
to  those  of  your  nation  that  are  beyond 
Euphrates,  to  assist  you  in  your  raising 
disturbances;    new  walls  were   built   by 
you    round    your    city,    seditions    arose, 
and    one    tyrant    contended    against    an- 
other, and  a  civil  war  broke  out  among 
you;     such,    indeed,     as    became     none 
but    so    wicked    a    people    as   you    are. 
I  then  came  to  this  city,  as  unwillingly 
sent  by  my  father,  and  received  melan- 
choly   injunctions    from   him.     When    I 
heard  that  the   people  were  disposed   to 
peace,  I  rejoiced  at  it  :  I  exhorted  you  to 
leave  off  these  proceedings  before  I  began 
this  war ;  I   spared  you  even  when  you 
had  fought  against  me  a  great  while  ;  I 
gave  my  right  hand  as  security  to  the  de- 
serters ;  I  observed  what  I  had  promised 
faithfully.     When  they  fled  to  me,  I  had 
compassion  of  many  of  those  that  I  had 
taken  captive  ;  I  tortured  those  that  were 
eager  for  war,  in  order  to  restrain  them. 
It  was    unwillingly  that    I  brought    my 
engines  of  war  against  your  walls ;  I  al- 
ways prohibited  my  soldiers,  when  they 
were  set  upon  your  slaughter,  from   their 
severity  against  you.      After  every  victory 
I  persuaded  you  to  peace,  as  though  I  had 
been   myself  conquered.     When  I  came 
near  your  temple,  I  agaiu  departed  from 
the    laws  of   war,    and   exhorted  you   to 
spare  your  own  sanctuary,  and  to  preserve 
your  holy  house  to  yourselves.      I  allowed 
you  a  quiet  exit  out  of  it,  and  security 
for  your  preservation  :  nay,  if  you  had  a 
mind,  I  gave  you  leave  to  fight  in  another 
place.     Yet  have  you  still  despised  every 
one  of  my  proposals,  and  have  set  fire  to 
your    holy  house  with  your  own   hands. 
And  now,  vile  wretches,  do  you  desire  to 
treat  with   me  by  word  of  mouth  ?     To 
what  purpose  is  it  that  you  would  save 
such  a  holy  house  as  this  was,  which  is 
now  destroyed  ?     What  preservation  can 
you  now   desire  after  the  destruction  of 
your  temple?     Yet  do  you  stand  still  at 
this  very  time  in  your  armour;  nor  can 
you  bring  yourselves  so  much  as  to  pre- 
tend to  be  supplicauts  even  in   this  your 
utmost  extremity  !       0    miserable    crea- 


tures !  what  is  it  you  depend  on  ?  Are 
not  your  people  dead  ?  is  not  your  holy 
house  gone  ?  is  not  your  city  in  my  power? 
and  are  not  your  own  very  lives  in  my 
hands  ?  And  do  you  still  deem  it  a  part 
of  valour  to  die?  However,  I  will  not 
imitate  your  madness.  If  you  throw 
down  your  armour,  and  deliver  up  your 
bodies  to  me,  I  grant  you  your  lives  ;  and 
I  will  act  like  a  mild  master  of  a  family ; 
what  cannot  be  healed  shall  bo  punished, 
and  the  rest  I  will  preserve  for  my  own 
use." 

To  that  offer  of  Titus  they  made  this 
reply  : — That  they  could  not  accept  of  it, 
because  they  had  sworn  never  to  do  so ; 
but  they  desired  they  might  have  leave 
to  go  through  the  wall  that  had  been 
made  about  them,  with  their  wives  and 
children  ;  for  that  they  would  go  into  the 
desert,  and  leave  the  city  to  him.  At 
this  Titus  had  great  indignation ;  that, 
when  they  were  in  the  case  of  men  al- 
ready taken  captives,  they  should  pretend 
to  make  their  own  terms  with  him  as  if 
they  had  been  conquerors!  So  he  or- 
dered this  proclamation  to  be  made  to 
them,  that  they  should  no  more  come  out 
to  him  as  deserters,  nor  hope  for  any  fur- 
ther security;  for  that  he  would  hence- 
forth spare  nobody,  but  fight  them  with 
his  whole  army;  and  that  they  must  save 
themselves  as  well  as  they  could  ;  for  that 
he  would  from  henceforth  treat  them  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war.  So  he  gave 
orders  to  the  soldiers  both  to  burn  and 
to  plunder  the  city;  who  did  nothing, 
indeed,  that  day;  but  on  the  next  day 
they  set  fire  to  the  repository  of  the  ar- 
chives, to  Acra,  to  the  council-house,  and 
to  the  place  called  Ophlas  ;  at  which  time 
the  fire  proceeded  as  far  as  the  palace  of 
Queen  Helena,  which  was  in  the  middle 
of  Acra  :  the  lanes  also  were  burnt  down, 
as  were  also  those  houses  that  were  full  of 
the  dead  bodies  of  such  as  were  destroyed 
by  famine. 

On  the  same  day  it  was  that  the  sons 
and  brethren  of  Izates  the  king,  together 
with  many  others  of  the  eminent  men  of 
the  populace,  got  together  there,  and  be- 
sought Caesar  to  give  them  his  right  hand 
for  their  security.  Upon  which,  though 
he  was  very  angry  at  all  that  were  now 
remaining,  yet  did  he  not  lay  aside  his  old 
moderation,  but  received  these  men.  At 
that  time,  indeed,  he  kept  them  all 
in  custody,  but  still  bound  the  king's 
sons  and  kinsman,   and    led  them   with 


=il 


374 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


Liin  to  Rome,  in  order  to  make  them 
hostages  for  their  country's  fidelity  to 
the  Romans. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Tho  seditious  continue  to  resist  the  Romans. 

And  m>w  the  seditious  rushed  into  the 
royal  palace,  into  which  many  had  put 
their  effects,  because  it  was  so  strong,  and 
drove  the  Romans  away  from  it.  They 
also  slew  all  the  people  that  had  crowded 
into  it,  who  were  in  number  about  8400, 
and  plundered  them  of  what  they  had. 
They  also  took  two  of  the  Romans  alive ; 
the  one  was  a  horseman,  and  the  other  a 
footman:  They  then  cut  the  throat  of 
the  footman,  and  immediately  had  him 
drawn  through  the  whole  city,  as  reveng- 
ing themselves  upon  the  whole  body  of 
the  Romans  by  this  one  instance.  But 
the  horseman  said  he  had  somewhat  to 
suggest  to  them,  iu  order  to  their  preser- 
vation ;  whereupon  he  was  brought  before 
Simon;  but  he  having  nothing  to  say 
when  he  was  there,  he  was  delivered  to 
Ardalas,  one  of  his  commanders,  to  be 
punished,  who  bound  his  hands  behind 
him,  and  put  a  riband  over  his  eyes,  and 
then  brought  him  out  over  against  the 
Humans,  as  intending  to  cut  off  his  head. 
But  the  man  prevented  that  execution, 
and  ran  away  to  the  Romans,  and  this 
while  the  Jewish  executioner  was  drawing 
out  his  sword.  Now  when  he  was  gotten 
away  from  the  enemy,  Titus  could  not 
think  of  putting  him  to  death;  but  be- 
cause he  deemed  him  unworthy  of  being 
a  Roman  soldier  any  longer,  on  account 
that  he  had  been  taken  alive  by  the  ene- 
my, he  took  away  his  arms  and  ejected 
him  out  of  the  legion  whereto  he  had  be- 
longed ;  which,  to  one  that  had  a  sense 
of  shame,  was  a  penalty  more  severe  than 
death  itself. 

On  the  next  day  the  Romans  drove  the 
robbers  out  of  the  lower  city,  and  set  all 
on  fire  as  far  as  Siloam.  These  soldiers 
were,  indeed,  glad  to  see  the  city  de- 
stroyed.  But  they  missed  the  plunder, 
because  the  seditious  had  carried  off  all 
their  effects,  and  were  retired  into  the 
upper  city;  for  they  did  not  yet  at  all 
repent  of  the  mischiefs  they  had  done, 
but  were  insolent,  as  if  they  had  done 
well ;  for,  as  they  saw  the  city  on  fire, 
they  appeared  cheerful,  and  put  on  joyful 
countenances,  in  expectation,  as  they  said, 
of  death  to  end  their  miseries.     Accord- 


ingly, as  the  people  were  now  slain,  the 
holy  house  was  burnt  down,  and  the  city 
was  on  fire,  there  was  nothing  further  left 
for  the  enemy  to  do.  Yet  did  not  Jose- 
phus  grow  weary,  even  in  this  utmost 
extremity,  to  beg  of  them  to  spare  what 
was  left  of  the  city ;  he  spake  largely  to 
them  about  their  barbarity  and  impiety, 
and  gave  them  his  advice,  in  order  to 
their  escape,  though  he  gained  nothing 
thereby  more  than  to  be  laughed  at  by 
them  ;  and,  as  they  could  not  think  of 
surrendering  themselves  up,  because  of 
the  oath  they  had  taken,  nor  were  strong 
enough  to  fight  with  the  Romans  any 
longer  upon  the  square,  as  being  sur- 
rounded on  all  sides,  and  a  kind  of  pri- 
soners already,  yet  were  they  so  accus- 
tomed to  kill  people,  that  they  could  not 
restrain  their  right  hands  from  acting  ac- 
cordingly. So  they  dispersed  themselves 
before  the  city,  and  laid  themselves  in 
ambush  among  its  ruins,  to  catch  those 
that  attempted  to  desert  to  the  Romans  ; 
accordingly,  many  such  deserters  were 
caught  by  them,  and  were  all  slain  ;  for 
these  were  too  weak,  by  reason  of  their 
want  of  food,  to  fly  away  from  them,  so 
their  dead  bodies  were  thrown  to  the  dogs. 
Now,  every  sort  of  death  was  thought 
more  tolerable  than  the  famine,  insomuch 
that,  though  the  Jews  despaired  now  of 
mercy,  yet  would  they  fly  to  the  Romans, 
and  would  themselves,  even  of  their  own 
accord,  fall  among  the  murderous  rebels 
also.  Nor  was  there  any  place  in  the 
city  that  had  no  dead  bodies  in  it,  but 
what  was  entirely  covered  with  those  that 
were  killed  either  by  the  famine  or  the 
rebellion  ;  and  all  was  full  of  the  dead 
bodies  of  such  as  had  perished,  either  by 
that  sedition  or  by  that  famine. 

So  now  the  last  hope  which  supported 
the  tyrants,  and  that  crew  of  robbers  who 
were  with  them,  was  in  the  caves  and 
caverns  under  ground ;  whither,  if  they 
could  once  fly,  they  did  not  expect  to  be 
searched  for;  but  endeavoured,  that,  after 
the  whole  city  should  be  destroyed,  and 
the  Romans  gone  away,  they  might  come 
out  again,  and  escape  from  them.  This 
was  no  better  than  a  dream  of  theirs;  for 
they  were  not  able  to  lie  hid  either  from 
God  or  from  the  Romans.  However,  they 
depended  on  these  under-ground  subter- 
fuges, and  set  more  places  on  fire  than  did 
the  Romans  themselves ;  and  those  that 
fled  out  of  their  houses  thus  set  on  fire 
into  ditches,  they  killed  without  mercy, 


Chap.  VIII. ] 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


375 


and  pillaged  them  also ;  and  if  they  dis- 
covered food  belonging  to  any  one,  they 
seized  upon  it  and  swallowed  it  down,  to- 
gether with  their  blood  also ;  nay,  they 
were  now  come  to  fight  one  with  another 
about  their  plunder ;  and  I  cannot  but 
think  that,  had  not  their  destruction  pre- 
vented it,  their  barbarity  would  have  made 
them  taste  of  even  the  dead  bodies  them- 
selves. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Titus  gains  possession  of  the  whole  city. 

Now,  when  Ca;sa'r  perceived  that  the 
upper  city*  was  so  steep,  that  it  could  not 
possibly  be  taken  without  raising  banks 
against  it,  he  distributed  the  several  parts 
of  that  work  among  his  army,  and  this 
on  the  twentieth  day  of  the  mouth  Lous 
[Ab]..  Now,  the  carriage  of  the  mate- 
rials was  a  difficult  task,  since  all  the 
trees,  as  I  have  already  told  you,  that  were 
about  the  city,  within  the  distance  of  100 
furlongs,  had  their  branches  cut  off  al- 
ready, in  order  to  make  the  former  banks. 
The  works  that  belonged  to  the  four  le- 
gions were  erected  on  the  west  side  of  the 
city,  over  against  the  royal  palace;  but 
the  whole  body  of  the  auxiliary  troops, 
with  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that  were 
with  them  [erected  their  banks]  at  the 
Xystus,  whence  they  reached  to  the 
bridge,  and  that  tower  of  Simon,  which 
he  had  built  as  a  citadel  for  himself 
against  John,  when  they  were  at  war  oue 
with  another. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  command- 
ers of  the  Idumeans  got  together  pri- 
vately, and  took  counsel  about  surrender- 
ing up  themselves  to  the  Romans.  Ac- 
cordingly, they  sent  five  men  to  Titus,  and 
entreated  him  to  give  them  his  right  hand 
for  their  security.  So  Titus  thinking  that 
the  tyrants  would  yield,  if  the  Idumeans, 
upon  whom  a  great  part  of  the  war  de- 
pended, were  once  withdrawn  from  them, 
after  some  reluctance  and  delay,  complied 
with  them,  and  gave  them  security  for 
their  lives,  and  sent  the  five  men  back; 
but,  as  these  Idumeans  were  preparing  to 
march  out,  Simon  perceived  it,  and  im- 
mediately slew  the  five  men  that  had  gone 
to  Titus,  and  took  their  commanders,  and 
put  them  in  prison,  of  whom  the  most 
3minent  was  Jacob,  the  son  of  Sosas ;  but 
as  for   the   multitude   of  the   Idumeans, 


Mount  Sion. 


who  did  not  at  all  know  what  to  do,  now 
their  commanders  were  taken  from  them, 
he  had  them  watched,  and  secured  the 
walls  by  a  more  numerous  garrison.  Yet 
could  not  that  garrison  resist  those  that 
were  deserting ;  for  although  a  great  num- 
ber of  them  were  slain,  yet  were  the  de- 
serters many  more  in  number.  These 
were  all  received  by  the  Romans,  because 
Titus  himself  grew  negligent  as  to  his 
former  orders  for  killing  them,  and  be- 
cause the  very  soldiers  grew  weary  of  kill- 
ing them,  and  because  they  hoped  to  get 
some  money  by  spariug  them;  for  they 
left  only  the  populace,  aud  sold  the  rest 
of  the  multitude,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  and  every  one  of  them  at  a  very 
low  price,  and  that  because  such  as  were 
sold  were  very  many,  aud  the  buyers  very 
few;  and  although  Titus  had  made  pro- 
clamation beforehand,  that  no  deserter 
should  come  alone  by  himself,  that  so 
they  might  bring  out  their  families  with 
them,  yet  did  he  receive  such  as  these 
also.  However,  he  set  over  them  such  as 
were  to  distinguish  some  from  others,  in 
order  to  see  if  any  of  them  deserved  to 
be  punished  ;  and,  indeed,  the  number  of 
those  that  were  sold  was  immense  ;  but  of 
the  populace  above  40,000  were  saved, 
whom  Cassar  let  go  whither  every  oue  of 
them  pleased. 

But  now  at  this  time  it  was  that  one 
of  the  priests,  the  son  of  Thebuthus, 
whose  name  was  Jesus,  upon  his  having 
security  given  him,  by  the  oath  of  Caesar, 
that  he  should  be  preserved,  upon  condi- 
tion that  he  should  deliver  to  him  certain 
of  the  precious  things  that  had  been  de- 
posited in  the  temple,  came  out  of  it,  and 
delivered  him  from  the  wall  of  the  holy 
house  two  candlesticks  like  to  those  that 
lay  in  the  holy  house,  with  tables  and 
cisterns  and  vials,  all  made  of  solid  gold, 
and  very  heavy.  He  also  delivered  to 
him  the  vails  aud  the  garments,  writh  the 
precious  stones,  and  a  great  number  of 
other  precious  vessels  that  belonged  to 
their  sacred  worship.  The  treasurer  of 
the  temple  also,  whose  name  was  Phineas, 
was  seized  on,  and  showed  Titus  the  coats 
and  girdles  of  the  priests,  with  a  great 
cpuantity  of  purple  and  scarlet,  which 
were  there  reposited  for  the  uses  of 
the  vail,  as  also  a  great  deal  of  cinna- 
mon and  cassia,  with  a  large  quantity 
of  other  sweet  spices,  which  used  to  be 
mixed  together,  and  offered  as  incense  to 
God   every   day.     A  great  many   other 


=n 


37G 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VI. 


treasures  were  also  delivered  to  him,  with 
sacred  orname  its  of  the  temple  not  a  few; 
which  things  ihus  delivered  to  Titus,  ob- 
tained of  him  for  this  man  the  same  par- 
don that  he  had  allowed  to  such  as  de- 
serted of  their  own  accord. 

And  now  were  the  banks  finished  on  the 
seventeenth  day  of  the  month  Gorpieus 
[Elul],  in  eighteen  days'  time,  when  the 
Romans  brought  their  machines  against 
the  wall ;  but  for  the  seditious,  some  of 
them,  as  despairing  of  saving  the  city,  re- 
tired from  the  wall  to  the  citadel;  others 
of  them  went  down  into  the  subterranean 
vaults,  though  still  a  great  many  of  them 
defended  themselves  against  those  that 
brought  the  engines  for  the  battery;  yet 
did  the  Romans  overcome  them  by  their 
number  and  by  their  strength ;  and,  what 
was  the  principal  thing  of  all,  by  going 
cheerfully  about  their  work,  while  the 
Jews  were  quite  dejected  and  become 
weak.  Now,  as  soon  as  a  part  of  the  wall 
was  battered  down,  and  certain  of  the 
towers  yielded  to  the  impression  of  the 
battering-rams,  those  that  opposed  them- 
selves fled  away,  and  such  a  terror  fell 
upon  the  tyrants  as  was  much  greater 
than  the  occasion  required ;  for  before  the 
enemy  got  over  the  breach  they  were  quite 
stunned,  and  were  immediately  for  flying 
away;  and  now  one  might  see  these  men, 
who  had  hitherto  been  so  insolent  and  ar- 
rogant in  their  wicked  practices,  to  be  cast 
down  and  to  tremble,  insomuch  that  it 
would  pity  one's  heart  to  observe  the 
change  that  was  made  in  those  vile  per- 
sons. Accordingly,  they  ran  with  great 
violence  upon  the  Roman  wall  that  en- 
compassed them,  in  order  to  force  away 
those  that  guarded  it,  and  to  break  through 
it,  and  get  away ;  but  when  they  saw  that 
those  who  had  formerly  been  faithful  to 
them,  had  gone  away,  (as  indeed  they  were 
fled  whithersoever  the  great  distress  they 
were  in  persuaded  them  to  flee,)  as  also 
when  those  that  came  running  before  the 
rest  told  them  that  the  western  wall  was 
entirely  overthrown,  while  others  said  the 
Romans  were  gotten  in,  and  others  that 
they  were  near,  and  looking  out  for  them, 
which  were  only  the  dictates  of  their  fear 
which  imposed  upon  their  sight,  they  fell 
upon  their  faces,  and  greatly  lamented 
their  own  mad  conduct;  and  their  nerves 
were  so  terribly  loosed,  that  they  could 
not  flee  away;  and  here  one  may  chiefly 
reflect  on  the  power  of  God  exercised  upon 
these  wicked  wretches,  and  on  the  good 


fortune  of  the  Romans;  for  these  tyrants 
did  now  wholly  deprive  themselves  of  the 
security  they  had  in  their  own  power,  and 
came  down  from  those  very  towers  of  their 
own  accord,  wherein  they  could  have 
never  been  taken  by  force,  nor  indeed  by 
any  other  way  than  by  famine.  And 
thus  did  the  Romaus,  when  they  had 
taken  such  great  pains  about  weaker  walls, 
get  by  good  fortune  what  they  could  never 
have  gotten  by  their  engines;  for  three 
of  these  towers  were  too  strong  for  all 
mechanical  engines  whatsoever;  concern- 
ing which  we  have  treated  of  before. 

So  they  now  left  these  towers  of  them- 
selves, or  rather  they  were  ejected  out  of 
them  by  God  himself,  and  fled  immedi- 
ately to  that  valley  which  was  under 
Siloam,  where  they  again  recovered  them- 
selves out  of  the  dread  they  were  in  for  a 
while,  and  ran  violently  against  that  part 
of  the  Roman  wall  which  lay  on  that  side ; 
but  as  their  courage  was  too  much  de- 
pressed to  make  their  attacks  with  suffi- 
cient force,  and  their  power  was  now 
broken  with  fear  and  affliction,  they  were 
repulsed  by  the  guards,  and  dispersing 
themselves  at  distances  from  each  other, 
went  down  into  the  subterranean  caverns. 
So  the  Romans  being  now  become  mas- 
ters of  the  walls,  they  both  placed  their 
ensigns  upon  the  towers,  and  made  joyful 
acclamations  for  the  victory  they  had 
gained,  as  having  found  the  end  of  this 
war  much  lighter  than  its  beginning;  for 
when  they  had  gotten  upon  the  last  wall, 
without  any  bloodshed,  they  could  hardly 
believe  what  they  found  to  be  true;  but 
seeing  nobody  to  oppose  them,  they  stood 
in  doubt  what  such  an  unusual  solitude 
could  mean.  But  when  they  went  in 
numbers  into  the  lanes  of  the  city,  with 
their  swords  drawn,  they  slew  those  whom 
they  overtook,  without  mercy,  and  set  fire 
to  the  houses  whither  the  Jews  were  fled, 
and  burnt  every  soul  in  them,  and  laid 
waste  a  great  many  of  the  rest;  aud  when 
they  were  come  to  the  houses  to  plunder 
them,  they  found  in  them  entire  families 
of  dead  men,  and  the  upper  rooms  full  of 
dead  corpses,  that  is  of  such  as  died  by 
the  famine ;  they  then  stood  in  a  horror 
at  this  sight,  and  went  out  without  touch- 
ing any  thing.  But  although  they  had 
this  commiseration  for  such  as  were  de- 
stroyed in  that  manner,  yet  had  they  not 
the  same  for  those  that  were  still  alive, 
but  they  ran  every  one  through  whom 
they  met  with,  and  obstructed  tl  e  very 


Chap.  IX.] 

lanes  with  their  dead  bodies,  and  made 
the  whole  city  run  down  with  blood,  to 
such  a  degree  indeed,  that  the  fire  of 
many  of  the  houses  was  quenched  with 
these  men's  blood.  And  truly  so  it  hap- 
pened, that  though  the  slayers  left  off  at 
the  evening,  yet  did  the  fire  greatly  pre- 
vail in  the  night;  and  as  all  was  burning 
came  that  eighth  day  of  the  month  Gor- 
pieus  [Elul]  upon  Jerusalem;  a  city  that 
had  been  liable  to  so  many  miseries  during 
this  siege,  that,  had  it  always  enjoyed  as 
much  happiness  from  its  first  foundation, 
it  would  certainly  have  been  the  envy  of 
the  world.  Nor  did  it  on  any  other  ac- 
count so  much  deserve  these  sore  misfor- 
tunes, as  by  producing  such  a  generation 
of  men  as  were  the  occasion  of  this  its 
overthrow. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Titus  examines  the  city — Number  of  captives  and 
of  the  slain — The    Itomans  entirely  destroy  the 

walls. 

Now,  when  Titus  was  come  into  this 
[upper]  city,  he  admired  not  only  some 
other  places  of  strength  in  it,  but  particu- 
larly those  strong  towers  which  the  tyrants, 
in  their  mad  conduct,  had  relinquished; 
for  when  he  saw  their  solid  altitude,  and  the 
largeness  of  their  several  stones,  and  the 
exactness  of  their  joints,  as  also  how  great 
was  their  breadth,  and  how  extensive  their 
length,  he  expressed  himself  after  the  man- 
ner following: — "We  have  certainly  had 
God  for  our  assistant  in  this  war,  and  it 
was  no  other  than  God  who  ejected  the 
Jews  out  of  these  fortifications ;  for  what 
could  the  hands  of  men,  or  any  machines, 
do  toward  overthrowing  these  towers !" 
At  which  time  he  had  many  such  dis- 
courses to  his  friends  ;  he  also  let  such  go 
free  as  had  been  bound  by  the  tyrants,  and 
were  left  in  the  prisons.  To  conclude, 
when  he  entirely  demolished  the  rest  of 
the  city,  and  overthrew  its  walls,  he  left 
these  towers  as  a  monument  of  his  good 
fortune,  which  had  proved  his  auxiliaries, 
and  enabled  him  to  take  what  could  not 
otherwise  have  been  taken  by  him. 

And  now,  since  his  soldiers  were  already 
quite  tired  with  killing  men,  and  yet  there 
appeared  to  be  a  vast  multitude  still  re- 
maining alive,  Caesar  gave  orders  that  they 
should  kill  none  but  those  that  were  in 
arms,  and  opposed  them,  but  should  take 
the  rest  alive.  But,  together  with  those 
whom  they  had  orders  to  slay,  they  slew 
the  aged  and  infirm;  but  for  those  that 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


377 


were  in  their  flourishing  age.  and  who 
might  be  useful  to  them,  they  drove  them 
together  into  the  temple,  and  shut  them 
up  within  the  walls  of  the  court  of  the 
women;  over  which  Caesar  set  ona  of  his 
freedmen,  as  also  Fronto,  one  of  his  own 
friends;  which  last  was  to  determine  every 
one's  fate,  according  to  his  merits.  So 
this  Fronto  slew  all  those  that  had  been 
seditious  and  robbers,  who  were  impeached 
one  by  another;  but  of  the  young  men  he 
chose  out  the  tallest  and  most  beautiful, 
and  reserved  them  for  the  triumph;  and 
as  for  the  rest  of  the  multitude  that  were 
above  seventeen  years  old,  he  put  them 
into  bonds,  and  sent  them  to  the  Egyp- 
tian mines.*  Titus  also  sent  a  great  num- 
ber into  the  provinces,  as  a  present  to 
them,  that  they  might  be  destroyed  upon 
their  theatres,  by  the  sword  and  by  the 
wild  beasts ;  but  those  that  were  under 
seventeen  years  of  age  were  sold  for  slaves. 
Now,  during  the  davs  wherein  Fronto  was 
distinguishing  these  men,  there  perished, 
for  want  of  food,  11,000;  some  of  whom 
did  not  taste  any  food,  through  the  hatred 
their  guards  bore  to  them  ;  and  others 
would  not  take  in  any  when  it  was  given 
them.  The  multitude  also  was  so  very 
great,  that  they  were  in  want  even  of  corn 
for  their  sustenance. 

Now  the  numberf  of  those  that  were 
carried  captive  during  this  whole  war  was 
collected  to  be  97,000;  as  was  the  num- 
ber of  those  that  perished  during  the 
whole  siege  1,100,000,  the  greater  part 
of  whom  were  indeed  of  the  same  nation 
[with  the  citizeus  of  Jerusalem],  but  not 
belonging  to  the  city  itself;  for  they  were 
come  up  from  all  the  country  to  the  feast 
of  unleavened  bread,  aud  were  on  a  sud- 
den shut  up  by  an  army,  which  at  the 
very  first  occasioned  so  great  a  straitnesa 
among  them  that  there  came  a  pestilential 
destruction  upon  them,  and  soon  afterward 
such  a  famine  as  destroyed  them  more 
suddenly.     And  that  this  city  could  con- 

:;:  See  Deut.  xxviii.  OS  ;  Jer.  xliv.  7  ;  Hob.  viii. 
13,  ix.  3,  xi.  35  ;  2  Esd.  xv.  10-14. 

■f"  The  whole  multitude  of  the  Jews  that  were  d«, 
stroyed  during  the  entire  seven  years  before  this 
time,  in  all  the  countries  of  and  bordering  on  Judea, 
is  summed  up  by  Archbishop  Usher,  from  Lipsius, 
out  of  Josephus,  A.  I).  70,  and  amounts  to  1,337, 190. 
Nor  could  there  have  been  that  number  of  Jews  in 
Jerusalem  to  be  destroyed  by  this  siege,  as  will  be 
presently  set  down  by  Josephus,  but  that  both  Jews 
and  proselytes  of  justice  were  just  then  come  up  out 
of  the  other  countries  of  Galilee,  Samaria,  and  IVrea, 
and  other  remote  regions,  to  tt  e  Passover,  in  vast 
numbers,  and  therein  cooped  up  as  in  a  prison,  by 
the  Roman  army. 


378 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


tain  so  many  people  in  it  is  manifest  by 
that  number  of  them  which  was  taken  un- 
der Cestius,  who  being  desirous  of  inform- 
ing Nero  of  the  power  of  the  city,  who 
otherwise  was  disposed  to  contemn  that 
nation,  entreated  the  high  priasts,  if  the 
thing  were  possible,  to  take  the  number 
of  their  whole  multitude.  So  these  high 
priests,  upon  the  coining  of  their  feast 
which  is  called  the  Passover,  when  they 
slay  their  sacrifices,  from  the  ninth  hour 
till  the  eleventh,  but  so  that  a  company 
not  less  than  ten  belong  to  every  sacrifice, 
(for  it  is  not  lawful  for  them  to  feast 
singly  by  themselves,)  and  many  of  us 
are  twenty  in  a  company,  found  the  num- 
ber of  sacrifices  was  256,500;  which,  upon 
the  allowance  of  no  more  than  ten  that 
feast  together,  amounts  to  2,700,200  per- 
sons that  were  pure  and  holy;  for  as  to 
those  that  have  the  leprosy,  it  is  not  law- 
ful for  them  to  be  partakers  of  this  sacri- 
fice ;  nor  indeed  for  any  foreigners  neither 
who  come  hither  to  worship. 

Now  this  vast  multitude  is  indeed  col- 
lected out  of  remote  places,  but  the  entire 
nation  was  now  shut  up  by  fate,  as  in  a 
prison,  and  the  Roman  army  encompassed 
the  city  when  it  was  crowded  with  inha- 
bitants. Accordingly,  the  multitude  of 
those  that  therein  perished  exceed  all  the 
destructions  that  either  men  or  God  ever 
brought  upon  the  world;  for,  to  speak 
only  of  what  was  publicly  known,  the  Ro- 
mans slew  some  of  them ;  some  they  car- 
ried captives,  and  others  they  made  search 
for  under  ground ;  and  when  they  found 
where  they  were,  they  broke  up  the  ground 
and  slew  all  they  met  with.  There  were 
also  found  slain  there  above  2000  per- 
sons, partly  by  their  own  hands,  and 
partly  by  one  another,  but  chiefly  de- 
stroyed by  the  famine ;  but  then  the  ill 
savour  of  dead  bodies  was  most  offensive 
to  those  that  lighted  upon  them,  insomuch 
that  some  were  obliged  to  get  away  imme- 
diately, while  others  were  so  greedy  of 
gain,  that  they  would  go  in  among  the 
dead  bodies  that  lay  in  heaps,  and  tread 
upon  them;  for  a  great  "deal  of  treasure 
was  found  in  these  caverns,  and  the  hope 
of  gain  made  every  way  of  getting  it  to  be 
esteemed  lawful.  Many  also  of  those  that 
had  been  put  in  prison  by  the  tyrants  were 
now  brought  out;  for  they  did  not  leave 
off  their  barbarous  cruelty  at  the  very  last; 
yet  did  God  avenge  himself  upon  them 


[Book  VI.  Chap.  X 

both,  in  a  manner  agreeable  to  justice. 
As  for  John,  he  wanted  food,  together  with 
his  brethren,  in  these  caverns,  and  begged 
that  the  Romans  would  now  give  him 
their  right  hand  for  his  security,  which  he 
had  often  proudly  rejected  before  ;  but  for 
Simon,  he  struggled  hard  with  the  dis- 
tress he  was  in,  till  he  was  forced  to  sur- 
render himself,  as  we  shall  relate  hereaf- 
ter j  so  he  was  reserved  for  the  triumph, 
and  to  be  then  slain  :  as  was  John  con- 
demned to  perpetual  imprisonment :  and 
now  the  Romans  set  fire  to  the  extreme 
parts  of  the  city,  and  burnt  them  down, 
and  entirely  demolished  its  walls. 


CHAPTER  X. 

History  of  Jerusalem,  and  of  its  various  sieges. 

And  thus  was  Jerusalem  taken,  in  the 
second  year  of  the  reign  of  Vespasian, 
on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  Gorpieus 
[Elul].  It  had  been  taken  five  times  be- 
fore, though  this  was  the  second  time  of 
its  desolation ;  for  Shishak,  the  king  of 
Egypt,  and  after  him  Antiochus,  and  af- 
ter him  Pompey,  and  after  them  Sosius 
and  Herod  took  the  city,  but  still ) (reserved 
it;  but  before  all  these,  the  king  of  Baby- 
lon conquered  it,  and  made  it  desolate, 
1468  years  and  6  months  after  it  was 
built.  But  he  who  first  built  it  was  a  po- 
tent man  among  the  Canaanites,  and  is  in 
our  tongue  called  [Melchisedek],  the 
Righteous  King,  for  such  he  really  was; 
on  which  account  he  was  [there]  the  first 
priest  of  God,  and  first  built  a  temple 
[there],  and  called  the  city  Jerusalem, 
which  was  formerly  called  Salem.  How- 
ever, David,  the  king  of  the  Jews,  ejected 
the  Canaanites,  and  settled  his  own  peo- 
ple therein.  It  was  demolished  entirely 
by  the  Babylonians,  477  years  and  6 
months  after  him.  And  from  King  Da- 
vid, who  was  the  first  of  the  Jews  who 
reigned  therein,  to  this  destruction  under 
Titus,  were  1179  years;  but  from  its  first 
building,  till  this  last  destruction,  were 
2177  years ;  yet  hath  not  its  great  antiqui- 
ty, nor  its  vast  riches,  nor  the  diffusion  of 
its  nation  over  all  the  habitable  earth, 
nor  the  greatness  of  the  veneration  paid 
to  it  on  a  religious  account,  been  suffi- 
cient to  preserve  it  from  being  destroy- 
ed. And  thus  ended  the  siege  of  Jeru- 
salem. 


Book   VII.   Chap.  L] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS.  379 


BOOK  VII. 

CONTAINING  THE  INTERVAL  OF  ABOUT  THREE  YEARS,  FROM  THE  TAK- 
ING OF  JERUSALEM  BY  TITUS,  TO  THE  SEDITION  OF  THE  JEWS  AT 
CYRENE. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Entire  destruction  of   Jerusalem — Titus   rewards 
his  soldiers,  ar.i dismisses  many  of  them. 

Now,  as  soon  as  the  army  had  no  more 
people  to  slay  or  to  plunder,  because  there 
remained  none  to  be  the  objects  of  their 
fury,  (for  they  would  not  have  spared  any, 
had  there  remained  any  other  such  work 
to  be  done,)  Caesar  gave  orders  that  they 
should  now  demolish  the  entire  city  and 
temple,  but  should  leave  as  many  of  the 
towers  standing  as  were  of  the  greatest 
eminence ;  that  is,  Phasaelus,  and  Hippi- 
cus,  and  Mariamne,  and  so  much  of  the 
wall  as  enclosed  the  city  on  the  west  side. 
This  wall  was  spared,  in  order  to  afford  a 
camp  for  such  as  were  to  lie  in  garrison  ; 
as  were  the  towers  also  spared,  in  order  to 
demonstrate    to  posterity   what    kind  of 
city  it  was,  and  how  well  fortified,  which 
the  Roman  valour  had  subdued  ;  but  for 
all   the  rest  of  the  wall,  it  was  so  tho- 
roughly laid   even   with    the  ground    by 
those  that  dug  it  up  to  the  foundation, 
that  there  was  left  nothing  to  make  those 
that  came  thither  believe  it  had  ever  been 
inhabited.     This  was  the  end  which  Je- 
rusalem came  to  by  the  madness  of  those 
that  were  for  innovations ;  a  city  other- 
wise of  great  magnificence,  and  of  mighty 
fame  among  all  mankind. 

But  Coesar  resolved  to  leave  there,  as  a 
guard,  the  tenth  legion,  with  certain 
troops  of  horsemen  and  companies  of 
footmen.  So,  having  entirely  completed 
this  war,  he  was  desirous  to  commend  his 
whole  army,  on  account  of  the  great  ex- 
ploits they  had  performed,  and  to  bestow 
proper  rewards  on  such  as  had  signalized 
themselves  therein.  He  had,  therefore,  a 
great  tribunal  made  for  him  in  the  midst 
of  the  place  where  he  bad  formerly  en- 
camped, and  stood  upon  it,  with  his  prin- 
cipal commanders  about  him,  and  spake 
so  as  to  be  heard  by  the  whole  army  in 
the  manner  following  : — That  he  returned 
them  abundance  of  thanks  for  their  good- 
will which  they  had  shown  to  him  ;  he 


commended  them  for  that  ready  obedience 
they  had  exhibited  in    this  whole  war ; 
which    obedience    had    appeared    in    the 
many  and  great  dangers  they  had  courage- 
ously   undergone ;  as  also,  for  that  cou- 
rage they  had    shown,  and   had  thereby 
augmented  of  themselves  their  country's 
power,  and  had  made  it  evident  to  all  men, 
that  neither  the  multitude  of  their  ene- 
mies, nor  the  strength  of  their  places,  nor 
the  largeness  of  their  cities,  nor  the  rash 
boldness  and  brutish  rage  of  their  antago- 
nists, were  sufficient   at  any  time   to  get 
clear  of  the  Roman  valour,  although  some 
of  them  may  have  fortune  in  many  re- 
spects on  their  side.     He  said  further,  that 
it  was  but  reasonable  for  them  to  put  an 
end  to  this  war,  now  it  had  lasted  so  long, 
for  they  had  nothing  better  to  wish  for 
when  they  entered  into  it;  and  that  this 
happened  more  favourably  for  them  and 
more  for  their  glory;  that  all  the  Romans 
had  willingly  accepted  of  those  for  their 
governors,  and  the  curators  of  their  do- 
minions, whom  they  had  chosen  for  them, 
and  had  sent  into  their  own  country  for 
that  purpose,  which  still  continued  under 
the  management  of  those  whom  they  had 
pitched  on,  and  were  thankful  to  them  for 
pitching  upon  them.     That  accordingly, 
although  he  did  both  admire  and  tenderly 
regard  them    all,   because  he  knew  that 
every  one  of  them  had  gone  as  cheerfully 
about  their  work  as  their  abilities  and  op- 
portunities would  give  them   leave,  yet, 
he  said,  that  he  would  immediately   be- 
stow rewards  and  dignities  on  those  that 
had  fought   the  most  bravely,  and  with 
greater  force,  and  had  signalized  their  con- 
duct in  the  most  glorious  manner,  and  had 
made  his  army  more  famous  by  their  noble 
exploits;  and  that  no  one  who  had  been 
willing  to  take  more  pains  than  another, 
should  miss  of  a  just  retribution  for  the 
same ;    for  that  he  had  been  exceedingly 
careful  about  this  matter,    and  that  the 
more,  because  he  had  much  rather  reward 
the  virtues  of  his  fellow-sokhers  than  pu- 
nish such  as  had  offended. 


380 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


Hereupon  Titus  ordered  those  whose 
business  it  was,  to  read  the  list  of  all  that 
had  performed  great  exploits  in  this  war, 
whom  he  called  to  him  by  their  names, 
and  commended  them  before  the  company, 
and  rejoiced  in  them  in  the  same  manner 
as  a  man  would  have  rejoiced  in  his  own 
exploits.  He  also  put  on  their  heads 
crowns  of  gold,  and  golden  ornaments 
about  their  necks,  and  gave  them  long 
6pears  of  gold,  and  ensigns  that  were 
made  of  silver,  and  removed  every  one 
of  them  to  a  higher  rank  :  and  besides 
this,  he  plentifully  distributed  among 
them,  out  of  the  spoils  and  the  other  prey 
they  had  taken,  silver,  and  gold,  and  gar- 
ments. So  when  they  had  all  these  ho- 
nours bestowed  on  them,  according  to  his 
own  appointment  made  to  every  one,  and 
he  had  wished  all  sorts  of  happiness  to 
the  whole  army,  he  came  down,  among 
the  great  acclamations  which  were  made 
to  him,  and  then  betook  himself  to  offer 
thank-offerings  [to  the  gods],  and  at  once 
sacrificed  a  vast  number  of  oxen,  that 
stood  ready  at  the  altars,  and  distributed 
them  among  the  army  to  feast  on ;  and 
when  he  had  stayed  three  days  among  the 
principal  commanders,  and  so  long  feasted 
with  them,  he  sent  away  the  rest  of  his 
army  to  the  several  places  where  they 
would  be  every  one  best  situated ;  but 
permitted  the  tenth  legion  to  stay,  as  a 
guard  at  Jerusalem,  and  did  not  send 
them  away  beyond  Euphrates,  where  they 
had  been  before ;  and  as  he  remembered 
that  the  twelfth  legion  had  given  way  to 
the  Jews,  under  Cestius,  their  general,  he 
expelled  them  out  of  all  Syria,  for  they 
had  lain  formerly  at  Raphanea,  and  sent 
them  away  to  a  place  called  Meletine, 
near  Euphrates,  which  is  in  the  limits  of 
Armenia  and  Cappadocia;  he  also  thought 
fit  that  two  of  the  legions  should  stay 
with  him  till  he  should  go  to  Egypt.  He 
then  went  down  with  his  army  to  that 
Cesarea  which  lay  by  the  seaside,  and 
there  laid  up  the  rest  of  his  spoils  in  great 
quantities,  and  gave  order  that  the  cap- 
tives should  be  kept  there;  for  the  winter 
season  hindered  him  then  from  sailing  into 
Italy.  

CHAPTER  II. 

Titus  exhibits  shows  at  Cesarea  Philippi — Capture 
of  Simon. 

Now,  at  the  same  time  that  Titus  Cae- 
sar lay  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  did 
Vespasian  go  on  board  a  nierchaut-ship, 


[Book  VII. 

and  sailed  from  Alexandria  to  Rhodes; 
whence  he  sailed  away  in  ships  with  three 
rows  of  oars ;  and  as  he  touched  at  seve- 
ral cities  that  lay  in  his  road,  he  was  joy- 
fully received  by  them  all,  and  so  passed 
over  from  Ionia  into  Greece;  whence  he 
set  sail  from  Corcyra  to  the  promontory 
of  Iapyx,  whence  he  took  his  journey  by 
land.     But  as  for  Titus,  he  marched  from 
that   Cesarea  which  lay   by  the  seaside, 
and  came  to  that  which  is  named  Cesarea 
Philippi,  and  stayed  there  a  considerable 
time,  and    exhibited    all    sorts  of   shows 
there  ;  and  here  a  great  number  of  the 
captives    were     destroyed ;     some     being 
thrown  to  wild  beasts,  and  others,  in  mul- 
titudes, forced  to  kill  one  another,  as  if 
they  were   enemies.      And   here    it  was 
that  Titus  was   informed  of   the  seizure 
of  Simon,  the  son  of  Gioras,  which  was 
made     after    the    manner    following : — 
This  Simon,  during  the  siege  of  Jerusa- 
lem, was  in  the  upper  city ;  but  when  the 
Roman     army    were   gotten  within     the 
walls,  and  were  laying  the  city  waste,  he 
then  took  the  most  faithful  of  his  friends 
with    him,  and  among    them    some    that 
were  stonecutters,    with  those  iron  tools 
which  belonged  to  their  occupation,  and 
as  great  a  quantity  of  provisions  as  would 
suffice  them  for  a  long  time,  and  let  him- 
self and  them  all  down  into  a  certain  sub- 
terraneous  cavern    that  was   not    visible 
above  ground.     Now,  so  far  as  had  been 
digged  of  old,  they  went  onward  along  it 
without  disturbance;  but  where  they  met 
with  solid  earth,  they  dug  a  mine  under 
ground,  and  this  in  hopes  that  they  should 
be  able  to  proceed  so  far  as  to  rise  from 
under  ground,  in  a  safe  place,  and  by  that 
means  escape ;   but  when    they    came   to 
make  the  experiment,  they  were    disap- 
pointed of  their    hope;    for    the    miners 
could  make  but  small  progress,  and  that 
with  difficulty  also;  insomuch  that  their 
provisions,  though  they  distributed  them 
by  measure,  began  to  fail    them.      And 
now,  Simon,  thinking  he  might  be  able 
to  astonish  and   delude  the  Romans,  put 
on  a  white  frock,  and  buttoned  upon  him 
a  purple  cloak,  and  appeared  out  of  the 
ground  in  the  place  where  the  temple  had 
formerly  been.   At  the  first,  indeed,  those 
that  saw  him  were  greatly  astonished,  and 
stood  still  where    they    were ;  but    after- 
ward they  came  nearer  to  him,  and  asked 
him  who  he  was.      Now  Simon  would  not 
tell   them,  but  bade  them   call   for  their 
captain  ;   and  when  they  ran  to  call  him, 


CUAP.   III.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


■■:<] 


'1 


Terentius  Rufus,*  who  was  left  to  com- 
mand the  army  there,  came  to  Simon, 
and  learned  of  him  the  whole  truth,  and 
£ept  him  in  bonds,  and  let  Caesar  know 
that  he  was  taken.  Thus  did  God  bring 
this  man  to  be  punished  for  what  bitter 
and  savage  tyranny  he  had  exercised 
against  his  countrymen,  by  those  who 
were  his  worst  enemies ;  and  this  while 
he  was  not  subdued  by  violence,  but  vo- 
luntarily delivered  himself  up  to  them  to 
be  punished,  and  that  on  the  very  same 
account  that  he  had  laid  false  accusations 
against  many  Jews,  as  if  they  were  falling 
away  to  the  Romans,  and  had  barbarously 
slain  them ;  for  wicked  actions  do  not 
escape  the  divine  anger,  nor  is  justice  too 
weak  to  punish  offenders,  but  in  time 
overtakes  those  that  transgress  its  laws, 
and  inflicts  its  punishments  upon  the 
wicked  in  a  manner  so  much  more  severe, 
as  they  expected  to  escape  it  on  account 
of  their  not  being  punished  immediately. 
Simon  was  made  sensible  of  this,  by  fall- 
ing under  the  indignation  of  the  Romans. 
This  rise  of  his  out  of  the  ground  did  also 
occasion  the  discovery  of  a  great  number 
of  others  of  the  seditious  at  that  time, 
who  had  hidden  themselves  under  ground  ; 
but  for  Simon,  he  was  brought  to  Caesar 
in  bonds,  when  he  had  come  back  to  that 
Cesarea  which  was  on  the  seaside ;  who 
gave  orders  that  he  should  be  kept  against 
that  triumph  which  he  was  to  celebrate  at 
Rome  upon  this  occasion. 


CHAPTER  III. 

Titus  celebrates  his  father's  and  brother's  birthday 
by  slaughtering  many  of  the  Jewish  captives — 
The  people  of  Antioch  accuse  the  Jews  of  sedi- 
tion. 

While  Titus  was  at  Cesarea,  he  so- 
lemnized the  birthday  of  his  brother 
[Domitian]  after  a  splendid  manner,  and 
inflicted  a  great  deal  of  the  punishment 
intended  for  the  Jews  in  honour  of  him ; 
for  the  number  of  those  that  were  now 
slain  in  fighting  with  the  beasts,  and  were 
burnt,  and  fought  with  one  another,  ex- 
ceeded 2500.  Yet  did  all  this  seem  to 
the  Romans,  when  they  were  thus  destroy - 


*  This  Terentius  Rufus  is  the  same  whom  the 
Talmudists  call  Tumus  Rufus:  of  whom  they  re- 
late, that  "  he  ploughed  up  Sion  as  a  field,  and 
made  Jerusalem  become  as  heaps,  and  the  moun- 
tain of  the  house  as  the  high  places  of  a  forest;" 
which  was  long  before  foretold  by  the  prophet 
Micah,  (iii.  12.)  and  quoted  f»om  him  in  the  prophe- 
cies of  Jeremiah,  (xxvi.  18.) 
31 


ing  ten  thousand  several  ways,  to  be  a 
punishment  beneath  their  deserts.  After 
this,  Caesar  came  to  Berytus,  which  is  a 
city  of  Phoenicia,  and  a  Roman  colony, 
and  stayed  there  a  longer  time,  and  ex- 
hibited a  still  more  pompous  solemnity 
about  his  father's  birthday,  both  in  the 
magnificence  of  the  shows,  and  in  the 
other  vast  expenses  he  was  at  in  his  de- 
vices thereto  belonging ;  so  that  a  great 
multitude  of  the  captives  were  here  de- 
stroyed after  the  same  manner  as  before. 

It  happened  also  about  this  time,  that 
the  Jews  who  remained  at  Antioch  were 
under  accusations,  and  in  danger  of  pe- 
rishing, from  the  disturbances  that  were 
raised  against  them  by  the  Antiochians, 
and  this  both  on  account  of  the  slanders 
spread  abroad  at  this  time  against  them, 
and  on  account  of  what  pranks  they  had 
played  not  long  before ;  which  I  am 
obliged  to  describe  without  fail,  though 
briefly,  that  I  may  the  better  connect  my 
narration  of  future  actions  with  those  that 
went  before. 

For,  as  the  Jewish  nation  is  widely 
dispersed  over  all  the  habitable  earth 
among  its  inhabitants,  so  it  is  very  much 
intermingled  with  Syria,  by  reason  of  its 
neighbourhood,  and  had  the  greatest  mul- 
titudes in  Antioch,  by  reason  of  the  large- 
ness of  the  city,  wherein  the  kings,  after 
Antiochus,  had  afforded  them  a  habitation 
with  the  most  undisturbed  tranquillity;  fur 
though  Antiochus,  who  was  called  Epipha- 
nes,  laid  Jerusalem  waste,  and  spoiled  tiie 
temple,  yet  did  those  that  succeeded  him 
in  the  kingdom,  restore  all  the  donations 
that  were  made  of  brass  to  the  Jews  of 
Antioch,  and  dedicated  them  to  their  syna- 
gogue ;  and  granted  them  the  enjoyment 
of  equal  privileges  of  citizens  with  the 
Greeks  themselves ;  and,  as  the  succeed- 
ing king;  treated  them  after  the  same 
manner,  they  both  multiplied  to  a  great 
number,  and  adorned  their  temple*  glo- 
riously by  fiue  ornaments,  and  with  great 
magnificence,  in  the  use  of  what  had  been 
given  them.  They  also  made  proselytes 
of  a  great  many  of  the  Greeks  perpetu- 
ally, and  thereby,  after  a  sort,  brought 
them  to  be  a  portion  of  their  own  bo  ly. 
But  about  this  time,  when  the  present  war 
began,  and  Vespasian  was  newly  sailed  to 
Syria,  and  all  men  had  taken  up  a  great 
hatred  against  the  Jews,  then  it  was  that 
a  certain  person,  whose  name  was  Antio- 

*  Their  synagogue. 


332 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VII. 


chus,  being  one  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and 
greatly  respected  on  account  of  his  father, 
who  was  governor  of  the  Jews  at  Anti- 
och,* came  upon  the  theatre  at  a  time 
when  the  people  of  Antioch  were  assem- 
bled together,  and  became  an  informer 
against  his  father;  and  accused  both  him 
and  others,  that  they  had  resolved  to  burn 
the  whole  city  in  one  night;  he  also  de- 
livered up  to  them  some  Jews  that  were 
foreigners,  as  partners  in  their  resolutions. 
When  the  people  heard  this,  they  could 
not  refrain  their  passion,  but  commanded 
that  those  who  were  delivered  up  to  them 
should  have  fire  brought  to  burn  them  ; 
who  were,  accordingly,  all  burnt  upon  the 
theatre  immediately.  They  did  also  fall 
violently  upon  the  multitude  of  the  Jews, 
as  supposing,  that,  by  punishing  them 
suddenly,  they  should  save  their  own  city. 
As  for  Antiochus,  he  aggravated  the  rage 
they  were  in,  and  thought  to  give  them  a 
demonstration  of  his  own  conversion,  and 
of  his  hatred  of  the  Jewish  customs,  by 
sacrificing  after  the  manner  of  the  Greeks; 
he  persuaded  the  rest  also  to  compel  them 
to  do  the  same,  because  they  would  by 
that  means  discover  who  they  were  that 
had  plotted  against  them,  since  they  would 
not  do  so ;  and  when  the  people  of  Antioch 
tried  the  experiment,  some  few  complied; 
but  those  that  would  not  do  so  were  slain. 
As  for  Antiochus  himself,  he  obtained 
soldiers  from  the  Roman  commander,  and 
became  a  severe  master  over  his  own  citi- 
zens, not  permitting  them  to  rest  on  the 
seventh  day,  but  forcing  them  to  do  all 
that  they  usually  did  on  the  other  days ; 
and  to  that  degree  of  distress  did  he  re- 
duce them  in  this  matter,  that  the  rest  of 
the  seventh  day  was  dissolved,  not  only 
at  Antioch,  but  the  same  thing  which 
took  thence  its  rise  was  done  in  other 
cities  also,  in  like  manner,  for  some  small 
time. 

Now,  after  these  misfortunes  had  hap- 
pened to  the  Jews  at  Antioch,  a  second 
calamity  befell  them,  the  description  of 
which,  when  we  were  going  about,  we 
premised  the  account  foregoing ;  for  upon 
this    accident,    whereby    the    foursquare 

*  The  Jews  at  Antioch  and  Alexandria,  the  two 
principal  cities  in  all  the  East,  had  allowed  them, 
both  by  the  Macedonians,  and  afterward  by  the 
Romans,  a  governor  of  their  own,  who  was  exempt 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  other  civil  governors. 
He  was  called  sometimes  barely  "governor,"  some- 
times "  ethnarch,"  and  [at  Alexandria]  "alabarch." 
They  had  the  like  governors  allowed  them  at 
Babylon  under  their  captivity  there. 


market-place  was  burnt  down,  as  well  as 
the  archives,  and  the  place  where  the  pub- 
lic records  were  preserved,  and  the  royal 
palaces,  (and  it  was  not  without  difficulty 
that  the  fire  was  then  put  a  stop  to,  which 
was  likely,  by  the  fury  wherewith  it  was 
carried  along,  to  have  gone  over  the  whole 
city,)  Antiochus  accused  the  Jews  as  the 
occasion  of  all  the  mischief  that  was 
done.  Now  this  induced  the  people  of 
Antioch,  who  were  now  under  the  imme- 
diate persuasion,  by  reason  of  the  disor- 
der they  were  in,  that  this  calumny  was 
true ;  and  would  have  been  under  the 
same  persuasion,  even  though  they  had 
not  borne  an  ill-will  at  the  Jews  before, 
to  believe  this  man's  accusation,  especially 
when  they  considered  what  had  been  done 
before;  and  this  to  such  a  degree,  that 
they  all  fell  violently  upon  those  that 
were  accused ;  and  this,  like  madmen,  in 
a  very  furious  rage  also,  even  as  if  they 
had  seen .  the  Jews  in  a  manner  setting 
fire  themselves  to  the  city ;  nor  was  it 
without  difficulty  that  one  Cneius  Colle- 
gas,  the  legate,  could  prevail  with  them  to 
permit  the  affairs  to  be  laid  before  Csesar; 
for  as  to  Cesennius  Petus,  the  president 
of  Syria,  Vespasian  had  already  sent  him 
away ;  and  so  it  happened  that  he  was  not 
yet  come  back  thither.  But  when  Col- 
legas  had  made  a  careful  inquiry  into  the 
matter,  he  found  out  the  truth,  and  that 
not  one  of  those  Jews  that  were  accused 
by  Antiochus  had  any  hand  in  it;  but 
that  all  was  done  by  some  vile  persons 
greatly  in  debt,  who  supposed  that,  if  they 
could  once  set  fire  to  the  market-place,  and 
burn  the  public  records,  they  should  have 
no  further  demands  made  upon  them.  So 
the  Jews  were  under  great  disorder  and 
terror,  in  the  uncertain  expectations  of 
what  would  be  the  upshot  of  those  accu- 
sations against  them. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Vespasian's  reception  at  Rome — Revolt  of  tho 
German  legion — The  Samaritans  overrun  Myria, 
but  are  defeated. 

And  now,  Titus  Ccesar,  upon  the  news 
that  was  brought  him  concerning  his  fa- 
ther, that  his  coming  was  much  desired  by 
all  the  Italian  cities,  and  that  Rome  espe- 
cially received  him  with  great  alacrity  and 
splendour,  betook  himself  to  rejoicing  and 
pleasures  to  a  great  degree,  as  now  freed 
from  the  solicitude  he  had  been  under, 
after  the  most  agreeable  manner.  For  all 
men  that  were  in  Italy  showed  their  re- 


Chap.  IV.] 


WARS   OF    THE    JEWS. 


383 


spects  to  him  in  their  minds,  before  he 
came  thither,  as  if  he  were  already  come, 
as  esteeming  the  very  expectation  they 
had  of  him  to  be  his  real  presence,  on 
account  of  the  great  desires  they  had  to 
see  him,  and  because  the  good-will  they 
bore  him  was  entirely  free  and  uncon- 
strained ;  for  it  was  a  desirable  thing  to 
the  senate,  who  well  remembered  the  ca- 
lamities they  had  undergone  in  the  late 
changes  of  their  governors,  to  receive  a 
governor  who  was  adorned  with  the  gra- 
vity of  old  age,  and  with  the  highest  skill 
in  the  actions  of  war,  whose  advancement 
would  be,  as  they  knew,  for  nothing  else 
but  for  the  preservation  of  those  that  were 
to  be  governed.  Moreover,  the  people 
had  been  so  harassed  by  their  civil  mise- 
ries, that  they  were  still  more  earnest  for 
his  coming  immediately,  as  supposing  they 
should  then  be  firmly  delivered  from  their 
calamities,  and  believed  they  should  then 
recover  their  secure  tranquillity  and  pros- 
perity :  and  for  the  soldiery,  they  had  the 
principal  regard  to  him,  for  they  were 
chiefly  apprized  of  his  great  exploits  in 
war ;  and  since  they  had  experienced  the 
want  of  skill  and  want  of  courage  in  other 
commanders,  they  were  very  desirous  to 
be  freed  from  that  great  shame  they  had 
undergone  by  their  means,  and  heartily 
wished  to  receive  such  a  prince  as  might 
be  a  security  and  an  ornament  to  them  ; 
and  as  this  good-will  to  Vespasian  was 
universal,  those  that  enjoyed  any  remark- 
able dignities  could  not  have  patience 
enough  to  stay  in  Rome,  but  made  haste 
to  meet  him  at  a  very  great  distance 
from  it;  nay,  indeed,  none  of  the  rest 
could  endure  the  delay  of  seeing  him,  but 
did  all  pour  out  of  the  city  in  such  crowds, 
and  were  so  universally  possessed  with  the 
opinion  that  it  was  easier  and  better  for 
them  to  go  out  than  to  stay  there,  that 
this  was  the  very  first  time  that  the  city 
joyfully  perceived  itself  almost  empty  of 
its  citizeus ;  for  those  that  stayed  within 
were  fewer  than  those  that  went  out;  but 
as  soon  as  the  news  was  come  that  he  was 
hard  by,  and  those  that  had  met  him  at 
first  related  with  what  good-humour  he 
received  every  one  that  came  to  him,  then 
it  was  that  the  whole  multitude  that  had 
remained  in  the  city,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  came  into  the  road,  and  waited  for 
him  there;  and  for  those  whom  he  passed 
by,  they  made  all  sorts  of  acclamations  on 
account  of  the  joy  they  had  to  see  him, 
and  the  pleasantness  of  his  countenance, 


and  styled  him  their  benefactor  and  sa- 
viour, and  the  only  person  who  was  wor- 
thy to  be  ruler  of  the  city  of  Rome ;  and 
now  the  city  was  like  a  temple,  full  of 
garlands  and  sweet  odours;  nor  was  it 
easy  for  him  to  come  to  the  royal  palace 
for  the  multitude  of  people  that  stood 
about  him,  where  yet  at  last  he  performed 
his  sacrifices  of  thanksgivings  to  his  house- 
hold gods,  for  his  safe  return  to  the  city. 
The  multitude  did  also  betake  themselves 
to  feasting;  which  feasts  and  drink-offer- 
ings they  celebrated  by  their  tribes  and 
their  families  and  their  neighbourhoods, 
and  still  prayed  God  to  grant  that  Vespa- 
sian, his  sons,  and  all  their  posterity, 
might  continue  in  the  Roman  government 
for  a  very  long  time,  and  that  his  domi- 
nion might  be  preserved  from  all  opposi- 
tion. And  this  was  the  manner  in  which 
Rome  so  joyfully  received  Vespasian,  and 
thence  grew  immediately  into  a  state  of 
great  prosperity. 

But  before  this  time,  and  while  Vespa- 
sian was  about  Alexandria,  and  Titus  was 
lying  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  a  great 
multitude  of  the  Germans  were  in  com- 
motion, and  tended  to  rebellion;  and  as 
the  Gauls  in  their  neighbourhood  joined 
with  them,  they  conspired  together,  and 
had  thereby  great  hopes  of  success,  and 
that  they  should  free  themselves  from  the 
dominion  of  the  Romans.  The  motives 
that  induced  the  Germans  to  this  attempt 
for  a  revolt,  and  for  beginning  the  war, 
were  these  : — In  the  first  place,  the  nature 
[of  the  people],  which  was  destitute  of 
just  reasonings,  and  ready  to  throw  them- 
selves rashly  into  danger  upon  small 
hopes;  in  the  next  place,  the  hatred  they 
bore  to  those  that  were  their  governors, 
while  their  nation  had  never  been  con- 
scious of  subjection  to  any  but  to  the  Ro- 
mans, and  that  by  compulsion  only.  Be- 
sides these  motives,  it  was  the  opportunity 
that  now  offered  itself,  which,  above  all 
the  rest,  prevailed  with  them  so  to  do ; 
for  when  they  saw  the  Roman  govern- 
ment in  a  great  internal  disorder,  by  the 
continual  changes  of  its  rulers,  and  un- 
derstood that  every  part  of  the  habitable 
earth  under  them  was  in  an  unsettled  and 
tottering  condition,  they  thought  this  was 
the  best  opportunity  that  could  afford  it- 
self for  themselves  to  make  a  sedition, 
when  the  state  of  the  Romans  was  so  ill. 
Classicus  also,  and  Vitellius,  two  of  their 
commanders,  puffed  them  up  with  such 
hopes.     These  had  for  a  long  time  been 


384 


WARS    OF    THE    JEWS. 


[Book  YII 


openly  desirous  of  such  an  innovation,  and 
were  induced  by  the  present  opportunity  to 
venture  upon  the  declaration  of  their  sen- 
timents; the  multitude  was  also  ready; 
and  when  these  men  told  them  of  what 
they  intended  to  attempt,  that  news  was 
gladly  received  by  them.  So  when  a 
great  part  of  the  Germans  had  agreed  to 
rebel,  and  the  rest  were  no  better  dis- 
posed, Vespasian,  as  guided  by  Divine 
Providence,  sent  letters  to  Petilius  Cerea- 
lis,  who  had  formerly  had  the  command 
of  Germany,  whereby  he  declared  him  to 
have  the  dignity  of  consul,  and  com- 
manded him  to  take  upon  him  the  govern- 
ment of  Britain ;  so  he  went  whither  he 
was  ordered  to  go,  and,  when  he  was  in- 
formed of  the  revolt  of  the  Germans,  he 
fell  upon  them  as  soon  as  they  were  got- 
ten together,  and  put  his  army  into  bat- 
tle-array, and  slew  a  great  multitude  of 
them  in  the  fight,  and  forced  them  to 
leave  off  their  madness,  and  to  grow  wiser; 
nay,  had  he  not  fallen  thus  suddenly  upon 
them  on  the  place,  it  had  not  been  long 
ere  they  would,  however,  have  been 
brought  to  punishment;  for  as  soon  as 
ever  the  news  of  their  revolt  was  come  to 
Koine,  and  Caesar  Domitian  was  made 
acquainted  with  it,  he  made  no  delay  even 
at  that  his  age,  when  he  was  exceeding 
young,  but  undertook  this  weighty  affair. 
He  had  a  courageous"  mind,  from  his  fa- 
ther, and  had  made  greater  improvements 
than  belonged  to  such  an  age ;  accordingly 
he  marched  against  the  barbarians  imme- 
diately ;  whereupon  their  hearts  failed 
them  at  the  rumour  of  his  approach,  and 
they  submitted  themselves  to  him  with 
fear,  and  thought  it  a  happy  thing  that 
they  were  brought  under  their  old  yoke 
again  without  suffering  any  further  mis- 
chief. When,  therefore,  Domitian  had 
settled  all  the  affairs  of  Gaul  in  such  good 
order,  that  it  would  not  be  easily  put  into 
disorder  any  more,  he  returned  to  Rome 
with  honour  and  glory,  as  having  per- 
formed such  exploits  as  were  above  his 
own  age,  and  worthy  of  such  a  father. 

At  the  very  same  time  with  the  before- 
mentioned  revolt  of  the  Germans,  did  the 
bold  attempt  of  the  Scythians  against  the 
Romans  occur;  for  those  Scythians  who 
are  called  Sarmatians,  being  a  very  nu- 
merous people,  transported  themselves 
over  the  Danube  into  Mysia,  without  being 
perceived :  after  which,  by  their  violence, 
and  entirely  unexpected  assault,  they  slew 
a  great  many  of  the  Romans  that  guarded 


the  frontiers ;  and  as  the  consular  legate, 
Fonteius  Agrippa,  came  to  meet  them,  and 
fought  courageously  against  them,  he  was 
slain  by  them.  They  then  overran  all  the 
region  that  had  been  subject  to  him,  tear- 
ing and  rending  every  thing  that  fell  in 
their  way;  but  when  Vespasian  was  in- 
formed of  what  had  happened,  and  how 
Mysia  was  laid  waste,  he  sent  away 
Rubrius  Galsus  to  punish  these  Sarma- 
tians; by  whose  means  many  of  them 
perished  in  the  battles  he  fought  against 
them,  and  that  part  which  escaped  fled 
with  fear  to  their  own  country.  So  when 
this  general  had  put  an  end  to  the  war,  he 
provided  for  the  future  security  of  the 
country  also;  for  he  placed  more  and  more 
numerous  garrisons  in  the  place,  till  he 
made  it  altogether  impossible  for  the  bar- 
barians to  pass  over  the  river  any  more; 
and  thus  had  this  war  in  Mysia  a  sudden 
conclusion. 

CHAPTER  V. 

An  account  of  the  Sabbatic  River — The  Antiochians 
petition  Titus  against  the  Jews,  but  are  rejected — 
Description  of  the  triumphal  shows  of  Vespasian 
and  Titus. 

Now,  Titus  Caesar  tarried  some  time  at 
Berytus,  as  we  told  you  before.  He  thence 
removed,  and  exhibited  magnificent  shows 
in  all  those  cities  of  Syria  through  which 
he  went,  and  made  use  of  the  captive  Jews 
as  public  instances  of  the  destruction  of 
that  nation.  He  then  saw  a  river  as  he 
went  along,  of  such  a  nature  as  deserves  to 
be  recorded  in  history;  it  runs  in  the 
middle  between  Arcea,  belonging  to 
Agrippa's  kingdom,  and  Raphauea.  It 
hath  somewhat  very  peculiar  in  it;  for 
when  it  runs,  its  current  is  strong,  and 
has  plenty  of  water ;  after  which  its  springs 
fail  for  six  days  together,  and  leave  its 
channels  dry,  as  any  one  may  see ;  after 
which  days  it  runs  on  the  seventh  day  as 
it  did  before,  and  as  though  it  had  under- 
gone no  change  at  all :  it  hath  also  been 
observed  to  keep  this  order  perpetually  and 
exactly;  whence  it  is  that  they  call  it  the 
Sabbatic  River,  that  name  being  taken 
from  the  sacred  seventh  day  among  the 
Jews. 

But  when  the  people  of  Antioch  were 
informed  that  Titus  was  approaching,  they 
were  so  glad  at  it,  that  they  could  not 
keep  within  their  walls,  but  hastened 
away  to  give  him  the  meeting ;  nay,  they 
proceeded  as  far  as  thirty  furlongs,  and 
more,  with  that  intention.     These  were 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


385 


not  the  'men  only,  but  a  multitude  of  wo- 
men   also,    with  their    children,  did    the 
same;  and  when  they  saw  him  coming  up 
to  them,  they  stood  on  both  sides  of  the 
way,  and  stretched  out  their  right  hands, 
saluting,  aud  making  all  sorts  ot  acclama- 
tions to  him,  and  turned  back  together  with 
him.  They  also,  among  all  the  acclamations 
they  made  to  him,  besought  him  all  the 
way  they  went,  to  eject  the  Jews  out  of 
their  city ;  yet  did  not  Titus  at  all  yield 
to  this  their  petition,  but  gave  them  the 
bare  hearing  of  it  quietly.     However,  the 
Jews  were  in  a  great  deal  of  terrible  fear, 
under  the  uncertainty  they  were  in  what 
his  opinion  was,  and  what  he  would  do  to 
them  ;  for  Titus  did  not  stay  at  Antioch, 
but  continued  his  progress  immediately 
to  Zeugma,  which  lies  upon  the  Euphrates, 
whither  came    to  him    messengers    from 
Vologeses,  king  of  Parthia,  and  brought 
him  a  crown  of  gold  upon  the  victory  he 
had  gained   over    the   Jews;    which    he 
accepted  of,  and  feasted  the  king's  mes- 
sengers, and  then  came  back  to  Antioch. 
And  when  the  senate  and  people  of  An- 
tioch   earnestly   entreated    him    to   come 
upon    their   theatre,    where    their   whole 
multitude  was   assembled,   and  expected 
him,  he  complied  with  great  humanity; 
but  when  they    pressed  him  with  much 
earnestness,    and    continually    begged  of 
him,  that  he  would  eject  the  Jews  out  of 
their  city,  he  gave  them  this  very  perti- 
nent answer : — "  How  can  this  be  done, 
since  that  country  of  theirs,  whither  the 
Jews  roust  be  obliged  then  to  retire,  is 
destroyed,  and  no  place  will  receive  them 
besides?"      Whereupon  the  people  of  An- 
tioch, when  they  had  failed  of  success  in 
this  their  first  request,  made  him  a  second  ; 
for  they  desired  that  he  would  order  those 
tables  of  brass  to  be  removed,  on  which 
the  Jews'  privileges  were  engraven.  How- 
ever, Titus  would  not  grant  that  neither, 
but  permitted   the  Jews  of  Antioch  to 
continue  to  enjoy  the  very  same  privileges 
in  that  city  which  they  had  before,  and 
then  departed  for  Egypt;  and  as  he  came 
to  Jerusalem  in  his  progress,   and  com- 
pared the  melancholy  condition  he  saw  it 
then  in,  with  the  ancient  glory  of  the  city, 
and  called  to  mind  the  greatness  of  its 
present  ruins,  as  well  as  its  ancient  splen- 
dour, he  could  not  but  pity  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  city,  so  far  was  he  from  boast- 
ing that  so  great  and  goodly  a  city  as  that 
was    had   been  by  him  taken  by  force; 
nay,  he  frequently  cursed  those  that  had 
Vol.  II.— 25 
JL- 


been  the  authors  of  their  revolt,  and  had 
brought  such  a  punishment  upon  the  city ; 
insomuch  that  it  only  appeared  that  be 
did  not  desire  that  such  a  calamity  as  this 
punishment  of  theirs  amounted  to  should 
be  a  demonstration  of  his  courage.  _  Yet 
was  there  no  small  quantity  of  the  riches 
that  had  been  in  that  city  still  found 
among  its  ruins,  a  great  deal  of  which  the 
Romans  dug  up ;  but  the  greatest  part 
was  discovered  by  those  who  were  captives, 
and  so  they  carred  it  away ;  I  mean  the 
gold  and  silver ;  and  the  rest  of  that  most 
precious  furniture  which  the  Jews  had, 
and  which  the  owners  had  treasured  up 
under  ground,  against  the  uncertain  for- 
tunes of  war. 

So  Titus  took  the  journey  he  intendod 
into  Egypt,  and  passed  over  the  desert 
very  suddenly,  and  came  to  Alexandria, 
and  took  up  a  resolution  to  go  to  Rome 
by  sea.     And  as  he  was  accompanied  by 
two  legions,  he  sent  each  of  them  again  to 
the  places  whence  they  had  before  come  ; 
the  fifth  he  sent  to  Mysia;  and  the  fif- 
teenth to  Pannonia :  as  for  the  leaders  of 
the  captives,  Simon  and  John,  with  the 
other  700  men,  whom  he  had  selected  out 
of  the  rest  as  being  eminently  tall  and 
handsome  of  body,  he  gave  order  that  they 
should  be  soon  carried  to  Italy,  as  resolv- 
ing to  produce  them  in  his  triumph.     So 
when  he  had  had  a  prosperous  voyage  to 
his  mind,  the  city  of  Rome  behaved  itself 
in  his  reception,  and  their  meeting  him  at 
a   distance,  as  it  did  in  the  case  of  his 
father.     But  what  made  the  most  splendid 
appearance  in  Titus's  opinion  was,  when 
his  father  met  him,  and  received  him;  but 
still   the  multitude  of  the  citizens  con- 
ceived  the  greatest  joy   when   they  saw 
J  them  all  three  together,*  as  they  did  at 
this  time :  nor  were  many  days  overpast 
when  they  determined  to   have  but  one 
triumph,  that  should  be  common  to  both 
of  them,  on  account  of  the  glorious  exploits 
they  had  performed,  although  the  senate 
had  decreed  each  of  them  a  separate  tri- 
umph by  himself.     So  when  notice  had 
been  given  beforehand  of  the  day  appointed 
for  this  pompous  solemnity  to  be  made,  on 
account  of  their  victories,  not^  one  of  the 
immense  multitude  was  left  in  the  city, 
but  everybody  went  out  so  far  as  to  gain 
only  a  station  where  they  might  stand, 
and  left  only  such  a  passage  as  was  neces- 


*  Vespasiac  and  his  two  sons,  Titus  and  Domi- 
tinn. 


386 


WARS   OF    THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VII. 


sary  for  those  that  were  to  be  seen  to  go 
along  it. 

Now  all  the  soldiery  marched  out  be- 
forehand by  companies,  and  in  their  seve- 
ral ranks,  under  their  several  commanders, 
in  the  night-time,  and  were  about  the 
gates,  not  of  the  upper  palaces,  but  those 
Dear  the  temple  of  Isis;  for  there  it  was 
that  the  emperors  had  rested  the  foregoing 
night.  And  as  soon  as  ever  it  was  day, 
Vespasian  and  Titus  came  out,  crowned 
with  laurel,  and  clothed  in  those  ancient 
purple  habits  which  were  proper  to  their 
family,  and  then  went  as  far  as  Octavian's 
Walks ;  for  there  it  was  that  the  senate, 
and  the  principal  rulers,  and  those  that 
had  been  recorded  as  of  the  equestrian 
order,  waited  for  them.  Now  a  tribunal 
had  been  erected  before  the  cloisters,  and 
ivory  chairs  had  been  set  upon  it,  when 
they  came  and  sat  down  upon  them. 
"Whereupon  the  soldiery  made  an  acclama- 
tion of  joy  to  them  immediately,  and  all 
gave  them  attestatious  of  their  valour; 
while  tbey  were  themselves  without  their 
arms,  and  only  in  their  silken  garments, 
and  crowned  with  laurel:  then  Vespasian 
accepted  of  these  shouts  of  theirs;  but 
while  they  were  still  disposed  to  go  on  in 
such  acclamations,  he  gave  them  a  sigual 
of  silence.  And  when  everybody  entirely 
held  their  peace,  he  stood  up,  and  cover- 
ing the  greatest  part  of  his  head  with  his 
cloak,  he  put  up  the  accustomed  solemn 
prayers  ;  the  like  prayers  did  Titus  put  up 
also;  after  which  prayers  Vespasian  made 
a  short  speech  to  all  the  people,  and  then 
sent  away  the  soldiers  to  a  dinner  pre- 
pared for  them  by  the  emperors.  Then 
did  he  retire  to  that  gate  which  was  called 
the  Gate  of  the  Pomp,  because  pompous 
shows  do  always  go  through  that  gate; 
there  it  was  that  they  tasted  some  food; 
and  when  they  had  put  on  their  triumphal 
garments,  and  had  offered  sacrifices  to  the 
gods  that  were  placed  at  the  gate,  they 
sent  the  triumph  forward,  and  marched 
through  the  theatres,  that  they  might  the 
more  easily  be  seen  by  the  multitude. 

Now  it  is  impossible  to  describe  the 
multitude  of  the  shows  as  they  deserve, 
and  the  magnificence  of  them  all;  such 
indeed  as  a  man  could  not  easily  think  of 
as  performed  either  by  the  labour  of  work- 
men, or  the  variety  of  riches,  or  the  rari- 
ties of  nature ;  for  almost  all  such  curiosi- 
ties as  the  most  happy  men  ever  get  by 
piecemeal  were    here    heaped   one   upon 


another,  and  those  both  admirable  and 
costly  in  their  nature;  and  all  brought 
together  on  that  day,  demonstrated  the 
vastness  of  the  dominions  of  the  Romans ; 
for  there  was  here  to  be  seen  a  mighty 
quantity  of  silver  and  gold  and  ivory,  con- 
trived into  all  sorts  of  things,  and  did  not 
appear  as  carried  along  in  pompous  show 
only,  but,  as  a  man  may  say,  running 
along  like  a  river.  Some  parts  were  com- 
posed of  the  rarest  purple  hangings,  and 
so  carried  along;  and  others  accurately 
represented  to  the  life  what  was  embroid- 
ered by  the  arts  of  the  Babylonians. 
There  were  also  precious  stones  that  were 
transparent,  some  set  in  crowns  of  gold, 
and  some  in  other  ouches,  as  the  workmen 
pleased  ;  and  of  these  such  a  vast  number 
were  brought,  that  we  could  not  but  thence 
learn  how  vainly  we  imagined  any  of  them 
to  be  rarities.  The  images  of  the  gods 
were  also  carried,  being  as  well  wonderful 
for  their  largeness,  as  made  very  artifi- 
cially, and  with  great  skill  of  the  work- 
men ;  nor  were  any  of  these  images  of  any 
other  than  very  costly  materials ;  and 
many  species  of  animals  were  brought, 
every  one  in  their  own  natural  ornaments. 
The  men  also  who  brought  every  one  of 
these  shows  were  great  multitudes,  and 
adorned  with  purple  garments,  all  over 
interwoven  with  gold ;  those  that  were 
chosen  for  carrying  these  pompous  shows, 
having  also  about  them  such  magnificent 
ornaments  as  were  both  extraordinary  and 
surprising.  Besides  these,  one  might  see 
that  even  the  great  number  of  the  cap- 
tives was  not  unadorned,  while  the  variety 
that  was  in  their  garments,  and  their  fine 
texture,  concealed  from  the  sight  the  de- 
formity of  their  bodies.  But  what  afforded 
the  greatest  surprise  of  all,  was  the  struc- 
ture of  the  pageants  that  were  borne  along ; 
for,  indeed,  he  that  met  them,  could  not 
but  be  afraid  that  the  bearers  would  not 
be  able  firmly  enough  to  support  them, 
such  was  their  magnitude ;  for  many  of 
them  were  so  made  that  they  were  on 
three  or  even  four  stories,  one  above  an- 
other. The  magnificence  also  of  their 
structure  afforded  one  both  pleasure  and 
surprise;  for  upon  many  of  them  were 
laid  carpets  of  gold.  There  was  also 
wrought  gold  and  ivory  fastened  about 
them  all :  and  many  resemblances  of  the 
war,  and  those  in  several  ways,  and 
variety  of  contrivances,  affording  a  most 
lively   portraiture   of    itself;    for   there 


Chap.  V.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


387 


laid 


was    to    be   seen    a    happy   country 
waste,   and  entire  squadrons  of  enemies 

slain  ;  while  some  of  them  ran  away,  and 
some  were  carried  into  captivity;  with 
walls  of  great  altitude  and  magnitude 
overthrown,  and  ruined  by  machines ;  with 
the  strongest  fortifications  taken,  and  the 
walls  of  most  populous  cities  upon  the 
tops  of  hills  seized  on,  and  an  army  pour- 
ing itself  within  the  walls ;  as  also  every 
place  full  of  slaughter  and  supplications 
of  the  enemies,  when  they  were  no  longer 
able  to  lift  their  hands  in  way  of  opposi- 
tion. Fire  also  sent  upon  temples  was 
here  represented,  and  houses  overthrown 
and  falling  upon  their  owners ;  rivers  also, 
after  they  came  out  of  a  large  and  melan- 
choly desert,  ran  down,  not  into  a  land 
cultivated,  nor  as  drink  for  men,  or  for 
cattle,  but  through  a  land  still  on  fire 
upon  every  side ;  for  the  Jews  related 
that  such  a  thing  they  had  undergone 
during  this  war.  Now  the  workmanship 
of  these  representations  was  so  magnifi- 
cent and  lively  in  the  construction  of  the 
things,  that  it  exhibited  what  had  been 
done  to  such  as  did  not  see  it,  as  if 
they  had  been  there  really  present.  On 
the  top  of  every  one  of  these  pageants 
was  placed  the  commander  of  the  city 
that  was  taken,  and  the  manner  wherein  he 
was  taken.  Moreover,  there  followed  those 
pageants  a  great  number  of  ships  ;  and  for 
the  other  spoils,  they  were  carried  in  great 
plenty.  But  for  those  that  were  taken  in 
the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  they  made  the 
greatest  figure  of  them  all ;  that  is,  the 
golden  table  of  the  weight  of  many  ta- 
lents ;  the  candlestick  also,  that  was  made 
of  gold,  though  its  construction  were  now 
changed  from  that  which  we  made  use  of: 
for  its  middle  shaft  was  fixed  upon  a  basis, 
and  the  small  branches  were  produced  out 
of  it  to  a  great  length,  having  the  like- 
ness of  a  trident  in  their  position,  and 
had  every  one  a  socket  made  of  brass  for 
a  lamp  at  the  tops  of  them.  These  lamps 
were  in  number  seven,  and  represented 
the  dignity  of  the  number  seven  among 
the  Jews;  and  the  last  of  all  the  spoils 
was  carried  the  law  of  the  Jews.  After 
these  spoils  passed  by  a  great  many  men, 
carrying  the  images  of  Victory,  whose 
structure  was  entirely  either  of  ivory  or 
of  gold.  After  which  Vespasian  marched 
in  the  first  place,  and  Titus  followed  him ; 
Domitian  also  rode  along  with  them,  and 
mate    a   glorious    appearance,   and   rode 


on  a  horse  that  was  worthy  of  admira- 
tion. 

Now  the  last  part  of  this  pompous  show 
was  at  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus, 
whither  when  they  were  come,  they  stood 
still j  for  it  was  the  Rinnans'  ancient  cus- 
tom to  stay  till  somebody  brought  the 
news  that  the  general  of  the  enemy  was 
slain.  This  general  was  Simon,  the  son 
of  Gioras,  who  had  then  been  led  in  this 
triumph  among  the  captives;  a  rope  had 
also  been  put  upon  his  head,  and  he  bad 
been  drawn  into  a  proper  place  in  the 
forum,  and  had  withal  been  tormented  by 
those  that  drew  him  along;  .Mid  the  law 
of  the  Romans  required  that  malefactors 
condemned  to  die  should  be  slain  there. 
Accordingly,  when  it  was  related  that 
there  was  an  end  of  him,  and  all  the  peo- 
ple had  set  up  a  shout  for  joy,  they  then 
began  to  offer  those  sacrifices  which  they 
had  consecrated,  in  the  prayers  used  in 
such  solemnities ;  which  wheu  they  had 
finished,  they  went  away  to  the  palace. 
And  as  for  some  of  the  spectators,  the  em- 
perors entertained  them  at  their  own  feast  ; 
and  for  all  the  rest  there  were  noble  pre- 
parations made  for  their  feasting  at  home; 
for  this  was  a  festival  day  to  the  city  of 
Rome,  as  celebrated  for  the  victory  ob- 
tained by  their  army  over  their  enemies, 
for  the  end  that  was  now  put  to  their  civil 
miseries,  and  for  the  commencement  of 
their  hopes  of  future  prosperity  and  hap- 
piness. 

After  these  triumphs  were  over,  and  af- 
ter the  affairs  of  the  Romans  were  settled 
on  the  surest  foundations,  Vespasian  re- 
solved to  build  a  temple  to  Peace,  which 
he  finished  in  so  short  a  time,  and  in  so 
glorious  a  manner,  as  was  beyond  all  hu- 
man expectations  and  opinion  :  for  he  hav- 
ing now  by  Providence  a  vast  quantity  of 
wealth,  besides  what  he  had  formerly 
gained  in  his  other  exploits,  he  had  this 
temple  adorned  with  picturesaud  statues; 
for  in  this  temple  were  collected  and  de- 
posited all  such  rarities  a3  men  aforetime 
used  to  wander  all  over  the  habitable 
world  to  see,  when  they  had  a  desire  to 
see  them  one  after  another :  he  also  laid 
up  therein,  as  ensigns  of  his  glory,  those 
golden  vessels  and  instruments  that  were 
taken  out  of  the  Jewish  temple.  But  still 
he  gave  order  that  they  should  lay  up  their 
law,  and  the  purple  vails  of  the  holy  place, 
in  the  royal  palace  itself,  and  keep  them 
there. 


388 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VII, 


CHAPTER  VI. 


The   city    Macherus — Lncilius    Bassus   takes    the 
citadel  and  other  places. 

Now  Lucilius  Bassus  was  sent  as  legate 
into  Judea,  and  there  he  received  the  army 
from  Cerealis  Vitellius,  and  took  that 
citadel  which  was  in  Herodium,  together 
with  the  garrison  that  was  in  it;  after 
which  he  got  together  all  the  soldiery  that 
was  there,  (which  was  a  large  body,  but 
dispersed  into  several  parties,)  with  the 
tenth  legion,  and  resolved  to  make  war 
upon  Macherus;  for  it  was  highly  neces- 
sary that  this  citadel  should  be  demolished, 
lest  it  might  be  a  means  of  drawing  away 
many  into  a  rebellion,  by  reason  of  its 
strength ;  for  the  nature  of  the  place  was 
very  capable  of  affording  the  surest  hopes 
of  safety  to  those  that  possessed  it,  as  well 
as  delay  and  fear  to  those  that  should  at- 
tack it;  for  what  was  walled  in  was  itself 
a  very  rocky  hill,  elevated  to  a  very  great 
height;  which  circumstance  alone  made  it 
very  hard  to  be  subdued.  It  was  also  so 
contrived  by  nature,  that  it  could  not  be 
easily  ascended ;  for  it  is,  as  it  were, 
ditched  about  with  such  valleys  on  all 
sides,  and  to  such  a  depth,  that  the  eye 
cannot  reach  their  bottoms,  and  such  as 
are  not  easily  to  be  passed  over,  and  even 
such  as  it  is  impossible  to  fill  up  with 
earth ;  for  that  valley  which  cuts  it  on 
the  west,  extends  to  threescore  furlongs, 
and  did  not  end  till  it  came  to  the  lake 
Asphaltitis;  on  the  same  side  it  was  also 
that  Macherus  had  the  tallest  top  of  its 
hill  elevated  above  the  rest.  But  then  for 
the  valleys  that  lay  on  the  north  and  south 
sides,  although  they  are  not  so  large  as 
that  already  described,  yet  is  it  in  like 
manner  an  impracticable  thing  to  think  of 
getting  over  them  ;  and  for  the  valley  that 
lies  on  the  east  side,  its  depth  is  found  to 
be  no  less  than  100  cubits.  It  extends  as 
far  as  a  mountain  that  lies  over  against 
Macherus,  with  which  it  is  bounded. 

Now,  when  Alexander  [Janneus],  the 
king  of  the  Jews,  observed  the  nature  of 
this  place,  he  was  the  first  who  built  a 
citadel  here,  which  afterward  was  demo- 
lished by  Gabinius,  when  he  made  war 
against  Aristobulus ;  but,  when  Herod 
came  to  be  king,  he  thought  the  place  to 
be  worthy  of  the  utmost  regard,  and  of 
being  built  upon  in  the  firmest  manner, 
and  this  especially  because  it  lay  so  near 
to  Arabia;  for  it  is  seated  in  a  convenient 
place  on  that  account,  and  hath  a  prospect 


toward  that  country ;  he  therefore  sur- 
rounded a  large  space  of  ground  with 
walls  and  towers,  and  built  a  city  there, 
out  of  which  city  there  was  a  way  that 
led  up  to  the  very  citadel  itself  on  the  top 
of  the  mountain ;  nay,  more  than  this, 
he  built  a  wall  round  that  top  of  the  hill, 
and  erected  towers  at  the  corners,  of  160 
cubits  high;  in  the  middle  of  which  place 
he  built  a  palace,  after  a  magnificent 
manner,  wherein  were  large  and  beautiful 
edifices.  He  also  made  a  great  many  re- 
servoirs for  the  reception  of  water,  that 
there  might  be  plenty  of  it  ready  for  all 
uses,  and  those  in  the  most  proper  places 
that  were  afforded  him  there.  Thus  did 
he,  as  it  were,  contend  with  the  nature 
of  the  place,  that  he  might  exceed  its 
natural  strength  and  security  (which  yet 
itself  rendered  it  hard  to  be  taken)  by 
those  fortifications  which  were  made  by 
the  hands  of  men.  Moreover,  he  put  a 
large  quantity  of  darts  and  other  ma- 
chines of  war  into  it,  and  contrived  to  get 
every  thing  thither  that  might  any  way 
contribute  to  its  inhabitants'  security, 
under  the  longest  siege  possible. 

Now,  within  this  place  there  grew  a 
sort  of  rue,  that  deserves  our  wonder  on 
account  of  its  largeness,  for  it  was  noway 
inferior  to  any  fig-tree  whatsoever,  either 
in  height  or  in  thickness;  and  the  report 
is,  that  it  had  lasted  ever  since  the  times 
of  Herod,  and  would  probably  have  lasted 
much  longer,  bad  it  not  been  cut  down 
by  those  Jews  who  took  possession  of  the 
place  afterward ;  but  still  in  that  valley, 
which  encompasses  the  city  on  the  north 
side,  there  is  a  certain  place  called  Baaras, 
which  produces  a  root  of  the  same  name 
with  itself;*  its  colour  is  like  to  that  of 
flame,  and  toward  the  evening  it  sends 
out  a  certain  ray  like  lightning :  it  is  not 
easily  taken  by  such  as  would  do  it,  but 
recedes  from  their  hands,  nor  will  yield 
itself  to  be  taken  quietly,  until  either  the 
urine  of  a  woman,  or  blood,  be  poured 
upon  it;  nay,  even  then  it  is  certain 
death  to  those  that  touch  it,  unless  any 
one  take  and  hang  the  root  itself  dowa 
from  his  hand,  and  so  carry  it  away.  It 
may  also  be  taken  another  way,  without 
danger,  which  is  this  :  they  dig  a  trench 


*  This  strange  account  of  the  place  and  root 
Baaras  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  the  magi- 
cians, and  the  root  to  have  been  made  use  of,  in  the 
days  of  Josephus,  in  that  superstitious  way  of  cast- 
ing out  demons,  supposod  by  him  to  have  been 
derived  from  King  Solomon. 


Chap.  VI.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


389 


quite  round  about  it,  till  the  bidden  pari 
of  the  root  be  very  small,  they  then  tie  a 
do<r  to  it,  and,  when  the  dog  tries  hard  to 
follow  him    that    tied    him,   this  root  is 
easily  plucked  up,  but  the  dog  dies  imme- 
diately, as  if  it  were  instead  of  the  man 
that  would  take  the  plant  away;  nor  after 
this  need  any  one  be  afraid  of  taking  it 
into  their  hands.     Yet,  after  all  this  pains 
in  getting,  it  is  only  valuable  on  account 
of  one  virtue  it  hath,  that  if  it  be  only 
brought  to  sick  persons,  it  quickly  drives 
away  those  called  demons,  which  are  no 
Other  than  the  spirits  of  the  wicked,  that 
enter  into  any  men  that  are  alive  and  kill 
them,  unless  they  can  obtain  some  help 
against  them.     Here    are  also   fountains 
of  hot  water  that  flow  out  of  this  place, 
which  have  a  very  different  taste  one  from 
the  other;  for  some  of  them  are  bitter, 
and  others    of   them    are   plainly   sweet. 
Here    are    also   many  eruptions  of    cold 
'waters,  and  this  not  only  in  the  places 
that  lie  lower,  and  have  their  fountains 
near  one  another,  but  what  is  still  more 
wonderful,  here  is  to  be  seen  a  certain  cave 
hard  by,  whose  cavity  is  not  deep,  but  it 
is  covered  over  by  a  rock  that  is  promi- 
nent:  above  this  rock  there  stand  up  two 
[hills  or]  breasts,  as  it  were,  but  a  little 
distant  one  from  another,  the  one  of  which 
sends  out  a  fountain  that  is  very  cold,  and 
the  other  sends  out  one  that  is  very  hot; 
which  waters,  when  they  are  mingled  to- 
gether, compose  a   most   pleasant  bath; 
they  are  medicinal  indeed  for  other  mala- 
dies, but  especially  good  for  strengthening 
the  nerves.      This  place  has  in   it  also 
mines  of  sulphur  and  alum. 

Now,   when  Bassus   had    taken  a  full 
view  of  the  place,  he  resolved  to  besiege 
it  by  filling  up  the  valley  that  lay  on  the 
east  side ;  so  he  fell  hard  to  work,  and 
took  great  pains  to  raise  his  banks  so  soon 
as  possible,  and  by  that  means  to  render 
the  siege  easy.     As  for  the  Jews  that  were 
caught  in  this  place,  they  separated  them- 
selves from  the  strangers  that  were  with 
them,  and  they  forced  those  strangers,  as 
an  otherwise  useless  multitude,  to  stay  in 
the  lower  part  of  the  city,  and  undergo 
the  principal  dangers,  while  they  them- 
selves seized  on  the  upper  citadel,  and 
held  it,  and  this  both  on  account  of  its 
strength,  and  to  provide  for  their  own 
safety.     They  also  supposed  they  might 
obtain  their  pardon,  in  case  they  should 
at  last  surrender  the  citadel.     However, 
they  were  willing  to  make  trial,  in  the 


first  place,  whether  the  hopes  they  had  of 
avoiding  a  siege  would  come  to  any  thing; 
with  which    intention  they  made    sallies 
everyday,  and  fought  with  those  that  met 
them;  in  which  conflicts  they  were  many 
of  them  slain,  as  they  therein  slew  many 
of  the  Romans;  but  still  it  was  the  op- 
portunities   that    presented     themselves, 
which  chiefly  gained  both  sides  their  vic- 
tories;  these  were  gained   by  the   Jews, 
when  they  fell  upon  the  Romans  as  they 
were  off  their  guard ;  but  by  the  Romans, 
when,    upon    the    others'  sallies   against 
their  banks,  they  foresaw  their  coming, 
and   were    upon   their  guard  when  they 
received  them ;  but  the  conclusion  of  this 
siege  did  not  depend  upon  these  bicker- 
ings;   but  a  certain    surprising  accident, 
relating  to  what  was  done  in  this  siege, 
forced  the  Jews  to  surrender  the  citadel. 
There  was  a  certain  young  man    among 
the  besieged,  of  great  boldness,  and  very 
active  of  his  hand,  his  name  was  Eleazar; 
he  greatly  signalized  himself  in  those  sal- 
I  lies,  and  encouraged  the  Jews  to  go  out 
in  great  numbers,  in  order  to  hinder  the 
raising  of  the  banks,  and  did  the  Romans 
a  vast  deal  of  mischief  when  they  came 
to  fio-hting;  he  so  managed  matters,  that 
those  who  sallied  out  made  their  attacks 
easily,  and  returned  back  without  danger, 
aud  this  by  still  bringing  up  the  rear  him- 
self.    Now  it  happened,  that,  on  a  certain 
time  when  the  fight  was  over,  and  both 
sides  were  parted,  and  retired  home,  lie, 
in  way  of   contempt   of  the  enemy,  and 
thinking  that  none  of  them  would  begin 
the  fight  again  at  that  time,  stayed  with- 
out the  gates,  and  talked  with  those  that 
were  upou  the  wall,  aud  his   mind   was 
wholly  intent  upon  what  they  said.  ^  Now 
a  certain  person  belonging  to  the  Roman 
camp,  whose  name  was  Rufus,   by  birth 
an   Egyptian,   ran    upon    him    suddenly, 
when^iobody  expected  such  a  thing,  and 
carried  him   off  with   his  armour  itself; 
while,  in  the  mean  time,  those  that  saw  it 
from  the  wall  were  under  such  an  amaze- 
ment, that  Rufus  prevented  their  ^assist- 
ance, and  carried  Eleazar  to  the  Roman 
camp.     So    the    general  of  the    Romans 
ordered  that  he  should  be  taken  up  naked, 
set  before  the  city  to  be  seen,  and  sorely 
whipped   before   their  eyes.      Upon    this 
sad  accident  that  befell  the  young  man, 
the  Jews  were  terribly  confounded,  and  the 
city,  with  one  voice,  sorely  lamented  him, 
and   the    mourning   proved    greater   than 
could  well  be  supposed  upon  the  calamity 


390 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


Book  VII 


of  a  single  person.  When  Bassus  per- 
ceived that,  he  began  to  think  of  using  a 
stratagem  against  the  enemy,  and  was  de- 
sirous to  aggravate  their  grief,  in  order  to 
prevail  with  them  to  surrender  the  city 
for  the  preservation  of  that  man.  Nor 
did  he  fail  of  his  hope;  for  he  commanded 
them  to  set  up  a  cross,  as  if  he  were  just 
going  to  hang  Eleazar  upon  it  immedi- 
ately :  the  sight  of  this  occasioned  a  sore 
grief  among  those  that  were  in  the  cita- 
del, and  they  groaned  vehemently,  and 
cried  out  that  they  could  not  bear  to  see 
him  thus  destroyed.  Whereupon  Eleazar 
besought  them  not  to  disregard  him,  now 
he  was  going  to  suffer  a  most  miserable 
death,  and  exhorted  them  to  save  them- 
selves, by  yielding  to  the  Roman  power 
and  good  fortune,  since  all  other  people 
were  now  conquered  by  them.  These 
men  were  greatly  moved  with  what  he 
said,  there  being  also  many  within  the 
city  that  interceded  for  him,  because  he 
was  of  an  eminent  and  very  numerous 
family  ;  so  they  now  yielded  to  their  pas- 
sion of  commiseration,  contrary  to  their 
usual  custom.  Accordingly  they  sent  out 
immediately  certain  messengers,  and  treat- 
ed with  the  Romans,  in  order  to  a  sur- 
render of  the  citadel  to  them,  and  desired 
that  they  might  be  permitted  to  go  away, 
and  take  Eleazar  along  with  them.  Then 
did  the  Romans  and  their  general  accept 
of  these  terms ;  while  the  multitude  of 
strangers  that  were  in  the  lower  part  of 
the  city,  hearing  of  the  agreement  that 
was  made  by  the  Jews  for  themselves 
alone,  were  resolved  to  fly  away  privately, 
in  the  night-time ;  but  as  soon  as  they 
had  opened  their  gates,  those  that  had 
come  to  terms  with  Bassus  told  him  of  it; 
whether  it  were  that  they  envied  the 
others'  deliverance,  or  whether  it  were 
done  out  of  fear,  lest  an  occasion  should 
be  taken  against  them  upon  their  escape, 
is  uncertain.  The  most  courageous,  there- 
fore, of  those  men  that  went  out  prevented 
the  enemy,  and  got  away,  and  fled  for  it ; 
but  for  those  men  that  were  caught  with- 
in, they  were  slain,  to  the  number  of 
1700,  as  were  the  women  and  the  chil- 
dren made  slaves  ;  but,  as  Bassus  thought 
he  must  perform  the  covenant  he  had 
made  with  those  that  had  surrendered  the 
citadel,  he  let  them  go,  and  restored 
Eleazar  to  them. 

When  Bassus  had  settled  these  affairs, 
he  marched  hastily  to  the  forest  of  Jar- 


den,  as  it  is  called;  for  he  had  heard  that 
a  great  many  of  those  that  had  fled  from 
Jerusalem  and  Macherus  formerly,  were 
there  gotten  together.  When  he  was, 
therefore,  come  to  the  place,  and  under- 
stood that  the  former  news  was  no  mis- 
take, he,  in  the  first  place,  surrounded  the 
whole  place  with  his  horsemen,  that  such 
of  the  Jews  as  had  boldness  enough  to  try 
to  break  through,  might  have  no  way  pos-  i 
sible  for  escaping,  by  reason  of  the  situa- 
tion of  these  horsemen ;  and  for  the  foot- 
men, he  ordered  them  to  cut  down  the 
trees  that  were  in  the  wood  whither  they 
were  fled.  So  the  Jews  were  under  a 
necessity  of  performing  some  glorious  ex- 
ploit, and  of  greatly  exposing  themselves 
in  a  battle,  since  they  might,  perhaps, 
thereby  escape.  So  they  made  a  general 
attack,  and  with  a  great  shout  fell  upon 
those  that  surrounded  them,  who  received 
them  with  great  courage;  and  so  while 
the  one  side  fought  desperately,  and  the 
others  would  not  yield,  the  fight  was  pro- 
longed on  that  account.  But  the  event 
of  the  battle  did  not  answer  the  expecta- 
tion of  the  assailants  ;  for  so  it  happened 
that  no  more  than  twelve  fell  on  the  Ro- 
man side,  with  a  few  that  were  wounded  ; 
but  not  one  of  the  Jews  escaped  out  of  this 
battle,  for  they  were  all  killed,  being  in 
the  whole  not  fewer  in  number  than  3000, 
together  with  Judas,  the  son  of  Jairus, 
their  general ;  concerning  whom  we  have 
before  spoken,  that  he  had  been  captain 
of  a  certain  band  at  the  siege  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  by  going  down  into  a  certain  vault 
under  ground  had  privately .  made  his 
escape. 

About  the  same  time  it  was  that  Caesar 
sent  a  letter  to  Bassus,  and  to  Liberius 
Maximus,  who  was  the  procurator  [of 
Judea],  and  gave  order  that  all  Judea 
should  be  exposed  to  sale  ;  for  he  did  not 
found  any  city  there,  but  reserved  the 
country  for  himself.  However,  he  as- 
signed a  place  for  800  men  only,  whom 
he  had  dismissed  from  bis  army,  which  he 
gave  them  for  their  habitation  ;  it  is  called 
Eminaus,  aud  is  distant  from  Jerusalem 
threescore  furlongs.  He  also  laid  a  tri- 
bute upon  the  Jews  wheresoever  they 
were,  and  enjoined  every  one  of  them  to 
bring  two  drachmae  every  year  into  the 
capitol,  as  they  used  to  pay  the  same  to 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  And  this  was 
the  state  of  the  Jewish  affairs  at  this 
time 


Chap.  VII.] 


WARS    OF    THE   JEWS. 


391 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Misfortunes  of  Antiochus,  king  of  Commagene — 
Clemency  of  Vespasian — The  Alans  ravage  the 
countries  of  the  Modes  and  Armenians. 

And  now,  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign 
of  Vespasian,  it  came  to  pass  that  Antio- 
chus, the  king  of  Commagene,  with  all  his 
family,  fell  into  very  great  calamities.  The 
occasion  was  this  : — Cesennius  Petus,  who 
was  president  of  Syria  at  this  time,  whe- 
ther it  was  done  out  of  regard  to  truth,  or 
whether  out  of  hatred  to  Antiochus,  (for 
which  was  the  real  motive  was  never 
to  Caesar,  and  therein  told  him  that 
thoroughly  discovered,)  sent  an  epistle 
Antiochus,  with  his  son  Epiphanes,  had 
resolved  to  rebel  against  the  Romans,  and 
had  made  a  league  with  the  king  of  Par- 
thia  to  that  purpose  :  that  it  was  there- 
fore fit  to  prevent  them,  lest  they  prevent 
us,  and  begin  such  a  war  as  may  cause  a 
general  disturbance  in  the  Roman  empire. 
Now  Cfesar  was  disposed  to  take  some 
care  about  the  matter,  since  this  discovery 
was  made;  for  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
kiugdoms  made  this  affair  worthy  of 
greater  regard ;  for  Samosata,  the  capital 
of  Commagene,  lies  upon  Euphrates,  and, 
upon  any  such  design,  could  afford  an  easy 
passage  over  it  to  the  Parthians,  and  could 
also  afford  them  a  secure  reception.  Pe- 
tus was  accordingly  believed,  aud  had  au- 
thority given  him  of  doing  what  he  should 
think  proper  in  the  case ;  so  he  set  about 
it  without  delay,  and  fell  upon  Com- 
magene before  Antiochus  and  his  people 
had  the  least  expectation  of  his  coming  : 
he  had  with  him  the  tenth  legion,  as  also 
some  cohorts  and  troops  of  horsemen. 
These  kings  also  came  to  his  assistance : 
Aristobulus,  king  of  the  country  called 
Chalcidene,  and  Sohemus,  who  was  called 
king  of  Etnesa :  nor  was  there  any  oppo- 
sition made  to  his  forces  when  they  en- 
tered the  kingdom  ;  for  no  one  of  that 
country  would  so  much  as  lift  up  his  hand 
against  them.  When  Antiochus  heard 
this  unexpected  news,  he  could  not  thiuk 
in  the  least  of  making  war  with  the  Ro- 
mans, but  determined  to  leave  his  whole 
kingdom  in  the  state  wherein  it  now  was, 
and  to  retire  privately,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  as  thinking  thereby  to  demon- 
strate himself  to  the  Romans  to  be  inno- 
cent as  to  the  accusation  laid  against  him. 
So  he  went  away  from  that  city  as  far  as 
120  furlongs,  into  a  plain,  and  there 
pitched  his  tents. 


Petus  then  sent  some  of  his  men  to 
seize  upon  Samosata,  and  by  their  means 

took  po.-session  of  that  city,  while  ho  went 
himself  to  attack  Antiochus  with  the  rest 
of  his  army.  However,  the  king  was  not 
prevailed  upon  by  the  distress  he  was  in 
to  do  any  thing  in  the  way  of  war  against 
the  Romans,  but  bemoaned  bis  own  hard 
fate,  and  endured  with  patience  what  he 
was  not  able  to  prevent.  Rut  his  sons, 
who  were  young  and  inexperienced  in  war, 
but  of  strong  bodies,  were  not  easily  in- 
duced to  bear  this  calamity  without  light- 
ing. Epiphanes,  therefore,  and  Callini- 
cus  betook  themselves  to  military  force  ; 
and,  as  the  battle  was  a  sore  one,  and 
lasted  all  the  day  long,  they  showed  their 
own  valour  in  a  remarkable  manner;  and 
nothing  but  the  approach  of  night  put  a 
period  thereto,  and  that  without  any  di- 
minution of  their  forces;  yet  would  not 
Antiochus,  upon  this  conclusion  of  the 
fight,  continue  there  by  any  means,  but 
took  his  wife  and  his  daughters,  and  fled 
away  with  them  to  Celicia;  and,  by  so  doing, 
quite  discouraged  the  miuds  of  his  own 
soldiers.  Accordingly,  they  revolted,  and 
went  over  to  the  Romans,  out  of  the  de- 
spair they  were  in  of  his  keeping  the 
kingdom ;  and  his  case  was  looked  upon 
by  all  as  quite  desperate.  It  was  there- 
fore necessary  that  Epiphanes  and  his 
soldiers  should  get  clear  of  their  enemies  be- 
fore they  became  entirely  destitute  of  any 
confederates ;  nor  were  there  any  more 
than  ten  horsemen  with  him,  who  passed 
with  him  over  Euphrates,  whence  they 
went  undisturbed  to  Vologeses,  the  king 
of  Parthia,  where  they  were  not  regarded 
as  fugitives;  but  had  the  same  respect 
paid  them  as  if  they  had  retained  their 
ancient  prosperity. 

Now,  when  Antiochus  was  come  to  Tar- 
sus in  Celicia,  Petus  ordered  a  centurion 
to  go  to  him,  and  send  him  in  bonds  to 
Home.  However,  Vespasian  could  not 
endure  to  have  a  king  brought  to  him  in 
that  manner,  but  thought  it  fit  rather  to 
have  a  regard  to  the  ancient  friendship 
that  had  been  between  them,  than  to  pre- 
serve an  inexorable  anger  upon  pretence 
of  this  war.  Accordingly,  he  gave  orders 
that  they  should  take  off  his  bonds,  while 
he  was  still  upon  the  road,  and  that  he 
should  not  come  to  Rome,  but  should  now 
go  and  live  at  Lacedemou ;  he  also  gave 
him  large  revenues,  that  he  might  not 
only  live  in  plenty,  but  like  a  king  also. 
When  Epiphanes,  who  before  was  in  great 


392 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VU 


fear  for  his  father,  was  informed  of  this, 
his  mind  was  freed  from  that  great  and 
almost  incurable  concern  it  had  been  un- 
der. He  also  hoped  that  Cassar  would  be 
reconciled  to  them,  upon  the  intercession 
of  Vologeses ;  for,  although  he  lived  in 
plenty,  he  knew  not  how  to  bear  living 
out  of  the  Roman  empire.  So  Caesar 
gave  him  leave,  after  an  obliging  manner, 
and  he  came  to  Rome ;  and,  as  his  father 
came  quickly  to  him  from  Lacedemon,  he 
had  all  sorts  of  respect  paid  him  there, 
and  there  he  remained. 

Now  there  was  a  nation  of  the  Alans, 
which  we  have  formerly  mentioned  some- 
where as  being  Scythians,*  and  inhabit- 
ing at  the  lake  Meotis.  This  nation, 
about  this  time,  laid  a  design  of  falling 
upon  Media  and  the  parts  beyond  it,  in 
order  to  plunder  them  ;  with  which  inten- 
tion they  treated  with  the  king  of  Hyrcania ; 
for  he  was  master  of  that  passage  which 
King  Alexander  [the  Great]  shut  up  with 
iron  gates.  This  king  gave  them  leave  to 
come  through  them ;  so  they  came  in 
great  multitudes,  and  fell  upon  the  Medes 
unexpectedly  and  plundered  their  country, 
which  they  found  full  of  people,  and  re- 
plenished with  abundance  of  cattle,  while 
nobody  durst  make  any  resistance  against 
them  ;  for  Pacorus.,  the  king  of  the  coun- 
try, had  fled  away  for  fear,  into  places 
where  they  could  not  easily  come  at  him, 
and  had  yielded  up  every  thing  he  had  to 
them,  and  had  only  saved  his  wife  and  his 
concubines  from  them,  and  that  with  diffi- 
culty, also,  after  they  had  been  made  cap- 
tives, by  giving  them  100  talents  for  their 
ransom.  These  Alans,  therefore,  plundered 
the  country  without  opposition,  and  with 
great  ease,  and  then  proceeded  as  far  as 
Armenia,  laying  all  waste  before  them. 
Now  Tiridates  was  king  of  that  country, 
who  met  them  and  fought  them,  but  had 
like  to  have  been  taken  alive  in  the  bat- 
tle ;  for  a  certain  man  threw  a  net  over 
him  from  a  great  distance,  and  had  soon 
drawn  him  to  him,  unless  he  had  imme- 
diately cut  the  cord  with  his  sword,  and 
ran  away  and  prevented  it.  So  the  Alans, 
being  still  more  provoked  by  this  sight, 
laid  waste  the  country,  and  drove  a  great 
multitude  of  the  men,  and  a  great  quan- 
tity of  the  other  prey  they  had  gotten  out 
of  both  kingdoms,  along  with  them, 
and  then  retreated  back  to  their  own 
country. 


*  This  is  now  wanting. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Massada  besieged  by  Flavius  Silva. 

When  Bassus  was  dead  in  Judea,  Fla- 
vius Silva  succeeded  him  as  procurator 
there;  who,  when  he  saw  that  all  the  rest 
of  the  country  was  subdued  in  this  war, 
and  that  there  was  but  only  one  strong- 
hold that  was  still  in  rebellion,  he  got  all 
his  army  together  that  lay  in  different 
places,  and  made  an  expedition  against  it. 
This  fortress  was  called  Massada.  It  was 
one  Eleazar,  a  potent  man,  and  the  com- 
mander of  these  Sicarii,  that  had  seized 
upon  it.  He  was  a  descendant  from  that 
Judas  who  had  persuaded  abundance  of 
the  Jews,  as  we  have  formerly  related,  not 
to  submit  to  the  taxation  when  Cyrenius 
was  sent  into  Judea  to  make  one ;  for 
then  it  was  that  the  Sicarii  got  together 
against  those  that  were  willing  to  submit 
to  the  Romans,-and  treated  them  in  all  re- 
spects as  if  they  had  been  their  enemies, 
both  by  plundering  them  of  what  they  had, 
by  driving  away  their  cattle,  and  by  set- 
ting fire  to  their  houses  :  for  they  said  that 
they  differed  not  at  all  from  foreigners,  by 
betraying,  in  so.  cowardly  a  manner,  that 
freedom  which  Jews  thought  worthy  to  be 
contended  for  to  the  utmost,  and  by  own- 
ing that  they  preferred  slavery  under  the 
Romans  before  such  a  contention.  Now 
this  was  in  reality  no  better  than  a  pre- 
tence, and  a  cloak  for  the  barbarity  which 
was  made  use  of  by  them,  and  to  colour 
over  their  own  avarice,  which  they  after- 
ward made  evident  by  their  own  actions; 
for  those  that  were  partners  with  them  in 
their  rebellion,  joined  also  with  them  in 
the  war  ^against  the  Romans,  and  went 
further  lengths  with  them  in  their  impu- 
dent undertakings  against  them  ;  and  when 
they  were  again  convicted  of  dissembling 
in  such  their  pretences,  they  still  more 
abused  those  that  justly  reproached  them 
for  their  wickedness;  and  indeed  that  was 
a  time  most  fertile  in  all  manner  of  wicked 
practices,  insomuch  that  no  "kind  of  evil 
deeds  were  then  left  undone;  nor  could 
any  one  so  much  as  devise  any  bad  thing 
that  was  new,  so  deeply  were  they  all  in- 
fected, and  strove  with  one  another  in 
their  single  capacity,  and  iu  their  commu- 
nities, who  should  run  the  greatest  lengths 
in  impiety  toward  God,  and  in  unjust  ac- 
tions toward  their  neighbours;  the  men 
of  power  oppressing  the  multitude,  and 
the  multitude  earnestly  labouring  to  de- 
stroy the  men  of  power.     The  one  part 


Chap.  VIII.] 


WARS   OF    THE    JEWS. 


were  desirous  of  tyrannizing  over  others  ; 
and  the  rest  of  offering  violence  to  others, 
and  of  plundering  such  as  were  richer  than 
themselves.  They  were  the  Sicarii  who 
first  began  these  transgressions,  and  first 
became  barbarous  toward  those  allied  to 
them,  and  left  no  words  of  reproach  unsaid, 
and  no  works  of  perdition  untried,  in  or- 
der to  destroy  those  whom  their  contri- 
vances affected.  Yet  did  John  demon- 
strate by  his  actions,  that  these  Sicarii 
were  more  moderate  than  he  was  himself, 
for  he  not  only  slew  such  as  gave  him 
good  counsel  to  do  what  was  right,  but 
treated  them  worst  of  all,  as  the  most  bit- 
ter enemies  that  he  had  among  all  the 
citizens ;  nay,  he  filled  his  entire  country 
with  10,000  instances  of  wickedness,  such 
as  a  man  who  was  already  hardened  suffi- 
ciently in  his  impiety  toward  God,  would 
naturally  do ;  for  the  food  was  unlawful 
that  was  set  upon  his  table,  and  he  re- 
jected those  purifications  that  the  law  of 
his  country  had  ordained ;  so  that  it  was 
no  longer  a  wonder  if  he,  who  was  so  mad 
in  his  impiety  toward  God,  did  not  ob- 
serve any  rules  of  gentleness  and  common 
affectiou  toward  men.  Again,  therefore, 
what  mischief  was  there  which  Simon  the 
son  of  Gioras  did  not  do  ?  or  what  kind 
of  abuses  did  he  abstain  from  as  to  those 
very  free  men  who  had  set  him  up  for  a 
tyrant  ?  What  friendship  or  kindred  were 
there  that  did  not  make  him  more  bold  in 
his  daily  murders  ?  for  they  looked  upon 
the  doing  of  mischief  to  strangers  only,  as 
a  work  beneath  their  courage,  but  thought 
their  barbarity  toward  their  nearest  rela- 
tions would  be  a  glorious  demonstration 
thereof.  The  Idumeans  also  strove  with 
these  men  who  should  be  guilty  of  the 
greatest  madness !  for  they  [all],  vile 
wretches  as  they  were,  cut  the  throats  of 
the  high  priests,  that  so  no  part  of  a  reli- 
gious regard  to  God  might  be  preserved; 
they  thence  proceeded  to  destroy  utterly 
the  least  remains  of  apolitical  government, 
and  introduced  the  most  complete  scene  of 
iniquity  in  all  instances  that  were  practica- 
ble; under  which  scene,  that  sort  of  people 
that  were  called  Zealots  grew  up,  and  who 
indeed  corresponded  to  the  name;  for 
they  imitated  every  wicked  work;  nor,  if 
their  memory  suggested  any  evil  thing 
that  had  formerly  been  done,  did  they 
avoid  \zealously  to  pursue  the  same  ;  and 
although  they  gave  themselves  that  name 
from  their  zeal  for  what  was  good,  yet  did 
it  agree  to  them  only  by  way  of  irony,  on 


account  of  those  they  had  unjustly  treated 
by  their  wild  and  brutish  disposition,  or 
as  thinking  the  greatest  mischiefs  to  be 
the  greatest  good.  Accordingly,  they  all 
met  with  such  ends  as  God  deservedly 
brought  upon  them  in  way  of  punishment ; 
for  all  such  miseries  have  been  sent  upon 
them  as  man's  nature  is  capable  of  under- 
going, till  the  utmost  period  of  their  lives, 
and  till  death  came  upon  them  in  various 
ways  of  torment :  yet  might  one  say  justly 
that  they  suffered  less  than  they  had  done, 
because  it  was  impossible  they  could  be 
punished  according  to  their  deserving : 
but  to  make  a  lamentation  according  to 
the  deserts  of  those  who  fell  under  these 
men's  barbarity,  this  is  not  a  proper  place 
for  it:  I  therefore  now  return  again  to 
the  remaining  part  of  the  present  narra- 
tion. 

For  now  it  was  that  the  Roman  general 
came,  and  led  his  army  against  Eleazar 
and  those  Sicarii  who  held  the  fortress 
Massada  together  with  him ;  and  for  the 
whole  country  adjoining,  he  presently 
gained  it,  and  put  garrisons  into  the  most 
proper  places  of  it :  he  also  built  a  wall 
quite  round  the  entire  fortress,  that  none 
of  the  besieged  might  easily  escape;  he 
also  set  his  men  to  guard  the  several  parts 
of  it :  he  also  pitched  his  camp  in  such  an 
agreeable  place  as  he  had  chosen  for  the 
siege,  and  at  which  place  the  rock  belong- 
ing to  the  fortress  did  make  the  nearest 
approach  to  the  neighbouring  mountain, 
which  yet  was  a  place  of  difficulty  for  get- 
ting plenty  of  provisions;  for  it  was  not 
only  food  that  was  to  be  brought  from  a 
great  distance  [to  the  army],  and  this  with 
a  great  deal  of  pain  to  those  Jews  who 
were  appointed  for  that  purpose,  but  water 
was  also  to  be  brought  to  the  camp,  be- 
cause the  place  afforded  no  fountain  that 
was  near  it.  "When,  therefore,  Silva  had 
ordered  these  affairs  beforehand,  he  fell  to 
besieging  the  place ;  which  siege  was 
likely  to  stand  in  need  of  a  great  deal  of 
skill  and  pains,  by  reason  of  the  strength 
of  the  fortress,  the  nature  of  which  I  will 
now  describe. 

There  was  a  rock,  not  small  in  circum- 
ference, and  very  high.  It  was  encom- 
passed with  valleys  of  such  vast  depth 
downward,  that  the  eye  could  not  reach 
their  bottoms;  they  were  abrupt,  and  such 
as  no  animal  could  walk  upon,  excepting 
at  two  places  of  the  rock,  where  it  sub.-ides, 
in  order  to  afford  a  passage  for  ascent, 
though  not  without  difficulty.     Now,  of 


394 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


the  ways  that  lead  to  it,  one  is  that  from 
the    lake    Asphaltitis,    toward     the     sun- 
rising,  and  another  on  the  west,  where  the 
ascent  is  easier  :  the  one  of  these  ways  is 
called    the    Serpent,    as   resembling  that 
animal  in  its  narrowness,  and  its  perpetual 
windings;  for  it  is  broken  off  at  the  pro- 
minent precipices  of  the  rock,  and  returns 
frequently    into    itself,    and    lengthening 
again  by  little  and  little,  hath  much  ado 
to    proceed   forward ;  and  he  that  would 
walk  along  it  must  first  go  on  one  leg  and 
then  on  the  other ;   there  is  also  nothing 
but  destruction,  in   case  your  feet  slip; 
for  on  each  side  there  is  a   vastly  deep 
chasm  and    precipice,  sufficient    to  quell 
the  courage  of  everybody  by  the  terror  it 
infuses  into  the  mind.      When,  therefore, 
a  man  hath  gone  along  this  way  for  thirty 
furlongs,  the  rest  is  the  top  of  the  hill,  not 
ending  at  a  small  point,  but  is  no  other 
than  a  plain  upon  the  highest  part  of  the 
mountain.     Upon   this   top   of   the    hill, 
Jonathan  the  high  priest  first  of  all  built 
a   fortress-  and  called   it  Massada;  after 
which   the   rebuilding  of  this  place  em- 
ployed the  care  of  King  Herod  to  a  great 
degree;   he  also  built  a  wall  round  about 
the  entire  top  of  the  hill,  seven  furlongs 
long  ;  it  was  composed  of  white  stone  ;  its 
height  was  twelve,  and  its  breadth  eight 
cubits;   there  were  also  erected  upon  that 
wall  thirty-eight  towers,  each  of  them  fifty 
cubits  high;    out    of    which    you    might 
pass  into  lesser  edifices,  which  were  built 
on  the  inside,  round  the  entire  wall;  for 
the    king   reserved   the   top  of  the  hill, 
which  was  of  a  fat  soil,  and  better  mould 
than  any  valley,  for  agriculture,  that  such 
as  committed  themselves  to  this  fortress 
for   their   preservation,    might   not  even 
there  be  quite  destitute  of  food,  in  case 
there  should  ever  be  want  of  it  from  abroad. 
Moreover,  he  built  a  palace  therein  at  the 
western  ascent :  it  was  within,  and  beneath 
the  walls  of  the  citadel,  but  inclined  to  its 
north  side.     Now  the  wall  of  this  palace 
was  very  high  and  strong,  and  had  at  its 
four   corners    towers    sixty   cubits    high. 
The  furniture  also  of  the  edifices,  and  of 
the  cloisters,  and  of  the  baths,  was  of  great 
variety,  and  very  costly ;  and  these  build- 
ings were  supported  by  pillars  of  single 
stones  on  every  side  :  the  walls  also  and 
the  floors  of  the  edifices  were  paved  with 
stones  of  several  colours.     He  also  had  cut 
many  and  great  pits,  as  reservoirs  for  wa- 
ter, out  of  the  rocks,  at  every  one  of  the 
places  that  were  inhabited,  both  above  and 


[Book  VII. 

round  about  the  palace,  and  before  the 
wall ;  and  by  this  contrivance  he  endea- 
voured to  have  water  for  several  uses,  as  if 
there  had  been  fountains  there.  Here 
was  also  a  road  digged  from  the  palace, 
and  leading  to  the  very  top  of  the  moun- 
tain, which  yet  could  not  be  seen  by  such 
as  were  without  [the  walls] ;  nor  indeed 
could  enemies  easily  make  use  of  the  plain 
roads;  for  the  road  on  the  east  side,  as  we 
have  already  taken  notice,  could  not  be 
walked  upon,  by  reason  of  its  nature  ;  and 
for  the  western  road,  he  built  a  large 
tower  at  its  narrowest  place,  at  no  less  a 
distance  from  the  top  of  the  hill  than  1000 
cubits;  which  tower  could  not  possibly  be 
passed  by,  nor  could  it  be  easily  taken ; 
nor  indeed  could  those  that  walked  along 
it  without  any  fear  (such  was  his  contri- 
vance) easily  get  to  the  end  of  it ;  and  af- 
ter such  a  manner  was  "the  citadel  fortified, 
both  by  nature  and  by  the  hands  of  men, 
in  order  to  frustrate  the  attacks  of  ene- 
mies. 

As  for  the  furniture  that  was  within 
this  fortress,  it  was  still  more  wonderful 
on  account  of  its  splendour  and  long  con- 
tinuance ;  for  here  was  laid  up  corn  in 
large  quantities',  and  such  as  would  subsist 
men  for  a  long  time  ;  here  was  also  wine 
and  oil  in  abundance,  with  all  kinds  of 
pulse  and  dates  heaped  up  together;  all 
which  Eleazer  found  there  when  he  and 
his  Sicarii  got  possession  of  the  fortress  by 
treachery.  These  fruits  were  also  fresh 
and  full  ripe,  and  noway  inferior  to  such 
fruits  newly  laid  in,  although  they  were 
little  short  of  100  years  from  the  laying  in 
these  provisions  [by  Herod],  till  the  place 
was  taken  by  the  Romans;  nay,  indeed, 
when  the  Romans  got  possession  of  those 
fruits  that  wejje  left,  they  found  them  not 
corrupted  all  that  while  :  nor  should  we 
be  mistaken,  if  we  supposed  that  the  air 
was  here  the  cause  of  their  enduring  so 
long,  this  fortress  being  so  high,  and  so 
free  from  the  mixture  of  all  terrene  and 
muddy  particles  of  matter.  There  was 
also  found  here  a  large  quantity  of  all 
sorts  of  weapons  of  war,  which  had  been 
treasured  up  by  that  king,  and  were  suffi- 
cient for  10,000  men  :  there  was  cast  iron, 
and  brass  and  tin,  which  show  that  he  had 
taken  much  pains  to  have  all  things  here 
ready  for  the  greatest  occasions ;  for  the 
report  goes  how  Herod  thus  prepared  this 
fortress  on  his  own  account,  as  a  refuge 
against  two  kinds  of  danger;  the  one  for 
fear  of  the  multitude  of  the  Jews,  lest 


CHAr.VIII.] 


WARS  OF    THE   JEWS. 


they  should  depose  him  and  restore  their 
Former  kings  to  the  government;  the  other 
danger  was  greater  and  more  terrible, 
which  arose  from  Cleopatra,  queen  of 
Egypt,  who  did  not  conceal  her  intentions, 
but  spoke  often  to  Antony,  and  desired 
him  to  cut  off  Herod,  and  entreated  him 
to  bestow  the  kingdom  of  Judea  upon 
her.  And  certainly  it  is  a  great  wonder 
that  Antony  did  never  comply  with  her 
commands  in  this  point,  as  he  was  so 
miserably  enslaved  to  his  passion  for  her; 
nor  should  any  one  have  been  surprised 
if  she  had  been  gratified  in  such  her  re- 
quest. So  the  fear  of  these  dangers  made 
Herod  rebuild  Massada,  and  thereby  leave 
it  for  the  finishing  stroke  of  the  llomans 
in  this  Jewish  war. 

Since,  therefore,  the  Roman  commander 
Silva  had  now  built  a  wall  on  the  outside, 
round  about  this  whole  place,  as  we  have 
said  already,  and  had  thereby  made  a  most 
accurate  provision  to  prevent  auy  one  of 
the  besieged  running  away,  he  undertook 
the  siege  itself,  though  he  found  but  one 
single  place  that  would  admit  of  the 
banks  he  was  to  raise;  for  behind  that 
tower  which  secured  the  road  that  led  to 
the  palace,  and  to  the  top  of  the  hill  from 
the  west,  there  was  a  certain  eminency  of 
the  rock,  very  broad  and  very  prominent, 
but  300  cubits  beneath  the  highest  part 
of  Massada;  it  was  called  the  White  Pro- 
montory. Accordingly,  he  got  upon  that 
part  of  the  rock,  and  ordered  the  army 
to  briug  earth ;  and  when  they  fell  to  that 
work  with  alacrity,  and  abundance  of  them 
together,  the  bank  was  raised,  and  became 
solid  for  200  cubits  in  height.  Yet  was 
not  this  bank  thought  sufficiently  high  for 
the  use  of  the  engines  that  were  to  be  set 
upon  it;  but  still  another  elevated  work, 
of  great  stoues  compacted  together,  was 
raised  upon  that  bank  :  this  was  fifty  cu- 
bits, both  in  breadth  and  height.  The 
other  machines  that  were  now  got  ready 
were  like  to  those  that  had  been  first  de- 
vised by  Vespasian,  and  afterward  by 
Titus,  for  sieges. 

There  was  also  a  tower  made  of  the 
height  of  sixty  cubits,  and  all  over  plated 
with  iron,  out  of  which  the  llomans  threw 
darts  and  stones  from  the  engines,  and 
soon  made  those  that  fought  from  the 
walls  of  the  place  to  retire,  and  would 
not  let  them  lift  up  their  heads  above  the 
works.  At  the  same  time,  Silva  ordered 
that  great  battering-ram  which  he  had 
made,  to  be  brought  thither,  and  to  be 


set  against  the  wall,  and  to  make  frequent 
batteries  against  it.  which,  with  some  dif- 
ficulty, broke  down  a  part  of  the  wall, 
and  <|uite  overthrew  it.  Eowever,  the 
Sicarii  made  haste,  and  presently  built 
another  wall  within  that,  which  should 
not  be  liable  to  the  same  misfortune  from 
the  machines  with  the  other:  it  was  made 
soft  and  yielding,  and  so  was  capable  of 
avoiding  the  terrible  blows  that  affected 
the  other.  It  was  framed  after  the  fol- 
lowing manner  : — They  laid  together  great 
beams  of  wood  lengthways,  one  cl 
the  end  of  another,  and  the  same  way  in 
which  they  were  cut :  there  were  two  of 
these  rows  parallel  to  one  another,  and 
laid  at  such  a  distance  from  each  other  as 
the  breadth  of  the  wall  required,  and 
earth  was  put  into  the  space  between 
those  rows.  Now,  that  the  earth  might 
not  fall  away  upon  the  elevation  of  this 
bank  to  a  greater  height,  they  further  laid 
other  beams  over  across  them,  and  thereby 
bound  those  beams  together  that  lay 
lengthways.  This  work  of  theirs  was 
like  a  real  edifice;  and  when  the  ma- 
chines were  applied,  the  blows  were  weak- 
ened by  its  yielding  ;  and  as  the  materials 
by  such  concussion  were  shaken  closer  to- 
gether, the  pile  by  that  means  became 
firmer  than  before.  When  Silva  saw  this, 
he  thought  it  best  to  endeavour  the  taking 
of  this  wall  by  setting  fire  to  it;  so  he 
gave  order  that  the  soldiers  should  throw 
a  greater  number  of  burning  torches  upon 
it:  accordingly,  as  it  was  chiefly  made  of 
wood,  it  soon  took  fire ;  and  when  it  was 
once  set  on  fire,  its  hollowness  made  that 
fire  spread  to  a  mighty  flame.  Now,  at 
the  very  beginning  of  this  fire,  a  north 
wind  that  then  blew  proved  terrible  to  the 
Romans ;  for,  by  bringing  the  flame 
downward,  it  drove  it  upon  them,  and 
they  were  almost  in  despair  of  success,  as 
fearing  their  machines  would  be  burnt; 
but  after  this,  on  a  sudden,  the  wind 
changed  into  the  south,  as  if  it  were  clone 
by  Divine  Providence;  and  blew  strongly 
the  contrary  way,  and  carried  the  flame 
and  drove  it  against  the  wall,  which  was 
now  on  fire  through  its  entire  thickness. 
So  the  Romans,  having  now  assistance 
from  God,  returned  to  their  camp  with 
jojr,  and  resolved  to  attack  their  enemies 
the  very  next  day;  on  which  occasion 
they  set  their  watch  more  carefully  that 
night,  lest  any  of  the  Jews  should  run 
away  from  them  without  being  discovered. 
However,    neither    did    Eleazar    once 


396 


WARS    OF   THE  JEWS. 


[Buok  VII. 


think  of  flying  away,  nor  would  he  per- 
mit any  one  else  to  do  so  ;  but  when  he 
saw  their  wall  burnt  down  by  the  fire,  and 
could  devise  no  other  way  of  escaping,  or 
room  for  their  further  courage,  and  setting 
before  their  eyes  what  the  Romans  would 
do  to  them,  their  children,  and  their 
wives,  if  they  got  them  into  their  power, 
he  consulted  about  having  them  all  slain. 
Now,  as  he  judged  this  to  be  the  best 
thing  they  could  do  in  their  present  cir- 
cumstances, he  gathered  the  most  cou- 
rageous of  his  companions  together,  and 
encouraged  them  to  take  that  course  by  a 
speech*  which  he  made  to  them  in  the 
manner  following  : — "  Since  we,  long  ago, 
my  generous  friends,  resolved  never  to  be 
servants  to  the  Romans,  nor  to  any  other 
than  to  God  himself,'  who  alone  is  the 
true  and  just  Lord  of  mankind,  the  time 
is  now  come  that  obliges  us  to  make  that 
resolution  true  in  practice.  And  let  us 
not  at  this  time  bring  a  reproach  upon 
ourselves  for  self-contradiction,  while  we 
formerly  would  not  undergo  slavery, 
though  it  were  then  without  danger,  but 
must  now,  together  with  slavery,  choose 
such  punishments  also  as  are  intolerable  : 
I  mean  this  upon  the  supposition  that  the 
Romans  once  reduce  us  under  their  power 
while  we  are  alive.  We  were  the  very 
first  that  revolted  from  them,  aud  we  are 
the  last  that  fight  against  them ;  and  I 
cannot  but  esteem  it  as"  a  favour  that  God 
hath  granted  us,  that  it  is  still  in  our 
power  to  die  bravely,  and  in  a  state  of 
freedom,  which  hath  not  been  the  case  of 
others,  who  were  conquered  unexpectedly. 
It  is  very  plain  that  we  shall  be  taken 
within  a  day's  time ;  but  it  is  still  an  eli- 
gible thing  to  die  after  a  glorious  manner, 
together  with  our  dearest  friends.  This 
is  what  our  enemies  themselves  cannot  by 
any  means  hinder,  although  they  be  very 
desirous  to  take  us  alive.  Nor  can  we  pro- 
pose to  ourselves  any  more  to  fight  them 
and  beat  them.  It  had  been  proper,  in- 
deed, for  us  to   have  conjectured  at  the 


*  These  speeches  introduced,  under  the  person 
of  Eleazar,  are  exceeding  remarkable,  and  on  the 
noblest  subjects,  the  contempt  of  death,  and  the 
dignity  and  immortality  of  the  soul;  and  that  not 
only  among  the  Jews,  but  among  the  Indians  them- 
selves also;  and  are  worthy  an  attentive  perusal. 
It  seems  that  the  philosophic  lady  who  survived 
(see  chap,  ix.)  remembered  the  substance  of  these 
discourses,  as  spoken  by  Eleazar,  and  so  Josephus 
clothed  them  in  his  own  words  :  as  they  contain  the 
Jewish  notions  on  this  subject,  as  understood  by 
Josephus,  they  cannot  but  deserve  a  suitable  regard 
at  the  present  day. 


purpose  of  God  much  sooner,  and  at  the 
very  first,  when  we  were  so  desirous 
of  defending  our  liberty,  and  when  we 
received  such  sore  treatment  from  one  an- 
other, and  worse  treatment  from  our  ene- 
mies, and  to  have  been  sensible  that  the 
same  God,  who  had  of  old  taken  the  Jew- 
ish nation  into  his  favour,  had  now  con- 
demned them  to  destruction ;  for  had  he 
either  continued  favourable,  or  been  but 
in  a  lesser  degree  displeased  with  us,  he 
had  not  overlooked  the  destruction  of  so 
many  men,  or  delivered  his  most  holy  city 
to  be  burnt  and  demolished  by  our  ene- 
mies. To  be  sure,  we  weakly  hoped  to 
have  preserved  ourselves,  and  ourselves 
alone,  still  in  a  state  of  freedom,  as  if  we 
had  been  guilty  of  no  sins  ourselves 
against  God,  nor  been  partners  with  those 
of  others ;  we  also  taught  other  men  to 
preserve  their  liberty.  Wherefore,  con- 
sider how  God  hath  convinced  us  that  our 
hopes  were  in  vain,  by  bringing  such  dis- 
tress upon  us  in  the  desperate  state  we 
are  now  in,  and  which  is  beyond  all  our 
expectations ;  for  the  nature  of  this  for- 
tress, which  was  in  itself  unconquerable, 
hath  not  proved  a  means  of  our  deliver- 
ance; and  even  while  we  have  still  great 
abundance  of  food,  and  a  great  quantity 
of  arms,  and  other  necessaries  more  than 
we  want,  we  are  openly  deprived  by  God 
himself  of  all  hopes  of  deliverance ;  for 
that  fire  which  was  driven  upon  our  ene- 
mies did  not,  of  its  own  accord,  turn  back 
upon  the  wall  which  we  had  built :  this 
was  the  effect  of  God's  anger  against  us 
for  our  manifold  sins,  which  we  have 
been  guilty  of  in  a  most  insolent  and  ex- 
travagant manner  with  regard  to  our  own 
countrymen ;  the  punishments  of  which 
let  us  not  receive  from  the  Romans,  but 
from  God  himself,  as  executed  by  our  own 
hands,  for  these  will  be  more  moderate 
than  the  other.  Let  our  wives  die  before 
they  are  abused,  and  our  children  before 
they  have  tasted  of  slavery;  and,  after  we 
have  slain  them,  let  us  bestow  that  glo- 
rious benefit  upon  one  another  mutually, 
and  preserve  ourselves  in  freedom,  as  an 
excellent  funeral  monument  for  us.  But 
first  let  us  destroy  our  money  and  the  for- 
tress by  fire ;  for  I  am  well  assured  that 
this  will  be  a  great  grief  to  the  Romans, 
that  they  shall  not  be  able  to  seize  upon 
our  bodies,  and  shall  fail  of  our  wealth 
also  :  and  let  us  spare  nothing  but  our 
provisions ;  for  they  will  be  a  testimonial 
when  we  are  dead  that  we  were  not  subdued 


Chap.  VIII.] 


WARS   OF  THE   JEWS. 


397 


for  want  of  necessaries;  but  that,  accord- 
ing to  our  original  resolution,  we  have 
preferred  death  before  slavery." 

This  was  Eleazar's  speech  to  them. 
Yet  did  not  the  opinion  of  all  the  auditors 
acquiesce  therein;  but,  although  some  of 
them  were  very  zealous  to  put  his  advice 
in  practice,  and  were  in  a  manner  filled 
with  pleasure  at  it,  and  thought  death  to 
be  a  good  thing,  yet  had  those  that  were 
most  effeminate  a  commiseration  for  their 
wives  and  families ;  and  when  these  men 
were  especially  moved  by  the  prospect  of 
their  own  certain  death,  they  looked  wist- 
fully at  one  another,  and  by  the  tears  that 
were  in  their  eyes,  declared  their  dissent 
from  his  opinion.  When  Eleazar  saw 
these  people  in  such  fear,  and  that  their 
souls  were  dejected  at  so  prodigious  a  pro- 
posal, he  was  afraid  lest,  perhaps,  these 
effeminate  persons  should,  by  their  la- 
mentations and  tears,  enfeeble  those  that 
heard  what  he  had  said  courageously ;  so 
he  did  not  leave  off  exhorting  them,  but 
stirred  up  himself,  and,  recollecting  pro- 
per arguments  for  raising  their  courage, 
he  undertook  to  speak  more  briskly  and 
fully  to  them,  and  that  concerning  the 
immortality  of  the  soul.  So  he  made  a 
lamentable  groan,  and  fixing  his  eyes  in- 
tently on  those  that  wept,  he  spake  thus  : 
"  Truly,  I  was  greatly  mistaken  when  I 
thought  to  be  assisting  to  brave  men  who 
struggled  hard  for  their  liberty,  and  to 
such  as  were  resolved  either  to  live  with 
honour,  or  else  to  die;  but  I  find  that 
you  are  such  people  as  are  no  better  than 
others,  either  in  virtue  or  in  courage,  and 
are  afraid  of  dying,  though  you  be  deli- 
vered thereby  from  the  greatest  miseries, 
while  you  ought  to  make  no  delay  in  this 
matter,  nor  to  await  any  one  to  give  you 
good  advice;  for  the  laws  of  our  country, 
and  of  God  himself,  have,  from  ancient 
times,  and  as  soon  as  ever  we  could  use 
our  reason,  continually  taught  us,  and 
our  forefathers  have  corroborated  the  same 
doctrine  by  their  actions  and  by  their 
bravery  of  mind,  that  it  is  life  that  is  a 
calamity  to  men,  and  not  death ;  for 
this  last  affords  our  souls  their  liberty, 
and  sends  them  by  a  removal  into  their 
own  place  of  purity,  where  they  are  to  be 
insensible  of  all  sorts  of  misery;  for, 
while  souls  are  tied  down  to  a  mortal  body, 
they  are  partakers  of  its  miseries ;  and 
really  to  speak  the  truth,  they  are  them- 
selves dead;  for  the  union  of  what  is  di- 
vine to  what  is  mortal,  is  disagreeable.  It 
3  K 


is  true,  the  power  of  the  soul  is  great, 
even  when  it  is  imprisoned  in  a  mortal 
body;  for  by  moving  it  after  a  way  that 
is  invisible,  it  makes  the  body  a  sensible 
instrument,  and  causes  it  to  advance  far- 
ther in  its  actions  than  mortal  nature 
could  otherwise  do.  However,  when  it  is 
freed  from  that  weight  which  draws  it 
down  to  the  earth,  and  is  connected  with 
it,  it  obtains  its  own  proper  place,  and 
does  then  become  a  partaker  of  that 
blessed  power,  and  those  abilities,  which 
are  then  every  way  incapable  of  being 
hindered  in  their  operations.  It  conti- 
nues invisible,  indeed,  to  the  eyes  of  men, 
as  does  God  himself;  for  certainly  it  is 
not  itself  seen,  while  it  is  in  the  body; 
for  it  is  there  after  an  invisible  manner, 
and,  when  it  is  freed  from  it,  it  is  still  not 
seen.  It  is  this  soul  which  hath  one  na- 
ture, and  that  an  incorruptible  one  also; 
but  yet  is  it  the  cause  of  the  change  that 
is  made  in  the  body  ;  for  whatsoever  it 
be  which  the  soul  touches,  that  lives  and 
flourishes ;  and  from  whatsoever  it  is  re- 
moved, that  withers  away  and  dies  :  such 
a  degree  is  there  in  it  of  immortality. 
Let  me  produce  the  state  of  sleep  as  a 
most  evident  demonstration  of  the  truth 
of  what  I  say;  wherein  souls,  when  the 
body  does  not  distract  them,  have  the 
sweetest  rest  depending  on  themselves, 
and  conversing  with  God,  by  their  alliance 
to  him ;  they  then  go  everywhere,  and  ' 
foretell  many  futurities  beforehand  :  and 
why  are  we  afraid  of  death,  while  we  are 
pleased  with  the  rest  that  we  have  in 
sleep  ?  and  how  absurd  a  thing  is  it  to 
pursue  after  liberty  while  we  are  alive, 
and  yet  to  envy  it  to  ourselves  where  it 
will  be  eternal  !  We,  therefore,  w7ho  have 
been  brought  up  in  a  discipline  of  our 
own,  ought  to  become  an  example  to 
others  of  our  readiness  to  die ;  yet,  if  we 
do  not  stand  in  need  of  foreigners  to  sup- 
port us  in  this  matter,  let  us' regard  those 
Iudians  who  profess  the  exercise  of  phi- 
losophy ;  for  these  good  men  do  but  un- 
willingly undergo  the  time  of  life,  and 
look  upon  it  as  a  necessary  servitude,  and 
make  haste  to  let  their  souls  loose  from 
their  bodies ;  nay,  when  no  misfortune 
presses  them  to  it,  nor  drives  them  upon 
it,  these  have  such  a  desire  of  a  life  of 
iin mortality,  that  they  tell  other  men  be- 
forehand that  they  are  about  to  depart ; 
and  nobody  hinders  them,  but  every  one 
thinks  them  happy  men,  and  gives  them 
letters    to    be    carried    to    their    familiar 


398 


WARS   OF  THE  JEWS. 


[Book  VII. 


friends  [that  are  dead] ;  so  firmly  and 
certainly  do  they  believe  that  souls  con- 
verse with  one  another  [in  the  other 
world].  So  when  these  men  have  heard 
all  such  commands  that  were  to  be  given 
them,  they  deliver  their  body  to  the  fire ; 
and,  in  order  to  their  getting  their  soul  a 
separation  from  the  body,  in  the  greatest 
purity,  they  die  in  the  midst  of  hymns  of 
commendations  made  to  them ;  for  their 
dearest  friends  conduct  them  to  their 
death  more  readily  than  do  any  of  the 
rest  of  mankind  conduct  their  fellow-citi- 
zens when  they  are  going  a  very  long 
journey,  who,  at  the  same  time,  weep  on 
their  own  account,  but  look  upon  the 
others  as  happy  persons,  as  so  soon  to  be 
made  partakers  of  the  immortal  order  of 
beings.  Are  not  we,  therefore,  ashamed  to 
have  lower  notions  than  the  Indians?  and 
by  our  own  cowardice  to  lay  a  base  reproach 
upon  the  laws  of  our  country,  which  are 
so  much  desired  and  imitated  by  all  man- 
kind ?  But  put  the  case  that  we  had 
been  brought  up  under  another  persua- 
sion, and  taught  that  life  is  the  greatest 
good  which  men  are  capable  of,  and  that 
death  is  a  calamity;  however,  the  circum- 
stances we  are  now  in  ought  to  be  an  in- 
ducement to  us  to  beaf  such  calamity 
courageously,  since  it  is  by  the  will  of 
God,  and  by  necessity,  that  we  are  to  die; 
for  it  now  appears  that  God  hath  made 
such  a  decree  against  the  whole  Jewish 
nation,  that  we  are  to  be  deprived  of  this 
life  which  [he  knew]  we  would  not  make 
a  due  use  of;  for  do  not  you  ascribe  the 
occasion  of  your  present  condition  to 
yourselves,  nor  think  the  Romans  are  the 
true  occasion  that  this  war  we  have  had 
with  them  is  become  so  destructive  to  us 
all :  these  things  have  not  come  to  pass 
by  their  power,  but  a  more  powerful  cause 
hath  intervened,  and  made  us  afford  them 
an  occasion  of  their  appearing  to  be  con- 
querors over  us.  What  Horn  an  weapons, 
I  pray  you,  were  those  by  which  the  Jews 
of  Cesarea  were  slain  ?  On  the  contrary, 
when  they  were  noway  disposed  to  rebel, 
but  were  all  the  while  keeping  their  se- 
venth-day festival,  and  did  not  so  much 
as  lift  up  their  hands  against  the  citizens 
of  Cesarea,  yet  did  those  citizens  run  upon 
them  in  great  crowds,  and  cut  their 
throats,  and  the  throats  of  their  wives 
and  children,  and  this  without  any  regard 
to  the  Romans  themselves,  who  never 
took  us  for  their  enemies,  till  we  revolted 
from  them.     But  some  may  be  ready  to 


say,  that  truly  the  people  of  Cesarea  had 
always  a  quarrel  against  those  that  lived 
among  them,  and  that  when  an  opportu- 
nity offered  itself,  they  only  satisfied  the 
old  rancour  they  had  against  them.  What 
then  shall  we  say  to  those  of  Scythopolis, 
who  ventured  to  wage  war  with  us  on  ac- 
count of  the  Greeks  ?  Nor  did  they  do 
it  by  way  of  revenge  upon  the  Romans, 
when  they  acted  in  concert  with  our  coun- 
trymen. Wherefore,  you  see  how  little 
our  good-will  and  fidelity  to  them  profited 
us,  while  they  were  slain,  they  and  their 
whole  families,  after  the  most  inhuman 
manner,  which  was  all  the  requital  that 
was  made  them  for  the  assistance  they  had 
afforded  the  others ;  for  that  very  same 
destruction  which  they  had  prevented 
from  falling  upon  the  others,  did  they 
suffer  themselves  from  them,  as  if  they 
had  been  ready  to  be  the  actors  against 
them.  It  would  be  too  long  for  me  to 
speak  at  this  time  of  every  destruction 
brought  upon  us  :  for  you  cannot  but 
know,  that  there  was  not  any  one  Syrian 
city  which  did  not  slay  their  Jewish  in- 
habitants, and  were  not  more  bitter  enemies 
to  us  than  were  the  Romans  themselves  : 
nay,  even  those  of  Damascus,  when  they 
were  able  to  allege  no  tolerable  pretence 
against  us,  filled  their  city  with  the  most 
barbarous  slaughter  of  our  people,  and 
cut  the  throats  of  18,000  Jews,  with  their 
wives  and  children.  And  as  to  the  mul- 
titude of  those  that  were  slain  in  Egypt, 
and  that  with  torments  also,  we  have  been 
informed  they  were  more  than  60,000 ; 
those,  indeed,  being  in  a  foreign  country, 
and  so  naturally  meeting  with  nothing  to 
oppose  against  their  enemies,  were  killed 
in  the  manner  before  mentioned.  As  for 
all  those  of  us  who  have  waged  war 
against  the  Romans  in  our  own  country, 
had  we  not  sufficient  reason  to  have  sure 
hopes  of  victory  ?  For  we  had  arms  and 
walls  and  fortresses  so  prepared  as  not  to 
be  easily  taken,  and  courage  not  to  be 
moved  by  any  dangers  in  the  cause  of 
liberty,  which  encouraged  us  all  to  revolt 
from  the  Romans.  But  then  these  ad- 
vantages sufficed  us  but  for  a  short  time, 
and  only  raised  our  hopes,  while  they 
really  appeared  to  be  the  origin  of  our 
miseries ;  for  all  we  had  hath  been  taken 
from  us,  and  all  hath  fallen  under  our 
enemies,  as  if  these  advantages  were  only 
to  render  their  victory  over  us  the  more 
glorious,  and  were  not  disposed  for  the 
preservation  of  those  by  whom  these  pre- 


CiiAr.  IX.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


390 


parations  were  made.  And,  as  for  those 
that  are  already  dead  in  the  war,  it  is  rea- 
sonable we  should  esteem  them  blessed,  for 
they  are  dead  in  defending,  and  not  in 
betraying  their  liberty ;  but  as  to  the 
multitude  of  those  that  are  now  under  the 
Romans,  who  would  not  pit}-  their  condi- 
tion ?  and  who  would  not  make  haste  to  die, 
before  he  would  suffer  the  same  miseries 
with  them?  Some  of  them  have  been  put 
upon  the  rack,  and  tortured  with  fire  and 
whippings,  and  so  died.  Some  have  been 
half  devoured  by  wild  beasts,  and  yet 
have  been  reserved  alive  to  be  devoured 
by  them  a  second  time,  in  order  to  afford 
laughter  and  sport  to  our  enemies ;  and 
such  of  those  as  are  alive  still,  are  to  be 
looked  on  as  the  most  miserable,  who,  be- 
ing so  desirous  of  death,  could  not  come 
at  it.  And  where  is  now  that  great  city, 
the  metropolis  of  the  Jewish  nation,  wbich 
was  fortified  by  so  many  walls  round 
about,  which  had  so  many  fortresses  and 
large  towers  to  defend  it,  which  could 
hardly  contain  the  instruments  prepared 
for  the  war,  and  which  had  so  many  ten 
thousands  of  men  to  fight  for  it  ?  Where 
is  this  city  that  was  believed  to  have  God 
himself  inhabiting  therein  ?  It  is  now 
demolished  to  the  very  foundations ;  and 
hath  nothing  but  that  monument  of  it 
preserved.  I  mean  the  camp  of  those 
that  have  destroyed  it,  which  still  dwells 
upon  its  ruins ;  some  unfortunate  old  men 
also  lie  upon  the  ashes  of  the  temple,  and 
a  few  women  are  there  preserved  alive  by 
the  enemy  for  our  bitter  shame  and  re- 
proach.. Now,  who  is  there  that  revolves 
these  things  in  his  mind,  and  yet  is  able 
to  bear  the  sight  of  the  sun,  though  he 
might  live  out  of  danger  ?  Who  is  there 
so  much  his  country's  enemy,  or  so  un- 
manly, and  so  desirous  of  living,  as  not 
to  repent  that  he  is  still  alive  ?  And  I 
cannot  but  wish  that  we  had  all  died 
before  we  had  seen  that  holy  city  demo- 
lished by  the  hands  of  our  enemies,  or 
the  foundations  of  our  holy  temple  dug 
up  after  so  profane  a  manner.  But  since 
we  had  a  generous  hope  that  deluded  us, 
as  if  we  might,  perhaps,  have  been  able 
to  avenge  ourselves  on  our  enemies  on  that 
account,  though  it  be  now  become  vanity, 
and  hath  left  us  alone  in  this  distress,  let 
us  make  haste  to  die  bravely.  Let  us 
pity  ourselves,  our  children,  and  our 
wives,  while  it  is  in  our  power  to  show 
pity  to  them ;  for  we  are  born  to  die,  as 
well  as  those  were  whom  we  have  begot- 


ten j*  nor  is  it  in  the  power  of  the  most 
happy  of  our  race  to  avoid  it.  But  for 
abuses  and  slavery,  and  the  sight  of  our 
wives  led  away  after  an  ignominious  man- 
ner, with  their  children,  these  are  not 
such  evils  as  are  natural  and  necessary 
among  men  ;  although  such  as  do  not  pre- 
fer death  before  those  miseries,  when  it  is 
in  their  power  so  to  do,  must  undergo  even 
them,  on  account  of  their  own  cowardice. 
We  revolted  from  the  Ilomans  with  great 
pretensions  to  courage  ;  and  when,  at  the 
very  last,  they  invited  us  to  preserve  our- 
selves, we  would  not  comply  with  them. 
Who  will  not,  therefore,  believe  that  they 
will  certainly  be  in  a  rage  at  us,  iu  case 
they  can  take  us  alive  ?  Miserable  wfill 
then  be  the  young  men,  who  will  be 
strong  enough  in  their  bodies  to  sustain 
many  torments  !  miserable  also  will  bo 
those  of  elder  years,  who  will  not  be  able 
to  bear  those  calamities  which  young  men 
might  sustain  !  One  man  will  be  obliged 
to  hear  the  voice  of  his  son  imploring 
help  of  his  father,  when  his  hands  are 
bound  !  But  certainly  our  hands  are  still 
at  liberty,  and  have  a  sword  in  them  : 
let  them  then  be  subservient  to  us  in 
our  glorious  design ;  let  us  die  before  we 
become  slaves  under  our  enemies,  and  let 
us  go  out  of  the  world,  together  with  our 
children  and  our  wives,  in  a  state  of  free- 
dom. This  it  is  that  our  laws  command 
us  to  do ;  this  it  is  that  our  wives  and 
children  crave  at  our  hands;  nay;  God 
himself  hath  brought  this  necessity  upon 
us ;  while  the  Ilomans  desire  the  contrary, 
and  are  afraid  lest  any  of  us  should  die 
before  we  are  taken.  Let  us,  therefore, 
make  haste,  and  instead  of  affording  them 
so  much  pleasure,  as  they  hope  for  in  get- 
ting us  under  their  power,  let  us  leave 
them  an  example,  which  shall  at  once 
cause  their  astonishment  at  our  death,  and 
their  admiration  of  our  hardiness  therein." 


CHAPTER  IX 

The  inhabitants  of  the  fortress,  at  the  instigation 
of  Eleazar,  destroy  each  other. 

Now,  as  Eleazar  was  proceeding  on  in 
this  exhortation,  they  all  cut  him  off  short, 
and  made  haste  to  do  the  work,  as  full  of 
an  unconquerable  ardour  of  mind,  and 
moved  with  a  demoniacal  fury.  So  they 
went  their  ways,  as  one  still  endeavouring 
to  be  before  another,  and  as  thinking  that 

*  Roland  here  sets  down  a  parallel  aphorism  of 
one  of  the  Jewish  rabbins,  "  We  are  born  that  we 
may  die,  and  die  that  we  may  live." 


400 


WARS  OF   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VII- 


this  eagerness  would  be  a  demonstration 
of  their  courage  and  good  conduct,  if  they 
could  avoid  appearing  in  the  last  class: 
so  great  was  the  zeal  they  were  in  to  slay 
their  wives  and  children,  and  themselves 
also !  Nor,  indeed,  when  they  came  to 
the  work  itself,  did  their  courage  fail 
them,  as  one  might  imagine  it  would  have 
done ;  but  they  then  held  fast  the  same 
resolution,  without  wavering,  which  they 
had  upon  the  hearing  of  Eleazar's  speech, 
while  yet  every  one  of  them  still  retained 
the  natural  passion  of  love  to  themselves 
and  their  families,  because  the  reasoning 
they  went  upon  appeared  to  them  to  be 
very  just,  even  with  regard  to  those  that 
were  dearest  to  them;  for  the  husbands 
tenderly  embraced  their  wives,  and  took 
their  children  into  their  arms,  and  gave 
the  longest  parting  kisses  to  them,  with 
tears  in  their  eyes.  Yet  at  the  same  time 
did  they  complete  what  they  had  resolved 
on,  as  if  they  had  been  executed  by  the 
hands  of  strangers,  and  they  had  nothing 
else  for  their  comfort  but  the  necessity 
they  were  in  of  doing  this  execution,  to 
avoid  that  prospect  they  had  of  the  mise- 
ries they  were  to  suffer  from  their  enemies. 
Nor  was  there  at  length  any  one  of  these 
men  found  that  scrupled  to  act  their  part 
in  this  terrible  execution,  but  every  one 
of  them  despatched  his  dearest  relations. 
Miserable  men  indeed  were  they !  whose 
distress  forced  them  to  slay  their  own 
wives  and  children  with  their  own  hands, 
as  the  lightest  of  those  evils  that  were  be- 
fore them.  So  .they  being  not  able  to 
bear  the  grief  they  were  under  for  what 
they  had  done  any  longer,  and  esteeming 
it  an  injury  to  those  they  had  slain,  to 
live  even  the  shortest  space  of  time  after 
them,  they  presently  laid  all  they  had 
in  a  heap,  and  set  fire  to  it.  They  then 
chose  ten  men  by  lot  out  of  them,  to  slay 
all  the  rest ;  every  one  of  whom  laid  him- 
self down  by  his  wife  and  children  on  the 
ground,  and  threw  his  arms  about  them, 
and  they  offered  their  necks  to  the  stroke 
of  those  who  by  lot  executed  that  melan- 
choly office:  and  when  these  ten  had, 
without  fear,  slain  them  all,  they  made 
the  same  rule  for  casting  lots  for  them- 
selves, that  he  whose  lot  it  was,  should 
first  kill  the  other  nine,  and,  after  all, 
should  kill  himself.  Accordingly,  all 
these  had  courage  sufficient  to  be  noway 
behind  one  another  in  doing  or  suffering; 
so  for  a  conclusion,  the  nine  offered  their 
necks  to  the  executioner,  and  he,  who  was 


the  last  of  all,  took  a  view  of  all  the  other 
bodies,  lest  perchauce  some  or  other 
among  so  many  that  were  slain  should 
want  his  assistance  to  be  quite  despatched; 
and  when  he  perceived  that  they  were  all 
slain,  he  set  fire  to  the  palace,  and  with 
the  great  force  of  his  hand  ran  his  sword 
entirely  through  himself,  and  fell  down 
dead  near  to  his  own  relations.  So  these 
people  died  with  this  intention,  that  they 
would  leave  not  so  much  as  one  soul 
among  them  all  alive  to  be  subject  to  the 
Romans.  Yet  was  there  an  ancient  wo- 
man, and  another  who  was  of  kin  to  Elea- 
zar,  and  superior  to  most  women  in  pru- 
dence and  learning,  with  five  children,  who 
had  concealed  themselves  in  caverns  un- 
der ground,  and  had  carried  water  thither 
for  their  drink,  and  were  hidden  there 
when  the  rest  were  intent  upon  the  slaugh- 
ter of  one  another.  Those  others  were  960 
in  number,  the  women  and  children  being 
withal  included  in  that  computation.  This 
calamitous  slaughter  was  made'  on  the  fif- 
teenth day  of  the  month  Xanthicus  [Nisan]. 
Now  for  the  Romans,  they  expected 
that  they  should  be  fought  in  the  morning, 
when,  accordingly,  they  put  on  their  ar- 
mour, and  laid  bridges  of  planks  upon 
their  ladders  from  their  banks,  to  make  an 
assault  upon  the  fortress,  which  they  did ; 
but  saw  nobody  as  an  en'emy,  but  a  terri- 
ble solitude  on  every  side,  with  a  fire 
within  the  place,  as  well  as  a  perfect 
silence.  So  they  were  at  a  loss  to  guess 
at  what  had  happened.  At  length  they 
made  a  shout,  as  if  it  had  been  at  a  blow 
given  by  the  battering-ram,  to  try  whether 
they  could  bring  any  one  out  that  was 
within;  the  women  heard  this  noise  and 
came  out  of  their  underground  cavern,  and 
informed  the  Romans  what  had  been  done, 
as  it  was  done;  and  the  second  of  them 
clearly  described  all,  both  what  was  said 
and  what  was  done,  and  the  manner  of  it; 
yet  did  they  not  easily  give  their  attention 
to  such  a  desperate  undertaking,  and  did 
not  believe  it  could  be  as  they  said ;  they 
also  attempted  to  put  the  fire  out,  and 
quickly  cutting  themselves  a  way  through 
it,  they  came  within  the  palace,  and  so 
met  with  the  multitude  of  the  slain,  but 
could  take  no  pleasure  in  the  fact,  though 
it  were  done  to  their  enemies.  Nor  could 
they  do  other  than  wonder  at  the  courage 
of  their  resolution,  and  the  immovable 
contempt  of  death,  which  so  great  a  num- 
ber of  them  had  shown,  when  they  went 
through  with  such  an  action  as  that  was. 


Chap.  X.] 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


401 


CHAPTER   X. 


The  Sicarii  fleo  to  Alexandria — Destruction  of  the 
Jewish  temple  built  by  Onias. 

When  Massada  was  thus  taken,  the 
general  left  a  garrison  in  the  fortress  to 
keep  it,  and  he  himself  went  away  to 
Cesarea;  for  there  were  now  no  enemies 
left  in  the  country,  it  being  all  overthrown 
by  so  long  a  war.  Yet  did  this  war  afford 
disturbances  and  dangerous  disorders  even 
in  places  very  far  remote  from  Judea;  for 
still  it  came  to  pass  that  many  Jews  were 
slain  at  Alexandria  in  Egypt :  for  as  many 
of  the  Sicarii  as  were  able  to  fly  thither, 
out  of  the  seditious  wars  in  Judea,  were 
not  content  to  have  saved  themselves,  but 
must  needs  be  undertaking  to  make  new 
disturbances,  and  persuaded  many  of  those 
that  entertained  them  to  assert  their 
liberty,  to  esteem  the  Romans  to  be  no 
better  than  themselves,  and  to  look  upon 
God  as  their  only  Lord  and  Master.  But 
when  part  of  the  Jews  of  reputation  op- 
posed them,  they  slew  some  of  them,  and 
with  the  others  they  were  very  pressing  in 
their  exhortations  to  revolt  from  the  Ro- 
mans ;  but  when  the  principal  men  of  the 
senate  saw  what  madness  they  were  come 
to,  they  thought  it  no  longer  safe  for 
themselves  to  overlook  them.  So  they 
got  all  the  Jews  together  to  an  assembly, 
and  accused  the  maduess  of  the  Sicarii, 
and  demonstrated  that  they  had  been  the 
authors  of  all  the  evils  that  had  come  upon 
them.  They  said  also,  that  "  these  men, 
now  they  were  run  away  from  Judea,  hav- 
ing no  sure  hope  of  escapiug,  because  as 
soon  as  ever  they  shall  be  known,  they 
will  be  soon  destroyed  by  the  Romans, 
they  come  hither  and  fill  us  full  of  those 
calamities  which  belong  to  them,  while  we 
have  not  been  partakers  with  them  in  any 
of  their  sins."  Accordingly,  they  ex- 
horted the  multitude  to  have  a  care,  lest 
they  should  be  brought  to  destruction  by 
their  means,  and  to  make  their  apology  to 
the  Romans  for  what  had  been  done,  by 
delivering  these  men  up  to  them;  who 
being  thus  apprized  of  the  greatness  of  the 
danger  they  were  in,  complied  with  what 
was  proposed,  and  ran  with  great  violence 
upon  the  Sicarii,  and  seized  upon  them ; 
and,  indeed,  000  of  them  were  caught  im- 
mediately :  but  as  to  all  those  that  fled 
into  Egypt,  and  to  the  Egyptian  Thebes, 
it  was  not  long  ere  they  were  caught  also, 
and  brought  back,  whose  courage,  or 
whether  we  ought  to  call  it  madness,  or 
Vol.  II.— 26 


hardiness  in  their  opinions,  everybody  was 
amazed  at;  for  when  all  sorts  of  torments 
and  vexations  of  their  bodies  that  could 
be  devised  were  made  use  of  to  them,  they 
could  not  get  any  one  of  them  to  comply 
so  far  as  to  confess,  or  seem  to  confess, 
that  Caesar  was  their  lord  ;  but  they  pre- 
served their  own  opinion,  in  spite  of  all 
the  distress  they  were  brought  to,  as  if 
they  received  these  torments  and  the  fire 
itself,  with  bodies  insensible  of  pain,  and 
with  a  soul  that  in  a  manner  rejoiced  un- 
der them.  But  what  was  most  of  all 
astonishing  to  the  beholders,  was  the  cou- 
rage of  the  children;  for  not  one  of  these 
children  was  so  far  overcome  by  these  tor- 
ments, as  to  name  Caesar  for  their  lord. 
So  far  does  the  strength  of  the  courago 
[of  the  soul]  prevail  over  the  weakness  of 
the  body. 

Now  Lupus  did  then  govern  Alexandria, 
who  presently  sent  Caesar  word  of  this 
commotion;  who  having  in  suspicion  the 
restless  temper  of  the  Jews  for  innovation, 
and  being  afraid  lest  they  should  get  to- 
gether again,  and  persuade  some  others  to 
join  with  them,  gave  orders  to  Lupus  to 
demolish  that  Jewish  temple,  which  was 
in  the  region  called  Onion,  and  was  in 
Egypt,  which  was  built  and  had  its  deno- 
mination from  the  occasion  following: 
Onias,  the  son  of  Simon,  one  of  the  Jew- 
ish high  priests,  fled  from  Antiochus,  the 
king  of  Syria,  when  he  made  war  with  the 
Jews,  and  came  to  Alexandria;  and  as 
Ptolemy  received  him  very  kindly  on  ac- 
count of  his  hatred  to  Antiochus,  he  as- 
sured him,  that  if  he  would  comply  with 
his  proposal,  he  would  bring  all  the  Jews 
to  his  assistance ;  and  when  the  king  agreed 
to  do  it  so  far  as  he  was  able,  he  desired 
him  to  give  him  leave  to  build  a  temple 
somewhere  in  Egypt,  and  to  worship  God 
according  to  the  customs  of  his  own  coun- 
try; for  that  the  Jews  would  then  be  so 
much  readier  to  fight  against  Antiochus, 
who  had  laid  waste  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem, and  that  they  would  then  come  to 
him  with  greater  good-will ;  aud  that,  by 
granting  them  liberty  of  conscience,  very 
many  of  them  would  come  over  to  him. 

So  Ptolemy  complied  with  his  proposals, 
and  gave  him  a  place  180  furlongs  distant 
from  Memphis.*     That  Nomos  was  called 


*  Josephus  hero  speaks  of  Antiochus,  who  pro- 
faned the  temple,  as  now  alive,  when  Onias  had 
leave  given  him  by  Philometor  to  build  his  temple; 
whereas  it  seems  not  to  have  been  actually  built 
till  about  fifteen  years  afterward.     Yet,  because  it 


402 


WARS   OP   THE   JEWS. 


[Book  VIx 


the  Nomos  of  Heliopolis,  where  Onias  built 
a  fortress  and  a  temple,  not  like  to  that  at 
Jerusalem,  but  such  as  resembled  a  tower. 
He  built  it  of  large  stones  to  the  height 
of  sixty  cubits;  he  made  the  structure  of 
the  altar  in  imitation  of  that  in  our  own 
country,  and  in  like  manner  adorned  with 
gifts,  excepting  the  make  of  the  candle- 
stick, for  he  did  not  make  a  candlestick, 
but  had  a  [single]  lamp  hammered  out  of 
a  piece  of  gold,  which  illuminated  the 
place  with  its  rays,  and  which  he  hung  by 
a  chain  of  gold;  but  the  entire  temple  was 
encompassed  with  a  wall  of  burnt  brick, 
though  it  had  gates  of  stone.  The  king 
also  gave  him  a  large  country  for  a  revenue 
in  money,  that  both  the  priests  might  have 
a  plentiful  provision  made  for  them,  and 
that  God  might  have  great  abundance  of 
what  things  were  necessary  for  his  worship. 
Yet  did  not  Onias  do  this  out  of  a  sober 
disposition,  but  he  had  a  mind  to  contend 
with  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem,  and  could  not 
forget  the  indignation  he  had  for  being 
banished  thence.  Accordingly,  he  thought 
that  by  building  this  temple  he  should 
draw  away  a  great  number  from  them  to 
limself.  There  had  been  also  a  certain 
incient  prediction  made  by  a  [prophet] 
whose  name  was  Isaiah,  about  600  years 
before,  that  this  temple  should  be  built  by 
a  man  that  was  a  Jew  in  Egypt.  And 
this  is  the  history  of  the  building  of  that 
temple. 

And  now  Lupus,  the  governor  of  Alex- 
andria, upon  the  receipt  of  Caesar's  letter, 
came  to  the  temple  and  carried  out  of  it 
some  of  the  donations  dedicated  thereto, 
and  shut  up  the  temple  itself;  and  as 
Lupus  died  a  little  afterward,  Paulinus 
succeeded  him.  This  man  left  none  of 
these  donations  there,  and  threatened  the 
priests  severely  if  they  did  not  bring  them 
all  out;  nor  did  he  permit  any  who  were 
desirous  of  worshipping  God  there  so  much 
as  to  come  near  the  whole  sacred  place ; 
but  when  he  had  shut  up  the  gates,  he 
made  it  entirely  inaccessible,  insomuch 
that  there  remained  no  longer  the  least 
footsteps  of  auy  divine  worship  that  had 
been  in  that  place.  Now  the  duration 
of  the  time  from  the  building  of  this 
temple  till  it  was  shut  up  again  was  343 
years. 


is  said  that  OnLas  went  to  Philometor,  during  the 
lifetime  of  that  Antiochus,  it  is  probable  he  peti- 
tioned, and  perhaps  obtained  his  leave  then,  though 
it  were  not  actually  built  or  finished  till  fifteen 
years  afterward. 


CHAPTER  XL 

Conclusion. 

And  now  did  the  madness  of  the  Sicarii, 
like  a  disease,  reach  as  far  as  the  cities  of 
Cyrcne ;  for  one  Jonathan,  a  vile  person, 
and  by  trade  a  weaver,  came  thither,  and 
prevailed  with  no  small  number  of  the 
poorer  sort  to  give  ear  to  him  ;  he  also  led 
them  into  the  desert,  upon  promising  them 
that  he  would  show  them  signs  and  appa- 
ritions; and  as  for  the  other  Jews  of 
Cyrene,  he  concealed  his  knavery  from 
them,  and  put  tricks  upon  them;  but  those 
of  the  greatest  dignity  among  them  in- 
formed Catullus,  the  governor  of  the 
Libyan  Pentapolis,  of  his  march  into  the 
desert,  and  of  the  preparations  he  had 
made  for  it.  So  he  sent  out  after  him  both 
horsemen  and  footmen,  and  easily  over- 
came them,  because  they  were  unarmed 
men  :  of  these,  many  were  slain  in  the 
fight,  but  some  were  taken  alive,  and 
brought  to  Catullus.  As  for  Jonathan, 
the  head  of  this  plot,  he  fled  away  at  that 
time ;  but  upon  a  great  and  very  diligent 
search  which  was  made  all  the  country 
over  for  him,  he  was  at  last  taken  ;  and 
when  he  was  brought  to  Catullus,  he  de- 
vised a  way  whereby  he  both  escaped  pu- 
nishment himself,  and  afforded  an  occasion 
to  Catullus  of  doing  much  mischief;  for 
he  falsely  accused  the  richest  men  among 
the  Jews,  and  said  that  they  had  put  him 
upon  what  he  did. 

Now  Catullus  easily  admitted  of  these 
his  calumnies,  and  aggravated  matters 
greatly,  and  made  tragical  exclamations 
that  he  might  also  be  supposed  to  have 
had  a  hand  in  the  finishing  of  the  Jewish 
war;  but  what  was  still  harder,  he  did  not 
only  give  a  too  easy  belief  to  his  stories, 
but  he  taught  the  Sicarii  to  accuse  men 
falsely.  He  bade  this  Jonathau,  there- 
fore, name  one  Alexander,  a  Jew,  (with 
whom  he  had  formerly  had  a  quarrel,  and 
openly  professed  that  he  hated  him;)  he 
also  got  him  to  name  his  wife  Bernice,  as 
concerned  with  him.  These  two  Catullus 
ordered  to  be  slain  in  the  first  place  ;  nay, 
after  them  he  caused  all  the  rich  and 
wealthy  Jews  to  be  slain,  being  no  fewer 
in  all  than  3000.  This,  he  thought,  he 
might  do  safely,  because  he  confiscated 
their  effects,  and  added  them  to  Cassar's 
revenues. 

Nay,  indeed,  lest  any  Jews  that  lived 
elsewhere  should  convict  him  of  his  vil- 
lany,   he  extended  his   false  accusations 


Chap.  XI.] 

further,  and  persuaded  Jonathan,  and  cer- 
tain others  that  were  caught  with  him,  to 
bring  an  accusation  of  attempts  for  inno- 
vation against  the  Jews  that  were  of  the 
best  character,  both  at  Alexandria  and  at 
Rome.  One  of  these,  against  whom  this 
treacherous  accusation  was  laid,  was  Jose- 
phus,  the  writer  of  these  books.  However, 
this  plot,  thus  contrived  by  Catullus,  did 
not  succeed  according  to  his  hopes;  for 
though  he  came  himself  to  Rome,  and 
brought  Jonathan  and  his  companions 
along  with  him  in  bonds,  and  thought  he 
should  have  had  no  further  incpuisition 
made  as  to  those  lies  that  were  forged  un- 
der his  government,  or  by  his  means,  yet 
did  Vespasian  suspect  the  matter,  and 
made  an  inquiry  how  far  it  was  true;  and 
when  he  understood  that  the  accusation 
laid  against  the  Jews  was  an  unjust  one, 
he  cleared  them  of  the  crimes  charged  upon 
them;  and  this,  on  account  of  Titus's  con- 
cern about  the  matter,  and  brought  a  de- 
served punishment  upon  Jonathan ;  for  he 
was  first  tormented  and  then  burnt  alive. 
But  as  to  Catullus,  the  emperors  were 
so  gentle  to  him,  that  he  underwent  no 
severe  condemnation  at  this  time :  yet 
was  it  not  long  before  he  fell  into  a  com- 
plicated and  almost  incurable  distemper, 


WARS   OF   THE   JEWS. 


403 


and  died  miserably.  He  was  not  only 
afflicted  in  body,  but  the  distemper  in  his 
mind  was  more  heavy  upon  him  than  the 
other;  for  he  was  terribly  disturbed,  and 
continually  cried  out,  that  he  saw  the 
ghosts  of  those  whom  he  had  slain  stand- 
ing before  him.  Whereupon  he  was  not 
able  to  contain  himself,  but  leaped  out  of 
his  bed,  as  if  both  torments  and  fire  were 
brought  to  him.  This  his  distemper  grew 
still  a  great  deal  worse  continually,  and 
his  very  entrails  were  so  corroded,  that 
they  fell  out  of  his  body,  and  in  that  con- 
dition he  died.  Thus  he  became  as  great 
an  instance  of  Divine  Providence  as  ever 
was,  and  demonstrated  that  God  punishes 
wicked  men. 

And  here  we  shall  put  an  end  to  this 
our  history;  wherein  we  formerly  pro- 
mised to  deliver  the  same  with  all  accu- 
racy, to  such  as  should  be  desirous  of  un- 
derstanding after  what  manner  this  war 
of  the  Romans  with  the  Jews  was  managed. 
Of  which  history,  how  good  the  style  is, 
must  be  left  to  the  determination  of  the 
readers,  but  for  the  agreement  with  the 
facts,  I  shall  not  scruple  to  say,  and  that 
boldly,  that  truth  hath  been  what  I  have 
alone  aimed  at  through  its  entire  composi- 
tion. 


END  OF  THE  WARS. 


=n 


FLAYIUS  JOSEPHTJS  AGAINST  APION.' 


BOOK  I. 


1  suppose  that,  by  my  books  of  the 
"Antiquities  of  the  Jews,"  most  excel- 
lent Epaphroditus,"}"  I  have  made  it  evi- 
dent to  those  that  peruse  them,  that  our 
Jewish  nation  is  of  very  great  antiquity, 
and  had  a  distinct  subsistence  of  its  own 
originally;  as  also,  I  have  therein  declared 
how  we  came  to  inhabit  this  country 
wherein  we  now  live.  Those  Antiquities 
contain  the  history  of  5000  years,  and  are 
taken  out  of  our  sacred  books;  but  are 
translated  by  me  into  the  Greek  tongue. 
However,  since  I  observe  a  considerable 
number  of  people  giving  ear  to  the  re- 
proaches that  are  laid  against  us  by  those 
who  bear  ill-will  to  us,  and  will  not  believe 
what  I  have  written  concerning  the  anti- 
quity of  our  nation,  while  they  take  it  for 
a  plain  sign  that  our  nation  is  of  a  late 
date,  because  they  are  not  so  much  as 
vouchsafed  a  bare  mention  by  the  most 
famous  historiographers  among  the  Gre- 
cians, I,  therefore,  have  thought  myself 
under   an    obligation    to  write  somewhat 


•  This  first  book  lias  a  wrong  title.  It  is  not 
written  against  Apion,  as  is  the  first  part  of  the  se- 
cond book,  but  against  those  Greeks  in  general  who 
would  not  believe  Josephus's  former  accounts  of  the 
very  ancient  state  of  the  Jewish  nation,  in  his  XX. 
books  of  Antiquities  ;  and  particularly  against  Aga- 
tharchides,  Manetho,  Cheremon,  and  Lysimachus. 
It  is  one  of  the  most  learned,  excellent,  and  useful 
books  of  all  antiquity ;  and  upon  Jerome's  perusal 
of  this  and  the  following  books,  he  declares,  that  it 
seems  to  him  a  miraculous  thing  "  how  one  that 
was  a  Hebrew,  who  bad  been  from  his  infancy 
instructed  in  sacred  learning,  should  be  able 
to  produce  such  a  number  of  testimonies  out  of  pro- 
fane authors,  as  if  he  had  read  over  all  the  Grecian 
libraries."  Manasseh-Ben-Israel  esteemed  these 
two  books  so  excellent,  as  to  translate  them  into 
Hebrew. 

f  Since  Flavius  Josephus  wrote  [or  finished]  his 
books  of  Antiquities  on  the  thirteenth  of  Domitian 
[A.  D.  93],  and  after  that  wrote  the  Memoirs  of  his 
own  Life,  as  an  appendix  to  the  books  of  Antiqui- 
ties, and  at  last  his  two  books  against  Apion,  and 
yet  dedicated  all  those  writings  to  Epaphroditus, 
he  can  hardly  be  that  Epaphroditus  who  was  for- 
merly secretary  to  Nero,  and  was  slain  on  the 
fourteenth  [or  fifteenth]  of  Domitian,  after  he  had 
been  for  a  good  while  in  banishment ;  but  another 
Epaphroditus,  a  freedman,  and  procurator  of  Tra- 
jan, (Luke  i.  3.) 
404 


briefly  about  these  subjects,  in  order  to 
convict  those  that  reproach  us  of  spite  and 
voluntary  falsehood,  and  to  correct  the  ig- 
norance of  others,  and  withal  to  instruct 
all  those  who  are  desirous  of  knowing  the 
truth  of  what  great  antiquity  we  really 
are.  As  for  the  witnesses  whom  I  shall 
produce  for  the  proof  of  what  I  say,  they 
shall  be  such  as  are  esteemed  to  be  of  the 
greatest  reputation  for  truth,  and  the  most 
skilful  in  the  knowledge  of  all  antiquity, 
by  the  Greeks  themselves.  I  will  also 
show,  that  those  who  have  written  so  re- 
proachfully and  falsely  about  us,  are  to  be 
convicted  by  what  they  have  written  them- 
selves to  the  contrary.  I  shall  also  en- 
deavour to  give  an  account  of  the  reasons 
why  it  has  so  happened,  that  there  has  not 
been  a  great  "number  of  Greeks  who  have 
made  mention  of  our  nation  in  their  his- 
tories; I  will,  however,  bring  those  Gre- 
cians to  light  who  have  not  omitted  such 
our  history,  for  the  sake  of  those  that 
either  do  not  know  them,  or  pretend  not 
to  know  them  already. 

And  now,  in  the  first  place,  I  cannot 
but  greatly  wonder  at  those  men  who  sup- 
pose that  we  must  attend  to  none  but 
Grecians,  when  we  are  inquiring  about  the 
most  ancient  facts,  and  must  inform  our- 
selves of  their  truth  from  them  only,  while 
we  must  not  believe  ourselves  nor  other 
men;  for  I  am  convinced,  that  the  very 
reverse  is  the  truth  of  the  case.  I  mean 
this,  if  we  will  not  be  led  by  vain  opinions, 
but  will  make  inquiry  after  truth  from 
facts  themselves;  for  they  will  find,  that 
almost  all  which  concerns  the  Greeks  hap- 
pened not  long  ago;  nay,  one  may  say,  is 
of  yesterday  only.  I  speak  of  the  build- 
ing of  their  cities,  the  inventions  of  their 
arts,  and  the  description  of  their  laws; 
and  as  for  their  care  about  the  writing 
down  of  their  histories,  it  is  very  near  the 
last  thing  they  set  about.  However,  they 
acknowledged  themselves  so  far,  that  they 
were  the  Egyptians,  the  Chaldeans,  and 
the  Phoenicians,  (for  I  will  not  now  reckon 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEHIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


405 


ourselves  among  them,)  that  have  pre- 
Berved  the  memorials  of  the  most  ancient 
and  most  lasting  traditions  of  mankind ; 
for  almost  all  these  nations  inhabit  such 
countries  as  arc  least  subject  to  destruction 
from  the  world  about  them :  and  these  also 
have  taken  especial  care  to  have  nothing 
omitted  of  what  was  [remarkably]  done 
among  them ;  but  their  history  was 
esteemed  sacred,  and  put  into  public  ta- 
bles, as  written  by  men  of  the  greatest 
wisdom  they  had  among  them.  But  as 
for  the  place  where  the  Grecians  inhabit, 
ten  thousand  destructions  have  overtaken 
it,  and  blotted  out  the  memory  of  former 
actions ;  so  that  they  were  ever  beginning 
a  new  way  of  living,  and  supposed  that 
every  one  of  them  was  the  origin  of  their 
new  state.  It  was  also  late,  and  with  dif- 
ficulty, that  they  came  to  know  the  letters 
they  now  usej  for  those  that  would  ad- 
vance their  use  of  these  letters  to  the 
greatest  autiquity,  pretend  that  they 
learned  them  from  the  Phoenicians  and 
from  Cadmus ;  yet  is  nobody  able  to  de- 
monstrate that  they  have  any  writing  pre- 
served from  that  time,  neither  in  their 
temples,  nor  in  any  other  public  monu- 
ments. This  appears,  because  the  time 
when  those  lived  who  went  to  the  Trojan 
war,  so  many  years  afterward,  is  in  great 
doubt,  and  great  inquiry  is  made,  whether 
the  Greeks  used  their  letters  at  that  time ; 
and  the  most  prevailing  opinion,  and  that 
nearest  the  truth  is,  that  the  present  way 
of  using  those  letters  was  unknown  at  that 
time.  However,  there  is  not  any  writing 
which  the  Greeks  agree  to  be  genuine 
among  them  more  ancient  than  Homer's 
poems,*  who  must  plainly  be  confessed 
later  than  the  siege  of  Troy;  nay,  the  re- 
port goes,  that  even  he  did  not  leave  the 
poems  in  writing,  but  that  their  memory 
was  preserved  in  songs,  and  they  were  put 
together  afterward,  and  that  this  is  the 
reason  of  such  a  number  of  variations  as 
are  found  in  them.  As  for  those  who  set 
themselves  about  writing  their  histories,  I 
mean  such  as  Cadmus  of  Miletus,  and 
Acusilaus  of  Argos,  and  any  others  that 
maybe  mentioned  as  succeeding  Acusilaus, 
they  lived  but  a  little  while  before  the 
Persian  expedition  into  Greece.  But  then 
for  those  that  first  introduced  philosophy, 
and  the  consideration  of  things  celestial 


*  Josephus  does  not  say  "  there  was  no  more  an- 
sient  writings  among  the  Greeks  than  Homer's 
poems,"  but  that  they  did  not  fully  own  any  writings 
pretending  to  such  antiquity  as  genuine. 


and  divine  among  them,  such  as  1'hcre- 
cydes  the  Syrian,  aud  Pythagoras,  and 
Thales,  all  with  one  consent  agree  that 
they  learned  what  they  knew  of  the  Egyp- 
tians and  Chaldeans,  and  wrote  but  little. 
Aud  these  are  the  things  which  are  sup- 
posed to  be  the  oldest  of  all  among  the 
Greeks ;  and  they  have  such  ado  to  believe 
that  the  writings  ascribed  to  those  men  are 
genuine. 

How  can  it  then  be  other  than  an  ab- 
surd thing  for  the  Greeks  to  be  so  proud, 
and  to  vaunt  themselves  to  be  the  only 
people  that  are  acquainted  with  antiquity, 
and  that  have  delivered  the  true  accounts 
of  those  early  times  after  an  accurate  man- 
ner !  Nay,  who  is  there  that  cannot 
easily  gather  from  the  Greek  writers 
themselves,  that  they  knew  but  little  on 
any  good  foundation  when  they  set  to 
write,  but  rather  wrote  their  histories  from 
their  own  conjectures  ?  Accordingly,  they 
confute  one  another  in  their  own  books  on 
purpose,  and  are  not  ashamed  to  give  us 
the  most  contradictory  accounts  of  the 
same  things  :  and  I  should  spend  my  time 
to  little  purpose  if  I  should  pretend  to 
teach  the  Greeks  that  which  they  know 
better  than  I  already,  what  a  great  disa- 
greement there  is  between  Hellauicus  and 
Acusilaus  about  their  genealogies ;  in  how 
many  cases  Acusilaus  corrects  Hesiod ;  or 
after  what  manner  Ephorus  demonstrates 
Hellanicus  to  have  told  lies  in  the  greatest 
part  of  his  history ;  as  does  Timeus  in  like 
manner  as  to  Ephorus,  and  the  succeeding 
writers  do  to  Timeus,  and  all  the  latter 
writers  do  to  Herodotus  ;*  nor  could 
Timeus  agree  with  Antiochus  and  Philis- 
tius,  or  with  Callias,  about  the  Sicilian 
history,  no  more  than  do  the  several 
writers  of  the  Atthidse  follow  one  another 
about  the  Athenian  affairs;  nor  do  the 
historians  the  like  that  wrote  the  Argolics, 
about  the  affairs  of  the  Argives.  And 
now  what  need  I  say  auy  more  about  par- 
ticular cities  aud  smaller  places,  while  in 

*  It  well  deserves  to  be  considered,  that  Josephus 
here  says,  that  all  the  following  Greek  historians 
looked  on  Herodotus  as  a  fabulous  author;  aud 
that  Manetho,  the  most  authentic  writer  of  the 
Egyptian  history,  greatly  complains  of  his  mistakes 
in  the  Egyptian  affairs  :  also  that  Strabo,  the  most 
accurate  geographer  and  historian,  esteemed  hiui 
such;  that  Xenophon,  the  much  more  accurate  his- 
torian in  the  affairs  of  Cyrus,  implies  that  Ilcro- 
dotus's  account  of  that  great  man  is  almost  entirely 
romantic.  We  must  not,  therefore,  always  depend 
on  the  authority  of  Herodotus,  where  it  is  unsup- 
ported by  other  evidence,  but  ought  to  compare  the 
other  evidences  with  his,  and,  if  it  prepoudeiaPo, 
to  prefer  it  before  his. 


406 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  1. 


the  most  approved  writers  of  the  expedi- 
tion of  the  Persians,  and  of  the  actions 
which  were  therein  performed,  there  are 
so  great  differences?  Nay,  Thucydidcs 
himself  is  accused  by  some  as  writing  what 
is  false,  although  he  seems  to  have  given 
us  the  most  exact  history  of  the  affairs  of 
his  own  lime. 

As  for  the  occasion  of  so  great  a  disa- 
greement of  theirs,  there  may  be  assigned 
many  that  are  very  probable,  if  any  have 
a  mind  to  make  an  inquiry  about  them ; 
but  I  ascribe  these  contradictions  chiefly  to 
two  causes,  which  I  will  now  mention,  and 
still  think  what  I  shall  mention  in  the 
first  place  to  be  the  principal  of  all.  For 
if  we  remember,  that  in  the  beginning  the 
Greeks  had  taken  no  care  to  have  public 
records  of  their  several  transactions  pre- 
served, this  must  for  certain  have  afforded 
those  that  would  afterward  write  about 
those  ancient  transactions,  the  opportunity 
of  making  mistakes,  and  the  power  of 
making  lies  also ;  for  this  original  record- 
ing of  such  ancient  transactions  hath  not 
only  been  neglected  by  the  other  states  of 
Greece,  but  even  among  the  Athenians 
themselves  also,  who  pretend  to  be  abori- 
gines, and  to  have  applied  themselves  to 
learning,  there  are  no  such  records  extant ; 
nay,  they  say  themselves  that  the  laws  of 
Draco  concerning  murders,  which  are  now 
extant  in  writing,  are  the  most  ancient  of 
their  public  records ;  which  Draco  yet 
lived  but  a  little  before  the  tyrant  Pisis- 
tratus.  For  as  to  the  Arcadians,  who 
•make  such  boasts  of  their  antiquity,  what 
need  I  speak  of  them  in  particular,  since 
it  was  still  later  before  they  got  their  let- 
ters, and  learned  them,  and  that  with  dif- 
ficulty also  ? 

There  must,  therefore,  naturally  arise 
great  differences  among  writers,  when  they 
had  no  original  records  to  lay  for  their 
foundation,  which  might  at  once  inform 
those  who  had  an  inclination  to  learn,  and 
contradict  those  that  would  tell  lies.  How- 
ever, we  are  to  suppose  a  second  occasion, 
besides  the  former,  of  these  contradictions ; 
it  is  this,  that  those  who  were  the  most 
zealous  to  write  history  were  not  solicitous 
for  the  discovery  of  truth,  although  it  was 
very  easy  for  them  always  to  make  such 
a  profession  ;  but  their  business  was  to  de- 
monstrate that  they  could  write  well,  and 
make  an  impression  upon  mankind  there- 
by; and  in  what  manner  of  writing  they 
thought  they  were  able  to  exceed  others, 
to  that  did  they  apply  themselves.     Some 


of  them  betook  themselves  to  the  writing 
of  fabulous  narrations;  some  of  them  en- 
deavoured to  please  the  cities  or  the  kings, 
by  writing  in  their  commendation;  others 
of  them  fell  to  finding  faults  with  transac- 
tions, or  with  the  writers  of  such  transac- 
tions, and  thought  to  make  a  great  figure 
by  so  doing.  And,  indeed,  these  do  what 
is  of  all  things  the  most  contrary  to  true 
history;  for  it  is  the  great  character  of 
true  history,  that  all  concerned  therein, 
both  speak  and  write  the  same  things; 
while  these  men,  by  writing  differently 
about  the  same  things,  think  they  shall  be 
believed  to  write  with  the  greatest  regard 
to  truth.  We,  therefore,  [who  are  Jews,] 
must  yield  to  the  Grecian  writers  as  to 
language  and  eloquence  of  composition; 
but  then  we  shall  give  them  no  such  pre- 
ference as  to  the  verity  of  ancient  history, 
and  least  of  all  as  to  that  part  which  con- 
cerns the  affairs  of  our  several  countries. 

As  to  the  care  of  writing  down  the  re- 
cords from  the  earliest  antiquity  among 
the  Egyptians  and  Babylonians  ;  that  the 
priests  were  intrusted  therewith,  and  em- 
ployed a  philosophical  concern  about  it; 
that  they  were  the  Chaldean  priests  that 
did  so  among. the  Babylonians,  and  that 
the  Phoenicians,  who  were  mingled  among 
the  Greeks,  did  especially  make  use  of 
their  letters,  both  for  the  common  affairs 
of  life,  and  for  the  delivering  down  the 
history  of  common  transactions,  I  think  I 
may  omit  any  proof,  because  all  men  allow 
it  so  to  be  :  but  now  as  to  our  forefathers, 
that  they  took  no  less  care  about  writing 
such  records,  (for  I  will  not  say  they  took 
greater  care  than  the  others  I  spoke  of,) 
and  that  they  committed  that  matter  to 
their  high  priests  and  to  their  prophets, 
and  that  these  records  have  been  written 
all  along  down  to  our  own  times  with  the 
utmost  accuracy, — nay,  if  it  be  not  too 
bold  for  me  to  say  it,  our  history  will  be 
so  written  hereafter, — I  shall  endeavour 
briefly  to  inform  you. 

For  our  forefathers  did  not  only  appoint 
the  best  of  these  priests,  and  those  tkat 
attended  upon  the  divine  worship,  for 
that  design  from  the  beginning,  but  made 
provision  that  the  stock  of  the  priests 
should  continue  unmixed  and  pure ;  for 
he  who  is  partaker  of  the  priesthood  must 
propagate  of  a  wife  of  the  same  nation, 
without  having  auy  regard  to  money,  or 
any  other  dignities;  but  he  is  to  make  a 
scrutiny,  and  take  his  wife's  genealogy 
from  the  ancient  tables,  and  procure  many 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


407 


witnesses  to  it ;  and  this  is  our  practice, 
not  only  in  Judea,  but  wheresoever  any 
body  of  men  of  our  nation  do  live;  and 
even  there,  an  exact  catalogue  of  our 
priests'  marriages  is  kept  ;  I  mean  at 
Egypt  and  at  Babylon,  or  in  any  other 
place  of  the  rest  of  the  habitable  earth, 
whithersoever  our  priests  are  scattered ; 
for  they  send  to  Jerusalem  the  ancient 
names  of  their  parents  in  writing,  as  well 
as  those  of  their  remoter  ancestors,  and 
signify  who  are  the  witnesses  also ;  but 
if  any  war  falls  out,  such  as  have  fallen 
out,  a  great  many  of  them  already,  when 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  made  an  invasion 
upon  our  country,  as  also  when  Pompey 
the  Great  and  Quintilius  Varus  did  so 
also,  and  principally  in  the  wars  that  have 
happened  in  our  own  times,  those  priests 
that  survive  them  compose  new  tables  of 
genealogy  out  of  the  old  records,  and  ex- 
amine the  circumstances  of  the  women 
that  remain ;  for  still  they  do  not  admit 
of  those  that  have  been  captives,  as  sus- 
pecting that  they  had  conversation  with 
some  foreigners  ;  but  what  is  the  strongest 
argument  of  our  exact  management  in  this 
matter  is  what  I  am  now  going  to  say, 
that  we  have  the  names  of  our  high  priests 
from  father  to  son,  set  down  in  our  re- 
cords, for  the  interval  of  2000  years  ;  and 
if  any  one  of  these  have  been  transgressors 
of  these  rules,  they  are  prohibited  to  pre- 
sent themselves  at  the  altar,  or  to  be  par- 
takers of  any  other  of  our  purifications ; 
and  this  is  justly,  or  rather  necessarily 
done,  because  every  one  is  not  permitted 
of  his  own  accord  to  be  a  writer,  nor  is 
there  any  disagreement  in  what  is  written ; 
they  being  only  prophets  that  have  writ- 
ten the  original  and  earliest  accounts  of 
things  as  they  learned  them  of  God  him- 
self by  inspiration ;  and  others  have  writ- 
ten what  hath  happened  in  their  own 
times,  and  that  in  a  very  distinct  manner 
also. 

For  we  have  not  an  innumerable  multi- 
tude of  books  among  us,  disagreeing  from, 
and  contradicting  one  another  [as  the 
Greeks  have],  but  only  twenty-two  books, 
which  contain  the  records  of  all  the 
past  times;  which  are  justly  believed 
to  be  divine  ;  and  of  them  five  belong  to 
Moses,  which  contain  his  laws  and  the 
traditions  of  the  origin  of  mankind  till 
his  death.  This  interval  of  time  was  lit- 
tle short  of  8000  years ;  but  as  to  the 
time  from  the  death  of  Moses  till  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes,  king  of  Persia,  who 


reigned  after  Xerxes,  the  prophets,  who 
were  after  Moses,  wrote  down  what  was 
done  in  their  times  in  thirteen  books. 
The  remaining  four  bonks  contain  hymns 
to  God,  and  precepts  for  the  conduct  of 
human  life.  It  is  true,  our  history 
hath  been  written  since  Artaxerxes  very 
particularly,  but  hath  not  been  esteemed 
of  the  like  authority  with  the  former  by 
our  forefathers,  because  there  hath  not 
been  an  exact  succession  of  prophets  since 
that  time  ;  and  how  firmly  we  have  given 
credit  to  those  books  of  our  own  nation, 
is  evident  by  what  we  do ;  for,  during  so 
many  ages  as  have  already  passed,  no  one 
has  been  so  bold  as  either  to  add  any 
thing  to  them,  to  take  any  thing  from 
them,  or  to  make  any  change  in  them ; 
but  it  becomes  natural  to  all  Jews,  imme- 
diately and  from  their  very  birth,  to  esteem 
those  books  to  contain  divine  doctrines, 
and  to  persist  in  them,  and,  if  occasion 
be,  willingly  to  die  for  them.  For  it  is 
no  new  thing  for  our  captives,  many  of 
them  in  number,  and  frequently  in  time, 
to  be  seen  to  endure  racks  and  deaths  of 
all  kinds  upon  the  theatres,  that  they 
may  not  be  obliged  to  say  one  word 
against  our  laws  and  the  records  that  con- 
tain them ;  whereas  there  are  none  at  all 
among  the  Greeks  who  would  undergo  the 
least  harm  on  that  account,  no,  nor  in 
case  all  the  writings  that  are  among  them 
were  to  be  destroyed ;  for  they  take  them 
to  be  such  discourses  as  are  framed  agree- 
ably to  the  inclinations  of  those  that  write 
them ;  and  they  have  justly  the  same 
opinion  of  the  ancient  writers,  since  they 
see  some  of  the  present  generation  bold 
enough  to  write  about  such.affairs,  wherein 
they  were  not  present,  nor  had  concern 
enough  to  inform  themselves  about  them 
from  those  that  knew  them  ;  examples  of 
which  may  be  had  in  this  late  war  of  ours, 
where  some  persons  have  written  histories, 
and  published  them,  without  having  been 
in  the  places  concerned,  or  having  been 
near  them  when  the  actions  were  done  ; 
but  these  men  put  a  few  things  together 
by  hearsay,  and  insolently  abuse  the 
world,  and  call  these  writings  by  the  name 
of  Histories. 

As  for  myself,  I  have  composed  a  true 
history  of  that  whole  war,  and  all  the 
particulars  that  occurred  therein,  as  hav 
ing  been  concerned  in  all  its  transactions; 
for  I  acted  as  generel  of  those  among  us 
that  are  named  Galileans,  as  long  as  it 
was  possible  for  us  to  make  any  opposi- 


l. 


408 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


[Book  1. 


tion.  I  was  then  seized  on  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  became  a  captive.  Vespasian 
also  and  Titus  had  me  kept  under  a  guard, 
and  forced  me  to  attend  them  continually. 
At  the  first  I  was  put  into  bonds ;  but 
was  set  at  liberty  afterward,  and  sent  to 
accompany  Titus  when  he  came  from 
Alexandria  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem ; 
during  which  time  there  was  nothing  done 
which  escaped  my  knowledge  ;  for  what 
happened  in  the  Roman  camp  I  saw,  and 
wrote  down  carefully;  and  what  informa- 
tions the  deserters  brought  [out  of  the 
city],  I  was  the  only  man  that  understood 
them.  Afterward,  I  got  leisure  at  Rome; 
and  when  all  my  materials  were  prepared 
for  that  work,  I  made  use  of  some  persons 
to  assist  me  in  learning  the  Greek  tongue, 
and  by  these  means  I  composed  the  his- 
tory of  those  transactions ;  and  I  was  so 
well  assured  of  the  truth  of  what  I  re- 
lated, that  I  first  of  all  appealed  to  those 
that  had  the  supreme  command  in  that 
war,  Vespasian  and  Titus,  as  witnesses  for 
me,  for  to  them  I  presented  those  books 
first  of  all,  and  after  them  to  many  of  the 
Romans  who  had  been  in  the  war.  I 
also  sold  them  to  many  of  our  men  who 
understood  the  Greek  philosophy  ;  among 
whom  were  Julius  Archelaus,  Herod 
[king  of  Chalcis],  a  person  of  great  gra- 
vity, and  King  Agrippa  himself,  a  person 
that  deserved  the  greatest  admiration. 
Now,  all  these  men  bore  their  testimony  to 
me,  that  I  had  the  strictest  regard  to  truth ; 
who  yet  would  not  have  dissembled  the  mat- 
ter^ nor  been  silent,  if  I,  out  of  ignorance, 
or  out  of  favour  to  any  side,  either  had 
given  false  colours  to  actions,  or  omitted 
any  of  them. 

There  have  been,  indeed,  some  bad 
men,  who  have  attempted  to  calumniate 
my  history,  and  took  it  to  be  a  kind  of 
scholastic  performance  for  the  exercise 
of  young  men.  A  strange  sort  of  accu- 
sation and. calumny  this!  since  every  one 
that  undertakes  to  deliver  the  history  of 
actions  truly,  ought  to  know  them  accu- 
rately himself  in  the  first  place,  as  either 
having  been  concerned  in  them  himself, 
or  been  informed  of  them  by  such  as 
knew  them.  Now,  both  these  methods 
of  knowledge  I  may  very  properly  pre- 
tend to  in  the  composition  of  both  my 
works;  for,  as  I  said,  I  have  translated 
the  Antiquities  out  of  our  sacred  books ; 
which  I  easily  could  do,  since  I  was  a 
priest  by  my  birth,  and  have  studied  that 
philosophy  which  is    contained  in  those 


writings :  and  as  for  the  History  of  the 
War,  I  wrote  it  as  having  been  an  actor 
myself  in  many  of  its  transactions,  an 
eye-witness  in  the  greatest  part  of  the 
rest,  and  was  not  unacquainted  with  any 
thing  whatsoever  that  was  either  said  or 
done  in  it.  .  How  impudent,  then,  must 
those  deserve  to  be  esteemed,  who  undertake 
to  contradict  me  about  the  true  state  of  af- 
fairs !  who,  although  they  pretend  to  have 
made  use  of  both  the  emperors'  own  me- 
moirs, yet  they  could  not  be  acquainted 
with  our  affairs  who  fought  against  them. 

This  digression  I  have  been  obliged  to 
make,  out  of  necessity,  as  being  desirous 
to  expose  the  vanity  of  those  that  profess 
to  write  histories;  and  I  suppose  I  have 
sufficiently  declared  that  this  custom  of 
transmitting  down  the  histories  of  ancient 
times  hath  been  better  preserved  by  those 
nations  which  are  called  Barbarians,  than 
by  the  Greeks  themselves.  I  am  now 
willing,  in  the  next  place,  to  say  a  few 
things  to  those  who  endeavour  to  prove 
that  our  constitution  is  but  of  late  time, 
for  this  reason,  as  they  pretend,  that  the 
Greek  writers  have  said  nothing  about  us; 
after  which  I  shall  produce  testimonies 
for  our  antiquity  out  of  the  writings  of 
foreigners :  I  shall  also  demonstrate  that 
such  as  cast  reproaches  upon  our  nation 
do  it  very  unjustly. 

As  for  ourselves,  therefore,  we  neither 
inhabit  a  maritime  country,  nor  do  we 
delight  in  merchandise,  nor  in  such  a  mix- 
ture with  other  men  as  arises  from  it;  but 
the  cities  we  dwell  in  are  remote  from  the 
sea,  and  having  a  fruitful  country  for  our 
habitation,  we  take  pains  in  cultivating 
that  only.  Our  principal  care  of  all  is 
this,  to  educate  our  children  well ;  and  we 
thiuk  it  to  be  the  most  necessary  business 
of  our  whole  life,  to  observe  the  laws  that 
have  been  given  us,  and  to  keep  those 
rules  of  piety  that  have  been  delivered 
down  to  us.  Since,  therefore,  besides 
what  we  have  already  taken  notice  of,  we 
have  had  a  peculiar  way  of  living  of  our 
own,  there  was  no  occasion  offered  us  in 
ancient  ages  for  intermixing  among  the 
Greeks,  as  they  had  for  mixing  among 
the  Egyptians,  by  their  intercourse  of  ex- 
porting and  importing  their  several  goods; 
as  they  also  mixed  with  the  Phoenicians, 
who  lived  by  the  seaside,  by  means  of 
their  love  of  lucre  in  trade  and  merchan- 
dise. Nor  did  our  forefathers  betake 
themselves,  as  did  some  others,  to  robbe- 
ry; nor  did  they,  in  order  to  gain  more 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  J03EPHUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


409 


wealth,  fall  into  foreign  wars,  although 
our  eouutry  contained  many  ten  thou- 
sands of  men  of  courage  sufficient  for 
that  purpose;  for  this  reason  it  was  that 
the  Phoenicians  themselves  came  soon  by 
trading  and  navigation  to  be  known  to  the 
Grecians,  and  by  their  means  the  Egyp- 
tians became  known  to  the  Grecians  also, 
as  did  all  those  people  whence  the  Phoeni- 
cians in  long  voyages  over  the  seas  carried 
wares  to  the  Grecians.  The  Medes  also 
and  the  Persians,  when  they  were  lords 
of  Asia,  became  well  known  to  them ;  and 
this  was  especially  true  of  the  Persians, 
who  led  their  armies  as  far  as  the  other 
continent  [Europe].  The  Thracians  were 
also  known  to  them  by  the  nearness  of 
their  countries,  and  Scythians  by  the 
means  of  those  that  sailed  to  Pontus  ;  for 
it  was  so  in  general  that  all  maritime  na- 
tions, and  those  that  inhabited  near  the 
eastern  or  western  seas,  became  most 
known  to  those  that  were  desirous  to  be 
writers ;  but  such  as  had  their  habitations 
farther  from  the  sea,  were,  for  the  most 
part,  unknown  to  them  :  which  things 
appear  to  have  happened  as  to  Europe 
also,  where  the  city  of  Rome,  that  hath 
this  long  time  been  possessed  of  so  much 
power,  and  hath  performed  such  great 
actions  in  war,  is  never  yet  mentioned  by 
Herodotus,  nor  by  Thucydides,  nor  by 
any  one  of  their  contemporaries;  and  it 
was  very  late,  and  with  great  difficulty, 
that  the  Romans  became  known  to  the 
Greeks.  Nay,  those  that  were  reckoned 
the  most  exact  historians  (and  Ephorus 
for  one)  were  so  very  ignorant  of  the 
Gauls  and  the  Spaniards,  that  he  supposed 
the  Spaniards,  who  inhabit  so  great  a  part 
of  the  western  regions  of  the  earth,  to  be 
no  more  than  one  city.  Those  historians 
also  have  ventured  to  describe  such  cus- 
toms as  were  made  use  of  by  them,  which 
they  never  had  either  done  or  said  ;  and 
the  reason  why  these  writers  did  not  know 
the  truth  of  their  affairs,  was  this,  that 
they  had  not  any  commerce  together;  but 
the  reason  why  they  wrote  such  falsities 
was  this,  that  they  had  a  mind  to  appear 
to  know  things  which  others  had  not 
known.  How  can  it  then  be  any  wonder 
if  our  nation  was  no  more  known  to  many 
of  the  Greeks,  nor  had  given  them  any 
occasion  to  mention  them  in  their  writings, 
while  they  were  so  remote  from  the  sea, 
and  had  a  conduct  of  life  so  peculiar  to 
themselves  ? 

Let  us  now  put  the  case,  therefore,  that 


we  made  use  of  this  argument  concerning 
the  Grecians,  in  order  to  prove  that  their 
nation  was  not  ancient,  because  nothing  is 
said  of  them  in  our  records  ;  would  not 
they  laugh  at  us  all,  and  probably  give 
the  same  reasons  for  our  silence  that  1 
have  now  alleged,  and  would  produce 
their  neighbouring  nations  as  witnes 
their  own  antiquity  ?  Now,  the  very 
same  thing  will  I  endeavour  to  do ;  for  I 
will  bring  the  Egyptians  and  the  Phoeni- 
cians as  my  principal  witnesses,  because 
nobody  can  complain  of  their  testimony 
as  false,  on  account  that  they  are  known 
to  have  borne  the  greatest  ill-will  toward 
us  :  I  mean  this  as  to  the  Egyptians,  in 
general  all  of  them,  while  of  the  Phoeni- 
cians, it  is  known  the  Tyrians  have  been 
most  of  ail  in  the  same  ill  disposition  to- 
ward us:  yet  do  I  confess  that  I  cannot 
say  the  same  of  the  Chaldeans,  since  our 
first  leaders  and  ancestors  were  derived 
from  them  ;  and  they  do  make  mention 
of  us  Jews  in  their  records,  on  account 
of  the  kindred  there  is  between  us.  Now, 
when  I  shall  have  made  my  assertions 
good,  so  far  as  coucerus  the  others,  I  will 
demonstrate  that  some  of  the  Greek 
writers  have  made  mention  of  us  Jews 
also,  that  those  who  envy  us  may  not  have 
even  this  pretence  for  contradicting  what 
I  have  said  about  our  nation. 

I  shall  begin  with  the  writings  of  the 
Egyptians ;  not,  indeed,  of  those  that 
have  written  in  the  Egyptian  language, 
which  it  is  impossible  for  me  to  do.  Rut 
Manetho  was  a  man  who  was  by  birth  an 
Egyptian,  yet  had  he  made  himself  mas- 
ter of  the  Greek  learning,  as  is  very  evi- 
dent :  for  he  wrote  the  history  of  his  own 
country  in  the  Greek  tongue,  by  translat- 
ing it,  as  he  saith  himself,  out  of  their 
sacred  records :  he  also  finds  great  fault 
with  Herodotus  for  his  ignorance  and  false 
relations  of  Egyptian  affairs.  Now,  this 
Mauetho,  in  the  second  book  of  his  Egyp- 
tian History,  writes  concerning  us  in  the 
following  manner  :  I  will  set  down  his 
very  words,  as  if  I  were  to  bring  the  very 
man  himself  into  a  court  for  a  witness  : — 
"  There  was  a  king  of  ours,  whose  name 
was  Timaus.  Under  him  it  came  to  pass, 
I  know  not  how,  that  God  was  averse  to 
us,  and  there  came,  after  a  surprising  man- 
ner, men  of  ignoble  birth  out  of  the  east- 
ern parts,  and  had  boldness  enough  to 
make  an  expedition  into  our  country,  and 
with  ease  subdued  it  by  force,  yet  without 
our   hazarding  a  battle  with    them.     So 


410 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  I. 


when  they  had  gotten  those  that  governed 
us  under  their  power,  they  afterward 
burnt  down  our  cities,  and  demolished 
the  temples  of  the  gods,  and  used  all  the 
inhabitants  after  a  most  barbarous  man- 
ner :  nay,  some  they  slew,  and  led  their 
children  and  their  wives  into  slavery.  At 
length  they  made  one  of  themselves  king, 
whose  name  was  Salatis ;  he  also  lived  at 
Memphis,  and  made  both  the  upper  and 
lower  regions  pay  tribute,  and  left  garri- 
sions  in  places  that  were  the  most  proper 
for  them.  He  chiefly  aimed  to  secure  the 
eastern  parts,  as  foreseeing  that  the  Assy- 
rians, who  had  then  the  greatest  power, 
would  be  desirous  of  that  kingdom,  and 
invade  them ;  and  as  he  found  in  the 
Saite  Nomos  [Seth-roite]  a  city  very  pro- 
per for  his  purpose,  and  which  lay  upon 
the  Bubastic  channel,  but  with  regard  to 
a  certain  theologic  notion  was  called  Ava- 
ris,  this  he  rebuilt,  and  made  very  strong 
by  the  walls  he  built  about  it,  and  by  a 
most  numerous  garrison  of  240,000  armed 
men  whom  he  put  into  it  to  keep  it. 
Thither  Salatis  came  in  summer  time, 
partly  to  gather  his  corn,  and  pay  his 
^soldiers  their  wages,  and  partly  to  exercise 
his  armed  men,  and  thereby  to  terrify 
foreigners.  When  this  man  had  reigned 
thirteen  years,  after  him  reigned  another, 
whose  name  was  Beon,  for  forty-four 
years ;  after  him  reigned  another,  called 
Apachnas,  thirty-six  years  and  seven 
months;  after  him  Apophis  reigned  sixty- 
one  years,  and  then  Jonias  fifty  years  and 
one  month ;  after  all  these  reigned  Assis 
forty-nine  years  and  two  months.  And 
these  six  were  the  first  rulers  among  them, 
who  were  all  along  making  war  with  the 
Egyptians,  and  were  very  desirous  gradu- 
ally to  destroy  them  to- the  very  roots. 
This  whole  nation  was  styled  Hycsos, 
that  is,  Shepherd-kings  ;  for  the  first  syl- 
lable, Hyc,  according  to  the  sacred  dialect, 
denotes  a  king,  as  is  Sos  a  shepherd, 
but  this  according  to  the  ordinary  dialect; 
and  of  these  is  compounded  Hycsos  :  but 
some  say  that  these  people  were  Arabians." 
Now,  in  another  copy  it  is  said  that  this 
word  does  not  denote  kings,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  denotes  Captive  Shepherds,  and 
this  on  account  of  the  particle  Hyc  ;  for 
that  Hyc,  with  the  aspiration,  in  the 
Egyptian  tongue,  again  denotes  Shepherds, 
and  that  expressly  also;  and  this  to  me 
seems  the  more  probable  opinion,  and 
more  agreeable  to  ancient  history.  [But 
Manetho     goes     on]  : — "  These    people, 


whom  we  have  before  named  kings,  and 
called  shepherds  also,  and  their  descend- 
ants," as  he  says,  "  kept  possession  of 
Egypt  511  years."  After  these,  he  says, 
"  That  the  kings  of  Thebais  and  of  the 
other  parts  of  Egypt  made  an  insurrec- 
tion against  the  shepherds,  and  that  there 
a  terrible  and  long  war  was  made  between 
them."  He  says  further,  "  That  under 
a  king,  whose  name  was  Alisphragmutho- 
sis,  the  shepherds  were  subdued  by  him, 
and  were  indeed  driven  out  of  other  parts 
of  Egypt,  but  were  shut  up  in  a  place 
that  contained  10,000  acres:  this  place 
was  named  Avaris."  Manetho  says, 
"  That  the  shepherds  built  a  wall  round 
all  this  place,  which  was  a  large  and  strong 
wall,  and  this  in  order  to  keep  all  their 
possessions  and  their  prey  within  a  place 
of  strength,  but  that  Thummosis,  the  son 
of  Alisphragmuthosis,  made  an  attempt  to 
take  them  by  force  and  by  siege,  with 
480,000  men  to  lie  round  about  them; 
but  that  upon  his  despair  of  taking  the 
place  by  that  siege,  they  came  to  a  com- 
position with  them,  that  they  should  leave 
Egypt,  and  go  without  any  harm  to  be 
done  them,  whithersoever  they  would; 
and  that,  after  this  composition  was  made, 
they  went  away  with  their  whole  families 
and  effects,  not  fewer  in  number  than 
240,000,  and  took  their  journey  from 
Egypt,  through  the  wilderness,  for  Syria : 
but  that,  as  they  were  in  fear  of  the  As- 
syrians, who  had  then  the  dominion  over 
Asia,  they  built  a  city  in  that  country, 
which  is  now  called  Judea,  and  that  large 
enough  to  contain  this  great  number  of 
men,  and  called  it  Jerusalem."*  Now 
Manetho,  in  another  book  of  his,  says, 
"  That  this  nation,  thus  called  Shepherds, 
were  also  called  Captives,  in  their  sacred 
books."  And  this  account  of  his  is  the 
truth ;  for  feeding  of  sheep  was  the  em- 
ployment of  our  forefathers  in  the  most 
ancient  ages  ;f  and,  as  they  led  such  a 
wandering  life  in  feeding  sheep,  they  were 
called  Shepherds.  Nor  was  it  without 
reason  that  they  were  called  Captives  by 
the  Egyptians,  since  one  of  our  ancestors, 
Joseph,  told  the  king  of  Egypt  that  he 
was  a  captive,  and  afterward  sent  for  his 
brethren  into  Egypt  by  the  king's  permis- 
sion ;  but,  as  for  these  matters,  I  shall 


*  Here  we  have  an  account  of  the  first  building 
of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  according  to  Manetho, 
when  the  Phoenician  shepherds  were  expelled  out 
of  Egypt,  about  thirty-seven  years  before  Abraham 
came  out  of  Haran. 

f  Gen.  xlvi.  32,  34;  xlvii.  3,  4. 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


Ill 


make  a   more  exact  inquiry  about  them 
elsewhere.* 

But  now  I  shall  produce  the  Egyptians 
as  witnesses  to  the  antiquity  of  our  na- 
tion. I  shall,  therefore,  here  bring  in 
Manetho  again,  and  what  he  writes  as  to 
the  order  of  the  times  in  this  case,  and 
thus  he  speaks: — "When  this  people  or 
shepherds  were  gone  out  of  Egypt  to  Je- 
rusalem, Tethmosis,  the  kiug  of  Egypt, 
who  drove  them  out,  reigned  afterward 
twentj'-five  years  and  four  months,  and 
then  died  ;  after  him  his  son  Chebrou  took 
the  kingdom  for  thirteen  years ;  after  whom 
came  Amenophis,  for  twenty  years  and 
seven  months :  then  came  his  sister 
Amesses,  for  twenty-one  years  and  nine 
months ;  after  her  came  Mephres,  for 
twelve  years  and  nine  months ;  after  him 
was  Mephramuthosis,  for  twenty-five  years 
and  ten  months;  after  him  was  Tethmo- 
this,  for  nine  years  and  eight  months ; 
after  him  came  Amenophis,  for  thirty 
years  and  ten  months;  after  him  came 
Orus,  for  thirty-six  years  and  five  months ; 
then  came  his  daughter  Acenchres,  for 
twelve  years  and  one  month ;  then  was 
her  brother  Rathotis,  for  nine  years ;  then 
was  Acencheres,  for  twelve  years  and  five 
months ;  then  came  another  Acencheres, 
for  twelve  years  and  three  months  ;  after 
him  Armais,  for  four  years  and  one  month; 
after  him  was  Itamesses,  for  one  year  and 
four  months;  after  him  came  Armessus 
Miammoun,  for  sixty-six  years  and  two 
months ;  after  him  Amenophis,  for  nine- 
teen years  and  six  montlis ;  after  him 
came  Sethosis,  and  Rainesses,  who  had  an 
army  of  horse,  and  a  naval  force.  This 
king,  appointed  his  brother  Armais  to  be 
his  deputy  over  Egypt.  [In  another 
copy  it  stood  thus  : — After  him  came 
Sethosis,  and  Harnesses,  two  brethren,  the 
former  of  whom  had  a  naval  force,  and  in 
a  hostile  manner  destroyed  those  that  met 
him  upon  the  sea;  but,  as  he  slew  Ha- 
rnesses in  no  long  time  afterward,  so  he 
appointed  another  of  his  brethren  to  be 
his  deputy  over  Egypt.]  He  also  gave 
him  all  the  other  authority  of  a  king,  but 
with  these  injunctions  only,  that  he 
should  not  wear  the  diadem,  nor  be  inju- 
rious to  the  queen,  the  mother  of  his  chil- 
dren, and  that  he  should  not  meddle  with 
the  other  concubines  of  the  king ;  while 
he  made  an  expedition  against  Cyprus  and 
Phoenicia,  and  besides  against  the  Assy- 


*  This  is  now  wanting. 


rians  and  the  Medes.  He  then  subdued 
them  all,  some  by  his  arms,  some  without 
fighting,  and  some  by  the  terror  of  his 
great  army ;  and  being  puffed  up  by  the 
great  successes  he  had  had,  lie  went  on 
still  the  more  boldly,  and  overthrew  the 
cities  and  countries  that  lay  in  the  eastern 
parts;  but,  after  some  considerable  time, 
Armais,  who  was  left  in  Egypt,  did  all 
those  very  things  by  way  of  opposition, 
which  his  brother  had  forbidden  him  to 
do,  without  fear ;  for  he  used  violence  to 
the  queen,  and  continued  to  make  use  of 
the  rest  of  the  concubines,  without  sparing 
any  of  them;  nay,  at  the  persuasion  of 
his  friends  he  put  on  the  diadem,  and  set 
up  to  oppose  his  brother ;  but  then  he 
who  was  set  over  the  priests  of  Egypt, 
wrote  letters  to  Sethosis,  and  informed  him 
of  all  that  had  happened,  and  how  his 
brother  had  set  up  to  oppose  him  :  he, 
therefore,  returned  back  to  Pelusium  im- 
mediately, and  recovered  his  kingdom 
again.  The  country,  also,  was  called  from 
his  name  Egypt ;  for  Manetho  says  that 
Sethosis  himself  was  called  Egyptus,  as 
was  his  brother  Armais  called  Hauaus." 

This  is  Manetho's  account;  and  evident 
it  is  from  the  number  of  years  by  him 
set  down  belonging  to  this  interval,  if 
they  be  summed  up  together,  that  these 
shepherds,  as  they  are  here  called,  who 
were  no  other  than  our  forefathers,  were 
delivered  out  of  Egypt,  and  came  theuee, 
and  inhabited  this  country  393  years  be- 
fore Danaus  came  to  Argos;  although  the 
Argives  look  upon  him  as  their  most  an- 
cient kiug.  Manetho,  therefore,  bears 
this  testimony  to  two  points  of  the  greatest 
consequence  to  our  purpose,  and  those 
from  the  Egyptian  records  themselves.  In 
the  first  place,  that  we  came  out  of  au- 
other  country  into  Egypt;  aud  that  withal 
our  deliverance  out  of  it  was  so  ancient  in 
time,  as  to  have  preceded  the  siege  of  Troy 
almost  1000  years;  but  then,  as  to  those 
things  which  Manetho  adds,  not  from  the 
Egyptian  records,  but,  as  he  confesses  him- 
self, from  some  stories  of  an  uncertain 
original,  I  will  disprove  them  hereafter 
particularly,  and  shall  demonstrate  that 
they  are  no  better  than  incredible  fables. 

1  will  now,  therefore,  pass  from  these 
records,  and  come  to  those  that  belong  to 
the  Phoenicians,  and  concern  our  nation, 
and  shall  produce  attestations  to  what  I 
have  said  out  of  them.  There  are  tin  u 
records  among  the  Tyrians  that  take  in 
the  history  of  many  years,  and  these  are 


412 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


[Book  I. 


public  writings,  and  are  kept  with  great 
exactness,  and  include  '  accounts  of  the 
facts  done  among  them,  and  such  as  con- 
cern their  transactions  with  other  nations 
also :  those  I  mean  which  were  worthy  of 
remembering.  Therein  it  was  recorded 
that  the  temple  was  built  by  King  Solomon 
at  Jerusalem,  143  years  and  eight  months 
before  the  Tyrians  built  Carthage  ;  and  in 
their  annals  the  building  of  our  temple  is 
related  :  for  Hiram,  the  king  of  Tyre,  was 
the  friend  of  Solomon  our  king,  and  had 
such  friendship  transmitted  down  to  him 
from  his  forefathers.  He  thereupon  was 
ambitious  to  contribute  to  the  splendour 
of  this  edifice  of  Solomon,  and  made  him 
a  present  of  120  talents  of  gold.  He  also 
cut  down  the  most  excellent  timber  out 
of  that  mountain,  which  is  called  Liba- 
nus,  and  sent  it  to  him  for  adorning  its 
roof.  Solomon  also  not  only  made  him 
many  other  presents,  by  way  of  requital, 
but  gave  him  a  country  in  Galilee  also, 
that  was  called  Chabulon;  but  there  was 
another  passion,  a  philosophic  inclination 
of  theirs,  which  cemented  the  friendship 
that  was  betwixt  them ;  for  they  sent  mu- 
tual problems  to  one  another,  with  a  de- 
sire to  have  them  unriddled  by  each  other, 
wherein  Solomon  was  superior  to  Hiram, 
as  he  was  wiser  than  him  in  other  re- 
spects;* and  many  of  the  epistles  that 
passed  between  them  are  still  preserved 
among  the  Tyrians.  Now,  that  this  may 
not  depend  on  my  bare  word,  I  will  pro- 
duce for  a  witness,  Dius,  one  that  is  be- 
lieved to  have  written  the  Phoenician  His- 
tory after  an  accurate  manner.  This 
Dius,  therefore,  writes  thus,  in  his  Histo- 
ries of  the  Phoenicians : — "  Upon  the  death 
of  Abibalus,  his  son  Hiram  took  the 
kingdom.  This  king  raised  banks  at  the 
eastern  part  of  the  city,  and  enlarged  it; 
he  also  joined  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Olym- 
pus, which  stood  before  in  an  island  by 
itself,  to  the  city,  by  raising  a  causeway 
between  them,  aud  adorned  that  temple 
with  donations  of  gold.  He,  moreover, 
went  up  to  Libanus,  and  had  timber  cut 
down  for  the  building  of  temples.  They 
say  further,  that  Solomon,  when  he  was 
king  of  Jerusalem,  sent  problems  to  Hi- 
ram to  be  solved,  and  desired  he  would 
send  others  back  for  him  to  solve,  and  that 
he  who  could  not  solve  the  problems  pro- 
posed to  him,  should  pay  money  to  him 
that  solved  them;  and  when  Hiram  had 


*  1  Kings  ix.  13. 


agreed  to  the  proposals,  but  was  not  able 
to  solve  the  problems,  he  was  obliged  to 
pay  a  great  deal  of  money,  as  a  penalty  for 
the  same.  As  also  they  relate,  that  one 
Abdemon,  a  man  of  Tyre,  did  solve  the 
problems,  and  proposed  others  which  Solo- 
mon could  not  solve,  upon  which  he  was 
obliged  to  repay  a  great  deal  of  money  to 
Hiram."  These  things  are  attested  to  by 
Dius,  and  confirm  what  we  have  said  upon 
the  same  subjects  before. 

And  now  I  shall  add  Menander  the 
Ephesian  as  an  additional  witness.  This 
Menander  wrote  the  Acts  that  were  done 
both  by  the  Greeks  and  Barbarians,  un- 
der every  one  of  the  Tyrian  kings ;  and 
had  taken  much  psdns  to  learn  their  his- 
tory out  of  their  own  records.  Now,  when 
he  was  writing  about  those  kings  that  had 
reigned  at  Tyre,  he  came  to  Hiram,  and 
says  thus : — "  Upon  the  death  of  Abibalus, 
his  son  Hiram  took  the  kingdom ;  he 
lived  fifty-three  years,  and  reigned  thirty- 
four.  He  raised  a  bank  on  that  called 
the  Broad  Place,  and  dedicated  that  golden 
pillar  which  is  in  Jupiter's  temple;  he 
also  went  and  cut  down  timber  from  the 
mountain  called  Libanus,  and  got  timber 
of  cedar  for  the  roofs  of  the  temples.  He 
also  pulled  down  the  old  temples,  and 
built  new  ones :  besides  this,  he  conse- 
crated the  temples  of  Hercules  and  Astarte. 
He  first  built  Hercules's  temple,  in  the 
month  Peritus,  and  that  of  Astarte,  when 
he  made  his  expedition  against  the  Tit  vans, 
who  would  not  pay  him  their  tribute ;  and 
when  he  had  subdued  them  to  himself,  he 
returned  home.  Under  this  king  there 
was  a  younger  son  of  Abdemon,  who  mas- 
tered the  problems  which  Solomon,  king 
of  Jerusalem,  had  recommended  to  be 
solved."  Now  the  time  from  this  king  to 
the  building  of  Carthage,  is  thus  calcu- 
lated : — "  Upon  the  death  of  Hiram,  Balea- 
zarus  his  son  took  the  kingdom ;  he  lived 
forty-three  years,  and  reigned  seven  years  : 
after  him  succeeded  his  son  Abdastartus ; 
he  lived  twenty-nine  years,  and  reigned 
nine  years.  Now  four  sons  of  his  nurse 
plotted  against  him  and  slew  him,  the  eld- 
est of  whom  reigned  twelve  years :  after 
them  came  Astartus,  the  son  of  Deleastar- 
tus;  he  lived  fifty -four  years,  and  reigned 
twelve  years:  after  him  came  his  brother 
Aserymus;  he  lived  fifty -four  years,  and 
reigned  nine  years:  he  was  slain  by  his 
brother  Pheles,  who  took  the  kingdom, 
and  reigned  but  eight  months,  though  he 
lived  fifty  years  :  he  was  slain  by  Ithoba- 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


413 


lus,  the  priest  of  Astarte,   who  reigned 
thirty-two   years,    and    lived    sixty-eight 
years:     he    was    succeeded    hy    his  son 
Badezorns,  who  lived  forty-five  years,  and 
reigned  six  years;  he  was  succeeded  by 
Matgcnus  his  son:    he   lived   thirty-two 
years,  and  reigned  nine  years ;  Pygmalion 
succeeded  him:  he   lived  fifty-six   years, 
and  reigned  forty-seven  years.     Nov?,  in 
the  seventh  year  of  his  reign,  his  Bister 
fled  away  from  him,  and  built  the  city  of 
Carthage  in  Libya."     So  the  whole  time 
from  the  reign  of  Hiram  till  the  building 
of  Carthage,  amounts  to  the  sum  of  155 
years  and  eight  months.     Since  then  the 
temple    was    built   at   Jerusalem    in  the 
twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hiram,  there 
were  from  the  building  of  the  temple  un- 
til  the  building  of  Carthage,  143   years 
and  eight  months.     Wherefore,  what  oc- 
casion is  there  for  alleging  any  more  testi- 
monies out  of  the  Phoenician  histories  [on 
the  behalf  of  our  nation],  since  what  I 
have  said  is  so  thoroughly  confirmed  al- 
ready ?  and  to  be  sure  our  ancestors  came 
into  this  country  long  before  the  building 
of  the  temple ;  for  it  was  not  till  we  had 
gotten   possession   of  the  whole  land  by 
war  that  we  built  our  temple.     And  this 
is  the  point  that   I  have  clearly  proved 
out  of  our  sacred  writings  in  my  Anti- 
quities. 

I  will  now  relate  what  hath  been  writ- 
ten concerning  us  in  the  Chaldean  histo- 
ries; which  records  have   a  great  agree- 
ment with  our  books  in  other  things  also. 
Berosus  shall  be  witness  to  what  I  say : 
he  was  by  birth  a  Chaldean,  well  known 
by  the  learned,  on  account  of  his  publica- 
tion of  the  Chaldean  books  of  astronomy 
and  philosophy  among  the  Greeks.     This 
Berosus,  therefore,  following  the  most  an- 
cient records  of   that  nation,  gives  us  a 
history  of  the  deluge  of  waters  that  then 
happened,  and  of  the  destruction  of  man- 
kind thereby,    and    agrees  with   Moses's 
narration  thereof.     He  also  gives  us  an 
account  of  that  ark  wherein  Noah,  the 
origin  of  our  race,  was  preserved,  when  it 
was  brought  to  the  highest  part  of  the 
Armenian    mountains :    after    which    he 
gives  us  a  catalogue  of  the  posterity  of 
Noah,  and  adds  the  years  of  their  chrono- 
logy, and  at  length  comes  down  to  Nabo- 
lassar,  who  was  king  of  Babylon,  and  of 
the  Chaldeans.   And  when  he  was  relating 
the  acts  of  this  king,  he  describes  to  us 
how   he    sent   his    son    Nabuchodonosor 
against  Egypt,  and  against  our  land,  with 
3  L 


a  great  army,  upon  his  being   informed 
that  they  had  revolted  from  him ;  and  how, 
by  that  means,  he  subdued  them  all,  and 
set  our  temple  that  was  at  Jerusalem  on 
fire;    nay,   and   removed   our  people  en- 
tirely out  of  their  own  country,  and  trans- 
ferred them  to  Babylon;  when  it  so  hap- 
pened that  our  city  was  desolate  during 
the  interval  of  seventy  years,   until  the 
days  of  Cyrus,  king  of  Persia.      He  then 
says,  "That   this   Babylonian   king  con- 
quered Egypt,  and  Syria,  and  Phoenicia, 
and  Arabia;   and  exceeded  in  his  exploits 
all  that  had  reigned  before  him  in  Babylon 
and  Chaldea."     A  little  after  which   Be- 
rosus subjoins  what  follows  in  his  History 
of  Ancient  Times:  I  will  set  down  Bero- 
sus's   own  accounts,   which  are  these  : — 
"When  Nabolassar,  father  of  Nabuchodo- 
nosor, heard  that  the  governor  whom  he 
had  set  over  Egypt  and  over  the  parts  of 
Celesyria  and  Phoenicia  had  revolted  from 
him,    he   was    not   able   to    bear    it   any 
longer;  but  committing  certain  parts  of 
his  army  to  his  son  Nabuchodonosor,  who 
was  then  but  young,  he  sent  him  against 
the  rebel:  Nabuchodonosor  joined  battle 
with  him,  and  conquered  him,  and  reduced 
the    country   under   his  dominion   again. 
Now  it  so  fell  out,  that  his  father  Nabo- 
lassar fell  into  a  distemper  at  this  time, 
and  died  in  the  city  of  Babylon,  after  he 
had  reigned  twenty-nine  years.     But  as 
he  understood,  in  a  little  time,  that  his 
father  Nabolassar  was  dead,   he  set  the 
affairs  of  Egypt  and  the  other  countries  in 
order,  and  committed  the  captives  he  had 
taken  from  the  Jews,  and  Phoenicians,  and 
Syrians,  and  of  the  nations  belonging  to 
Egypt,  to  some  of  his  friends,  that  they 
might  conduct  that  part  of  the  forces  that 
had  on  heavy  armour,  with  the  rest  of  his 
ba^ace,  to  Babylonia,  while  he  went  iu 
haste,  having  but  a  few  with  him,  over  the 
desert  to  Babylon;  whither  when  he  was 
come,  he  found  the  public  affairs  had  been 
managed  by  the  Chaldeans,  and  that  the 
principal    persons  among  them    had   pre- 
served the  kingdom  for  him.   Accordingly, 
he  now  entirely  obtained  all  his  father's 
dominions.      He  then  came,  and  ordered 
the  captives  to  be  placed  as  colonies  in  the 
most  proper  places  of  Babylonia:   but  for 
himself,  he  adorned  the  temple  of  Belus, 
and   the  other  temples,  after  an  elegant 
manner,  out  of  the  spoils  he  had  taken  in 
this  war.     He  also  rebuilt  the  whole  city, 
and  added  another   to  it  on  the  outside, 
and  so  far  restored  Babylon,  that  none 


114 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  1 


L 


who  should  besiege  it  afterward  might 
have  it  in  their  power  to  divert  the  river, 
so  as  to  facilitate  an  entrance  into  it;  and 
this  he  did  by  building  three  walls  about 
the  inner  city,,  and  three  about  the  outer. 
Some  of  these  walls  he  built  of  burnt  brick 
and  bitumen,  and  some  of  brick  only.  So 
when  he  had  thus  fortified  the  city  with 
walls,  after  an  excellent  manner,  and  had 
adorned  the  gates  magnificently,  he  added 
a  new  palace  to  that  which  his  father  had 
dwelt  in,  and  this  close  by  it  also,  and 
that  more  eminent  in  its  height,  and  in 
its  great  splendour.  It  would  perhaps  re- 
quire too  long  a  narration,  if  any  one  were 
to  describe  it.  However,  as  prodigiously 
large  and  magnificent  as  it  was,  it  was 
finished  in  fifteen  days.  Now  in  this 
palace  he  erected  very  high  walks,  sup- 
ported by  stone  pillars,  and  by  planting 
what  was  called  a  pensile  paradise,  and 
replenishing  it  with  all  sorts  of  trees,  he 
rendered  the  prospect  of  an  exact  resem- 
blance of  a  mountainous  country.  This 
he  did  to  please  his  queen,  because  she 
had  been  brought  up  in  Media,  and  was 
fond  of  a  mountainous  situation." 

This  is  what  Berosus  relates  concerning 
the  before-mentioned  king,  as  he  relates 
many  other  things  about  him  also  in  the 
third  book  of  his  Chaldean  History; 
wherein  he  complains  of  the  Grecian 
writers  for  supposing,  without  any  found- 
ation, that  Babylon  was  built  by  Semi- 
ramis,  queen  of  Assyria,  and  for  her  false 
pretence  to  those  wonderful  edifices  thereto 
relating,  as  if  they  were  her  own  work- 
manship; as  indeed  in  these  affairs,  the 
Chaldean  History  cannot  but  be  the  most 
credible.  Moreover,  we  meet  with  a  con- 
firmation of  what  Berosus  says,  in  the 
archives  of  the  Phoenicians,  concerning 
this  king  Nabuchodonosor,  that  he  con- 
quered all  Syria  and  Phoenicia;  in  which 
case  Philostratus  agrees  with  the  others 
in  that  history  which  he  composed,  where 
he  mentions  the  siege  of  Tyre;  as  does 
Megasthenes  also,  in  the  fourth  book  of 
his  Indian  History,  wherein  he  pretends 
to  prove  that  the  before-mentioned  king  of 
the  Babylonians  was  superior  to  Hercules 
in  strength,  and  the  greatness  of  his  ex- 
ploits ;  for  he  says  that  he  conquered  a 
great  part  of  Libya,  and  conquered  Iberia 
also.  Now,  as  to  what  I  have  said  before 
about  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  that  it  was 
fought  against  by  the  Babylonians,  and 
burnt  by  them,  but  was  opened  again 
when  Cyrus  had  taken   the  kingdom  of 


Asia,  shall  now  be  demonstrated  from 
what  Berosus  adds  further  upon  that  head ; 
for  thus  he  says  in  his  third  book : — "  Na- 
buchodonosor, after  he  had  begun  to  build 
the  before-mentioned  wall,  fell  sick,  and 
departed  this  life,  when  he  had  reigned 
forty-three  years;  whereupon  his  son  Evil- 
merodach  obtained  the  kingdom.  He 
governed  public  affairs  after  an  illegal  and 
impure  manner,  and  had  a  plot  laid  against 
him  by  Neriglissoor,  his  sister's  husband, 
and  was  slain  by  him  when  he  had  reigned 
but  two  years.  After  he  was  slain,  Neri- 
glissoor, the  person  who  plotted  against 
him-,  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,  and 
reigned  four  years ;  his  son  Laborosoar- 
chod  obtained  the  kingdom,  though  he  was 
but  a  child,  and  kept  it  nine  months  ;  but 
by  reason  of  the  very  ill  temper  and  ill 
practices  he  exhibited  to  the  world,  a  plot 
was  laid  against  him  also  by  his  friends, 
and  he  was  tormented  to  death.  After 
his  death,  the  conspirators  got  together, 
and  by  common  consent  put  the  crown 
upon  the  head  of  Nabonnedus,  a  man  of 
Babylon,  and  one  who  belonged  to  that 
insurrection.  In  his  reign  it  was  that  the 
walls  of  the  city  of  Babylon  were  curiously 
built  with  burnt  brick  and  bitumen ;  but 
when  he  was  come  to  the  seventeenth  year 
of  his  reign,  Cyrus  came  out  of  Persia 
with  a  great  army;  and  having  already 
conquered  all  the  rest  of  Asia,  he  came 
hastily  to  Babylonia.  When  Nabonnedus 
perceived  he  was  coming  to  attack  him,  he 
met  him  with  his  forces,  and  joining  battle 
with  him,  was  beaten,  and  fled  away  with 
a  few  of  his  troops  with  him,  and  was  shut 
up  within  the  city  Borsippus.  Hereupon 
Cyrus  took  Babylon,  and  gave  order  that 
the  outer  walls  of  the  city  should  be  de- 
molished, because  the  city  had  proved 
very  troublesome  to  him,  and  cost  him  a 
great  deal  of  pains  to  take  it.  He  then 
marched  away  to  Borsippus,  to  besiege 
Nabonnedus ;  but  as  Nabonnedus  did  not 
sustain  the  siege,  but  delivered  himself 
into  his  hands,  he  was  at  first  kindly 
used  by  Cyrus,  who  gave  him  Carmania, 
as  a  place  for  him  to  inhabit  in,  but  sent 
him  out  of  Babylonia.  Accordingly,  Na- 
bonnedus spent  the  rest  of  his  time  in  that 
country,  and  there  died." 

These  accounts  agree  with  the  true  his- 
tory in  our  books ;  for  in  them  it  is  writ- 
ten that  Nebuchadnezzar,  in  the  eighteenth 
year  of  his  reign,  laid  our  temple  desolate, 
and  so  it  lay  in  that  state  of  obscurity  for 
fifty  years;  but  that  in  the  second  yeai 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST    APION. 


415 


of  the  reigu  of  Cyrus,  its  foundations 
were  kid,  ;md  it  was  finished  again  in  the 
second  year  of  D;irius.  I  will  now  add 
the  records  of  the  Phoenicians;  for  it  will 
not  be  altogether  superfluous  to  give  the 
reader  demonstrations  more  than  enow  on 
this  occasion.  In  them  we  have  this  enu- 
meration of  the  times  of  their  several 
kings  : — "  Nabuchodonosoi  besieged  Tyre 
for  thirteen  years  in  the  days  of  Ithobal, 
their  king;  after  him  reigned  Baal,  ten 
years  ;  after  him  were  judges  appointed, 
who  judged  the  people  :  Ecmbalus,  the 
son  of  Balsacus,  two  montns;  Chelbes, 
the  son  of  Abdeus,  ten  months ;  Abhar, 
the  high  priest,  three  months ;  Mitgonus 
and  Gerastratus,  the  sons  of  Abdclemus, 
were  judges  six  years  ;  after  whom  Bala- 
torus  reigned  one  year;  after  his  death 
they  sent  and  fetched  Merbalus  from  Ba- 
bylon, who  reigned  four  years ;  after  his 
death  they  sent  for  his  brother  Hiram, 
who  reigned  twenty  years.  Under  his 
reign  Cyrus  became  king  of  Persia."  So 
that  the  whole  interval  is  fifty-four  years, 
besides  three  months ;  for  in  the  seventh 
year  of  the  reign  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  he 
began  to  besiege  Tyre ;  and  Cyrus  the 
Persian  took  the  kingdom  in  the  four- 
teenth year  of  Hiram.  So  that  the  re- 
records  of  the  Chaldeans  and  Tyrians 
agree  with  our  writings  about  this  temple; 
and  the  testimonies  here  produced  are  an 
indisputable  and  undeniable  attestation 
to  the  antiquity  of  our  nation ;  and  I 
suppose  that  what  I  have  already  said 
may  be  sufficient  to  such  as  are  not  very 
contentious. 

But  now  it  is  proper  to  satisfy  the  in- 
quiry of  those  that  disbelieve  the  records 
of  barbarians,  and  think  none  but  Greeks 
to  be  worthy  of  credit,  and  to  produce 
many  of  these  very  Greeks  who  were  ac- 
quainted with  our  nation,  and  to  set  be- 
fore them  such  as  upon  occasion  have 
made  mention  of  us  in  their  own  writings. 
Pythagoras,  therefore,  of  Samos,  lived  in 
very  ancient  times,  and  was  esteemed  a 
person  superior  to  all  philosophers,  in  wis- 
dom and  piety  toward  God.  Now  it  is 
plain  that  he  did  not  only  know  our  doc- 
trines, but  was  in  very  great  measure  a 
follower  and  admirer  of  them.  There  is 
not,  indeed,  extant,  any  writing  that  is 
owned  for  his;  but  mauy  there  are  who 
have  written  his  history,  of  whom  Her- 
mippus  is  the  most  celebrated,  who  was  a 
person  very  inquisitive  in  all  sorts  of  his- 
tory.    Now  this  Herinippus,  in  his  first 


book  concerning  Pythagoras,  speaks  thus  : 
"  That  Pythagoras,  upon  the  death  of  one 
of  his  associates,  whose  name  was  Calli- 
phon,  a  Crotoniatc  by  birth,  affirmed  that 
this  man's  soul  conversed  with  him  both 
night  and  day,  and  enjoined  him  not  to 
pass  over  a  place  where  an  ass  had  fallen 
down  ;  as  also  not  to  drink  of  such  waters 
as  caused  thirst  again ;  and  to  abstain 
from  all  sorts  of  reproaches."  After 
which  he  adds  thus :  "  This  he  did  and 
said  in  imitation  of  the  doctrines  of  the 
Jews  and  Thracians,  which  he  transferred 
into  his  own  philosophy."  For  it  is  very 
truly  affirmed  of  this  Pythagoras,  that  he. 
took  a  great  many  of  the  laws  of  the  Jews 
into  his  own  philosophy.  Nor  was  our 
nation  unknown  of  old  to  several  of  the 
Grecian  cities,  and,  indeed,  was  thought 
worthy  of  imitation  by  some  of  them. 
This  is  declared  by  Thcophrastus,  in  his 
writings  concerning  laws  ;  for  he  says  that 
"  the  laws  of  the  Tyrians  forbid  men  to 
swear  foreign  oaths."  Among  which  he 
enumerates  some  others,  and  particularly 
that  called  Corban ;  which  oath  can  only 
be  found  among  the  Jews,  and  declares 
what  a  man  may  call  "  A  thing  devoted  to 
God."  Nor,  indeed,  was  Herodotus,  of 
Halicarnassus,  unacquainted  with  our  na- 
tion, but  mentions  it  after  a  way  of  his 
own,  when  he  saith  thus,  in  the  second 
book  concerning  the  Colchians.  His 
words  are  these  : — "  The  only  people  who 
were  circumcised  in  their  privy  members 
originally,  were  the  Colchians,  the  Egyp- 
tians, and  the  Ethiopians;  but  the  Phoe- 
nicians and  those  Syrians  that  are  in  Pa- 
lestine, confess  that  they  learned  it  from 
the  Egyptians ;  and  as  for  those  Syrians 
who  live  about  the  rivers  Thermoden  and 
Parthemius,  and  their  neighbours  the  Ma- 
crones,  they  say  they  have  lately  learned 
it  from  the  Colchians ;  for  these  are  the 
only  people  that  are  circumcised  among 
mankind,  and  appear  to  have  done  the 
very  same  thing  with  the  Egyptians;  but 
as  for  the  Egyptians  and  Ethiopians  them- 
selves, I  am  not  able  to  say  which  of  them 
received  it  from  the  other."  This,  there- 
fore, is  what  Herodotus  says,  that  "  the 
Syrians  that  are  in  Palestine  are  circum- 
cised." But  there  are  no  inhabitants  of 
Palestine  that  are  circumcised  excepting 
the  Jews;  and,  therefore,  it  must  be  his 
knowledge  of  them  that  enabled  him  to 
speak  so  much  concerning  them.  Chcri- 
lus  also,  a  still  more  ancient  writer,  and  a 
poet,  makes  mention  of  our  nation,  and 


416 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  AFION. 


[Book  I. 


informs  us  that  it  came  to  the  assistance 
of  King  Xerxes,  in  his  expedition  against 
Greece ;  for,  in  his  enumeration  of  all 
those  nations,  he  last  of  all  inserts  ours 
among  the  rest,  when  he  says — "  At  the 
last  there  passed  over  a  people,  wonderful 
to  be  beheld;  for  they  spake  the  Phoeni- 
cian tongue  with  their  mouths  ;  they 
dwelt  in  the  Solymean  mountains,  near  a 
broad  lake  :  their  heads  were  sooty  ;  they 
had  round  rasures  on  them  :  their  heads 
and  faces  were  like  nasty  horse-heads  also, 
that  had  been  hardened  in  the  smoke." 
I  think,  therefore,  that  it  is  evident  to 
everybody  that  Cherilus  means  us,  because 
the  Solymean  mountains  are  in  our  coun- 
try, wherein  we  inhabit,  as  is  also  the  lake 
called  Asphaltitis;  for  this  is  a  broader 
and  larger  lake  than  any  other  that  is  in 
Syria  :  and  thus  does  Cherilus  make  men- 
tion of  us.  But  now  that  not  only  the 
lowest  sort  of  the  Grecians,  but  those  that 
are  held  in  the  greatest  admiration  for 
their  philosophic  improvements  among 
them,  did  not  only  know  the  Jews,  but 
when  they  lighted  upon  any  of  them  ad- 
mired them  also,  it  is  easy  for  any  one  to 
know ;  for  Clearchus,  who  was  the  scho- 
lar of  Aristotle,  and  inferior  to  no  one  of 
the  Peripatetics  whomsoever,  in  his  first 
book  concerning  sleep,  says  that  "Aristo- 
tle, his  master,  related  what  follows  of  a 
Jew,"  and  sets  down  Aristotle's  own  dis- 
course with  him.  The  account  is  this,  as 
written  down  by  him  : — "  Now,  for  a  great 
part  of  what  this  Jew  said,  it  would  be 
too  long  to  recite  it;  but  what  includes  in 
it  both  wonder  and  philosophy,  it  may  not 
be  amiss  to  discourse  of.  Now,  that  I 
may  be  plain  with  thee,  Hyperochides,  I 
shall  herein  seem  to  thee  to  relate  won- 
ders, and  what  will  resemble  dreams  them- 
selves. Hereupon  Hyperochides  answered 
modestly,  and  said,  For  that  very  reason  it 
is  that  all  of  us  are  very  desirous  of  hear- 
ing what  thou  art  going  to  say.  Then 
replied  Aristotle,  For  this  cause  it  will  be 
the  best  way  to  imitate  that  rule  of  the 
rhetoricians,  which  recpuires  us  first  to  give 
an  account  of  the  man,  and  of  what  na- 
tion he  was,  that  so  we  may  not  contra- 
dict our  master's  directions.  Then  said 
Hyperochides,  Go  on,  if  it  so  pleases 
thee.  This  man  then  [answered  Aristo- 
tle] was  by  birth  a  Jew,  and  came  from 
Celesyria ;  these  Jews  are  derived  from 
the  Indian  philosophers;  they  are  named 
by  the  Indians  Calami,  and  by  the  Syrians 
Judaei,    and    took    their  name  from    the 


country  they  inhabit,  which  is  called 
Judea;  but  for  the  name  of  their 
city  it  is  a  very  awkward  one,  for  they 
call  it  Jerusalem.  Now  this  man,  when 
he  was  hospitably  treated  by  a  great  many, 
came  down  from  the  upper  country  to  the 
places  near  the  sea,  and  became  a  Grecian, 
not  only  in  his  language,  but  in  his  soul 
also ;  insomuch  that  when  we  ourselves 
happened  to  be  in  Asia  about  the  same 
places  whither  he  came,  he  conversed  with 
us  and  with  other  philosophical  persons,  and 
made  a  trial  of  our  skill  in  philosophy ; 
and,  as  he  had  lived  with  many  learned 
men,  he  communicated  to  us  more  infor- 
mation than  he  received  from  us."  This 
is  Aristotle's  account  of  the  matter,  as 
given  us  by  Clearchus;  which  Aristotle 
discoursed  also  particularly  of  the  great 
and  wonderful  fortitude  of  this  Jew  in 
his  diet,  and  continent  way  of  living,  as 
those  that  please  may  learn  more  about 
him  from  Clearchus' s  book  itself;  for  I 
avoid  setting  down  any  more  than  is  suffi- 
cient for  my  purpose.  Now  Clearchus 
said  this  by  way  of  digression,  for  his 
main  design  was  of  another  nature ;  but 
for  Hecateus  of  Abdera,  who  was  both  a 
philosopher,  and  one  very  useful  in  an 
active  life,  he  was  contemporary  with 
King  Alexander  in  his  youth,  and  after- 
ward with  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus ;  he 
did  not  write  about  the  Jewish  affairs  by- 
the-by  only,  but  composed  an  entire  book 
concerning  the  Jews  themselves ;  out  of 
which  book  I  am  willing  to  run  over  a  few 
things,  of  which  I  have  been  treating  by 
way  of  epitome.  And.  in  the  first  place  I 
will  demonstrate  the  time  when  this  He- 
cateus lived ;  for  he  mentions  the  fight 
that  was  between  Ptolemy  and  Demetrius 
about  Gaza,  which  was  fought  in  the  ele- 
venth year  after  the  death  of  Alexander, 
and  in  the  117th  olympiad,  as  Castor  says 
in  history.  For  when  he  had  set  down 
this  olympiad,  he  says  further,  that  "  on 
this  olympiad,  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus, 
beat  in  battle  Demetrius,  the  son  of  An- 
tigonus,  who  was  named  Poliorcetes,  at 
Gaza."  Now,  it  is  agreed  by  all,  that 
Alexander  died  in  the  114th  olympiad ; 
it  is,  therefore,  evident  that  our  nation 
flourished  in  his  time,  and  in  the  time  of 
Alexander.  Again,  Hecateus  says  to  the 
same  purpose,  as  follows  : — "  Ptolemy  got 
possession  of  the  places  in  Syria  after  the 
battle  at  Gaza;  and  mauy,  when  they 
heard  of  Ptolemy's  moderation  and  hu- 
manity, went  along  with  him  to  Egypt, 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


417 


and  were  willing  to  assist  him  in  Ins  af- 
fairs ;  one  of  whom  (Hecateus  says)  was 
Hezekiah,  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews;  a 
man  of  about  sixty-six  years  of  age,  and 
in  great  dignity  among  his  own  people. 
He  was  a  very  sensible  man,  and  could 
speak  very  movingly,  and  was  very  skilful 
in  the  management  of  affairs,  if  any  other 
man  ever  were  so ;  although,  as  he  says, 
all  the  priests  of  the  Jews  took  tithes  of 
the  products  of  the  earth,  and  managed 
public  affairs,  and  were  in  number  not 
above    1500    at    the   most."       Hecateus 
mentions  this  Hezekiah   a   second  time, 
and  says  that,  "  as  he  was  possessed  of  so 
great  a  dignity,  and  was  become  familiar 
with  us,  so  did  he  take  certain  of  those 
that   were    with   him,   and    explained  to 
them  all  the  circumstances  of  their  peo- 
ple ;  for  he  had  all  their  habitations  and 
polity    down    in    writing."       Moreover, 
Hecateus  declares  again,    "what   regard 
we  have  for  our  laws,  and  that  we  resolve 
to  endure  any  thing  rather  than  transgress 
them,  because  we  think  it  right  for  us  to 
do  so."     Whereupon  he  adds,  that,  "al- 
though they  are  in  a  bad  reputation  among 
their  neighbours,  and  among  all  those  that 
come  to  them,  and  have  been  often  treated 
injuriously  by  the  kings  and  governors  of 
Persia,  yet  can  they  not  be  dissuaded  from 
actin^   what  they   think  best;    but  that 
when  they  are  stripped   on   this  account, 
and  have  torments  inflicted   upon  them, 
and  they  are  brought  to  the  most  terrible 
kinds  of  death,  they  meet  them   after  a 
most   extraordinary  manner,  beyond    all 
other  people,  and  will  not  renounce  the 
religion  of  their  forefathers."     Hecateus 
also  produces  demonstrations  not  a  few  of 
this  their  resolute  tenaciousness  of  their 
laws,  when  he  speaks  thus  : — "  Alexander 
was  once  at  Babylon,  and  had  an  intention 
to  rebuild  the  temple  of  Belus  that  was 
fallen  to  decay,  and,  in  order  thereto,  he 
commanded  all  his  soldiers  in  general  to 
bring  earth  thither.     But  the  Jews,  and 
they  only,  would  not  comply   with  that 
command;  nay,  they  underwent    stripes 
and  great  losses  of  what  they  had  on  this 
account,  till  the  king  forgave  them,  and 
permitted    them    to  live  in  quiet."     He 
adds  further,  that  "  when  the  Macedonians 
came  to  them  in  that  country,  and  demo- 
lished the  [old]  temples  and  the   altars, 
they  assisted  them  in  demolishing  them 
all ;  but  [for  not  assisting  them    in  re- 
building  them]    they    either   underwent 
losses,  or  sometimes  obtained  forgiveness." 
Vol.  II.— 27 


He  adds  further,  that  "these  men  deserve 
to  be  admired  on  that  account."     He  also 
speaks  of  the  mighty  populousness  of  our 
nation,  and  says  that  "  the  Persians  for- 
merly carried  away  many  ten  thousands 
of  our  people  to  Babylon,  as  also  that  not 
a  few  ten  thousands  were  removed  after 
Alexander's  death  into  Egypt  and  Phoe- 
nicia, by  reason  of  the  sedition  that  was 
arisen  in  Syria."     The  same  person  takes 
notice  in  his  history  how  large  the  coun- 
try is  which  we  inhabit,  as  well  as  of  its 
excellent  character,  and  says  that  "the 
land  in  which  the  Jews  inhabit  contains 
3,000,000  of  arouroe,  and  is  generally  of  a 
most  excellent  and  most  fruitful  soil ;  nor 
is   Judea    of   lesser  dimensions."       The 
same   man  describes  our  city  Jerusalem 
also  itself  as  of  a  most  excellent  structure, 
and  very  large,  and  inhabited  from  the 
most  ancient  times.     He  also  discourses 
of  the  multitude  of  men  in  it,  and  of  the 
construction  of  our  temple,  after  the  fol- 
lowing manner : — "  There  are  many  strong 
places  and  villages  (says  he)  in  the  coun- 
try of  Judea ;  but  one  strong  city  there  is, 
about    fifty    furlongs    in    circumference, 
which   is  inhabited   by  120,000  men,  or 
thereabouts:     they     call    it    Jerusalem. 
There  is,  about  the   middle  of  the  city, 
a  wall  of  stone,  the  length  of  which_  is 
500  feet,  and  the  breadth  100  cubits,  with 
double  cloisters;  wherein  there  is  a  square 
altar,  not  made  of  hewn  stone,  but  com- 
posed of  white  stones  gathered  together, 
having  each  side  twenty  cubits  long,  and 
its  altitude  ten  cubits.     Hard  by  it  is  a 
large  edifice,  wherein  there  is  an  altar  and 
a  candlestick,  both  of  gold,  and  in  weight 
two  talents;  upon  these  there  is  a  light 
that    is    never    extinguished,  neither    by 
night  nor  by  day.     There  is  no  image,  nor 
any  thing,  nor  any  donations  therein :  no- 
thing at  all  is  there  planted,  neither  grove, 
nor  any  thing  of  that  sort.     The  priests 
abide  therein  both  nights  and  days,  per- 
forming certain  purifications,  and  drinking 
not  the  least  drop  of  wine  while  they  are 
in  the  temple."    Moreover,  he  attests  that 
we  Jews  went  as  auxiliaries  along  with 
King  Alexander,  and  after  him  with  his 
successors.     I  will  add  further  what  he 
says  he  learned  when  he  was  himself  with 
the  same  army,  concerning  the  actions  of 
a  man  that  was  a  Jew.     His  words  are 
,these :— "  As   I  was  myself  going  to  the 
Red  Sea,  there  followed  us  a  man  whose 
name  was  Mosollam;  he  was  one  of  the 
Jewish   horsemen  who  conducted  us ;  he 


413 


FLAVIUS  JOSErHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  I. 


was  a  person  of  great  courage,  of  a  strong 
body,  and  by  all  allowed  to  be  tbe  most 
skilful  archer  that  was  either  among  the 
Greeks  or  barbarians.     Now  this  man,  as 
people  were  in  great  numbers  passing  along 
the  road,  and  a  certain  augur  was  observ- 
ing an  augury  by  a  bird,  and  requiring 
them  all  to  stand  still,  inquired  what  they 
stayed  for.      Hereupon  the  augur  showed 
him   the   bird  from    whence  he  took    his 
augury,   and    told    him   that  if   the  bird 
stayed  where  he   was,  they  ought   all  to 
stand  still ;    but   that  if  he  got  up,  and 
flew  onward,  they  must  go  forward ;  but 
that  if  he  flew  backward,  they  must  retire 
again.       Mosollam    made    no    reply,    but 
drew  his  bow,  and  shot  at  the  bird,  and 
hit  him,  and  killed  him  ;  and  as  the  augur 
and   some    others   were  very  angry,   and 
wished    imprecations    upon    him,    he  an- 
swered them  thus  :  Why  are  you  so  mad 
as   to  take  this  most  unhappy  bird  into 
your  hands  ?  for  how  can  this  bird  give  us 
any  true  information  concerning  our  march, 
which  could  not  foresee  how  to  save  him- 
self?  for  had  he  been  able  to  foreknow 
what  was  future,  he  would  not  have  come 
to  this  place,  but  would  have  been  afraid 
lest  Mosollam  the  Jew  would  shoot  at  him, 
and  kill  him."     But  of  Hecateus's  testi- 
monies we  have  said  enough,  for  as  to  such 
as  desire  to  know  more  of  them,  they  may 
easily  obtain  them  from  his  book  itself. 
However,  I  shall  not  think  it  too  much 
for  me  to  name  Agatharchides,  as  having 
made  mention  of  us  Jews,  though  in  way 
of  derision  at  our  simplicity,  as  he  sup- 
poses it  to  be;  for  when  he  was  discoursing 
of  the  affairs  of  Stratonice,  "  how  she  came 
out  of  Macedonia  into  Syria,  and  left  her 
husband   Demetrius,    while   yet   Seleucus 
would  not  marry  her  as  she  expected,  but 
during  the  time  of  his  raising  an  army  at 
Babylon,  stirred  up  a  sedition  about  An- 
tioch ;  aud  how  after  that  the  king  came 
back,  and  upon  his  taking  of  Antioch,  she 
fled  to  Seleucia,  and  had  it  in  her  power 
to  sail  away  immediately,  yet  did  she  com- 
ply with  a  dream  which  forbade  her  so  to 
do,  and  so  was  caught  and  put  to  death." 
When  Agatharchides  had  premised   this 
story,  and  had  jested  upon  Stratonice  for 
her  superstition,  he  gives  a  like  example 
of  what  was  reported  concerning  us,  and 
writes  thus: — "There  are  a  people  called 
Jews,  who  dwell  in  a  city  the  strongest  of' 
all  other  cities,  which  the  inhabitants  call 
Jerusalem,  aud  are  accustomed  to  rest  on 
every  seventh  day ;  on  which  times  they 


make  no  use  of  their  arms,  nor  medd«;» 
with  husbandry,  nor  take  care  of  any 
affairs  of  life,  but  spread  out  their  hands 
in  their  holy  places,  and  pray  till  the  even- 
ing. Now  it  came  to  pass,  that  when 
Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  came  into  this 
city  with  his  army,  these  men,  in  observing 
this  mad  custom  of  theirs,  instead  of 
guarding  the  city,  suffered  their  country 
to  submit  itself  to  a  bitter  lord ;  and  their 
law  was  openly  proved  to  have  commanded 
a  foolish  practice.*  This  accident  taught 
all  other  men  but  the  Jews  to  disregard 
such  dreams  as  these  were,  and  not  to  fol- 
low the  like  idle  suggestions  delivered  as 
a  law,  when,  in  such  uncertainty  of  human 
reasonings,  they  are  at  a  loss  what  they 
should  do."  Now  this  our  procedure 
seems  a  ridiculous  thing  to  Agatharchides, 
but  will  appear  to  such  as  consider  it 
without  prejudice  a  great  thing,  and  what 
deserved  a  great  many  encomiums ;  I 
mean,  when  certain  men  constantly  prefer 
the  observation  of  their  laws,  and  their 
religion  toward  God,  before  the  preserva- 
tion of  themselves  and  their  country. 

Now,  that  some  writers  have  omitted  to 
mention  our  nation,  not  because  they 
knew  nothing  of  us,  but  because  they  en- 
vied us,  or  for  some  other  unjustifiable 
reasons,  I  think  I  can  demonstrate  by 
particular  instances;  for  Hieronymus,  who 
wrote  the  History  of  [Alexander's]  suc- 
cessors, lived  at  the  same  time  with  He- 
cateus,  and  was  a  friend  of  King  Antigonus, 
and  president  of  Syria.  Now,  it  is  plain 
that  Hecateus  wrote  an  entire  book  con- 
cerning us,  while  Hieronymus  never  men- 
tions us  in  his  history,  although  he  was 
bred  up  very  near  to  the  places  where  we 
live.  Thus  different  from  one  another  are 
the  inclinations  of  men ;  while  the  one 
.thought  we  deserved  to  be  carefully  re- 
membered, as  some  ill-disposed  passion 
blinded  the  other's  mind  so  entirely,  that 
he  could  not  discern  the  truth.  And  now, 
certainly,  the  foregoing  records  of  the 
Egyptians,  and  Chaldeans,  and  Phoeni- 
cians, together  with  so  many  of  the' Greek 
writers,  will  be  sufficient  for  the  demon- 
stration of  our  antiquity.  Moreover,  be- 
sides those  before  mentioned,  Theophilus, 
Theodotus,  and  Mnaseas,  aud  Aristo- 
phanes, and  Hermogenes,  Euhemerus  also, 
and  Conon,  and  Zopyrion,  and  perhaps 
many  others  (for  I  have  not  lighted  upon 


*  Not  their  law,  but  the  superstitious  interpreta- 
tion of  their  leaders. 


bOOK  I.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


no 


all  the  Greek  books)  Lave  made  distinct 
mention  of  us.  It  is  true,  many  of  the 
men  before  mentioned  have  made  great 
mistakes  about  the  true  accounts  of  our 
nation  in  the  earliest  times,  because  they 
had  not  perused  our  sacred  books;  yet 
have  they  all  of  them  afforded  their  testi- 
mony to  our  antiquity,  concerning  which 
I  am  now  treating.  However,  Demetrius 
Phalerus,  and  the  elder  Philo,  with  Eupo- 
lcmus,  have  not  greatly  missed  the  truth 
about  our  affairs;  whose  lesser  mistakes 
ought  therefore  to  be  forgiven  them  ;  for 
it  was  not  in  their  power  to  understand 
our  writings  with  the  utmost  accuracy. 

One  particular  there  is  still  remaining 
behind  of  what  I  at  first  proposed  to  speak 
to,  and  that  is  to  demonstrate  that  those 
calumnies  and  reproaches,  which  "some 
have  thrown  upon  our  nation,  are  lies,  and 
to  make  use  of  those  writers'  own  testi- 
monies against  themselves  :  and  that  in 
general  this  self-contradiction  hath  hap- 
pened to  many  other  authors  by  reason  of 
their  ill-will  to  some  people,  I  conclude, 
is  not  unknown  to  such  as  have  read  his- 
tories with  sufficient  care;  for  some  of 
them  have  endeavoured  to  disgrace  the  no- 
bility of  certain  nations,  and  of  some  of 
the  most  glorious  cities,  and  have  cast  re- 
proaches upon  certain  forms  of  govern- 
ment. Thus  hath  Theopompus  abused 
the  city  of  Athens,  Polycrates  that  of  La- 
cedemon,  as  hath  he  that  wrote  the  Tripo- 
liticus  (for  he  is  not  Theopompus,  as  is 
supposed  by  some,)  done  by  the  city  of 
Thebes.  Timeusalso  hath  greatly  abused 
the  foregoing  people  and  others  also  ;  and 
this  ill  treatment  they  use  chiefly  when 
they  have  a  contest  with  men  of  the  great- 
est reputation  ;  some,  out  of  envy  and 
malice,  and  others  as  supposing  that  by 
this  foolish  talking  of  theirs,  they  may  be 
thought  worthy  of  being  remembered 
themselves ;  and,  indeed,  they  do  by  no 
means  fail  of  their  hopes,  with  regard  to 
the  foolish  part  of  mankind,  but  men  of 
sober  judgment  still  condemn  them  of 
great  malignity. 

Now  the  Egyptians  were  the  first  that 
cast  reproaches  upon  us;  in  order  to 
please  which  nation,  some  others  under- 
took to  pervert  the  truth,  while  they  would 
neither  own  that  our  forefathers  came  into 
Egypt  from  another  country,  as  the  fact 
Was,  nor  give  a  true  account  of  our  depar- 
ture thence;  and  indeed  the  Egyptians 
took  many  occasions  to  hate  us  and  euvy 
us :  in  the  first  place,  because  our  ancestors 


had  had  the  dominion  over  their  country,* 
and  when  they  were  delivered  from  them, 
and  gone  to  their  own  country  a^ain,  they 
lived  there  in  prosperity.  In  the  next 
place,  the  difference  of  our  religion  from 
theirs  hath  occasioned  great  enmity  be- 
tween us,  while  our  way  of  divine  worship 
did  as  much  exceed  that  which  their  laws 
appointed,  as  does  the  nature  of  God  ex- 
ceed that  of  brute  beasts ;  for  so  far  they 
all  agree  through  the  whole  country,  to 
esteem  such  animals  as  gods,  although 
they  differ  from  one  another  in  the  pecu- 
liar worship  they  severally  pay  to  them  ; 
and  certainly,  meu  they  are  entirely  of 
vain  and  foolish  minds,  who  have  thus  ac- 
customed themselves  from  the  beginning 
to  have  such  bad  notions  concerning  their 
gods,  and  could  not  think  of  imitating  that 
decent  form  of  divine  worship  which  was 
made  use  of,  though',  when  they  saw  our 
institutions  approved  of  by  many  others, 
they  could  not  but  envy  us  on  that  ac- 
count; for  some  of  them  have  proceeded 
to  that  degree  of  folly  and  meanness  in 
their  conduct,  as  not  to  scruple  to  contra- 
dict their  own  ancient  records,  nay,  to  con- 
tradict themselves  also  in  their  writings, 
and  yet  were  so  blinded  by  their  passions 
as  not  to  discern  it. 

And  now  I  will  turn  my  discourse  to 
one  of  their  principal  writers,  whom  I  have 
a  little  before  made  use  of  as  a  witness  to 
our  antiquity :  I  mean  Manetho.f  He 
promised  to  interpret  the  Egyptian  history 
out  of  their  sacred  writings,  and  premised 
this :  that  "  our  people  had  come  into 
Egypt,  many  ten  thousands  in  number, 
and  subdued  its  inhabitants;"  and  when 
he  had  further  confessed  that  "we  went 
out  of  that  country  afterward,  and  settled 
iu  that  country  which  is  now  called  Judca, 

*  Tho  Phoenician  shepherds,  **-horn  Josephus 
mistook  for  tho  Israelites. 

f  "In  reading  this  and  the  remaining  sectioil?  of 
this  book,  and  some  parts  of  the  next,  one  may 
easily  perceive  that  our  usually  cool  and  candid 
author,  Josephus,  was  too  highly  offecded  witii  the 
impudent  calumnies  of  Manetho,  and  the  oth-.-r  bit- 
ter enemies  of  the  Jews,  with  whom  he  hid  now  to 
deal,  and  was  thereby  betrayed  into  a  greater  heat 
and  passion  than  ordinary,  and  that  by  cons. 
he  does  not  hear  reason  with  his  usual  fairness  and 
impartiality;  he  seems  to  depart  sometimes  from 
the  brevity  and  sincerity  of  a  faithful  historian, 
which  is  his  grand  character,  and  indulges  the  pro- 
lixity and  colours  of  a  pleader  and  a  disputant: 
accordingly,  I  confess,  I  always  read  these  sections 
with  less  pleasure  than  I  do  the  rest  of  his  writ- 
ings; though  I  fully  believe  the  reproaches  cast 
on  the  Jews,  which  he  here  endeavours  to  confute 
and  expose,  were  wholly  groundless  and  unreason- 
ble." —  Whiston. 


420 


FLAYIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  I. 


and  there  built  Jerusalem  and  its  temple." 
Now  thus  far  he  followed  his  ancient  re- 
cords; but  after  this  he  permits  himself, 
in  order  to  appear  to  have  written  what 
rumours  and  reports  passed  abroad  about 
the  Jews,  and  introduces  incredible  nar- 
rations, as  if  he  would  have  the  Egyp- 
tian multitude,  that  had  the  leprosy 
and  other  distempers,  to  have  been 
mixed  with  us,  as  he  says  they  were, 
and  that  they  were  condemned  to  fly  out 
of  Egypt  together;  for  he  mentions  Ame- 
nophis,  a  fictitious  king's  name,  though  on 
that  account  he  durst  not  set  down  the 
number  of  years  of  his  reign,  which  yet  he 
had  accurately  done  as  to  the  other  kings 
he  mentions ;  he  then  ascribes  certain 
fabulous  stories  to  this  king,  as  having  in 
a  manner  forgotten  how  he  had  already 
related  that  the  departure  of  the  shepherds 
for  Jerusalem  had  been  518  years  before; 
for  Tethmosis  was  king  when  they  went 
awa}T.  Now,  from  his  days,  the  reigns  of 
the  intermediate  kings,  according  to  Ma- 
netho, amounted  to  393  years,  as  he  says 
himself,  till  the  two  brothers  Sethos  and 
Hermeus;  the  one  of  whom,  Sethos,  was 
called  by  that  other  name  of  Egyptus; 
and  the  other,  Hermeus,  by  that  of  Danaus. 
He  also  says  that  Sethos  cast  the  other  out 
of  Egypt,  and  reigned  fifty-nine  years,  as 
did  his  eldest  son  Rhampses  reign  after 
him  sixty-six  years.  "When  Manetho, 
therefore,  had  acknowledged  that  our 
forefathers  had  gone  out  of  Egypt  so  many 
years  ago,  he  introduces  his  fictitious  king 
Amenophis,  and  says  thus:  "This  king 
was  desirous  to  become  a  spectator  of  the 
gods,  as  had  Orus,  one  of  his  predecessors 
in  that  kingdom,  desired  the  same  before 
him;  he  also  communicated  that  his  de- 
sire to  his  namesake  Amenophis,  who  was 
the  son  of  Papis,  and  one  that  seemed  to 
partake  of  a  divine  nature,  both  as  to  wis- 
dom and  the  knowledge  of  futurities." 
Manetho  adds — "  How  this  namesake  of 
his  told  him  that  he  might  see  the  gods  if 
he  would  clear  the  whole  country  of  the 
lepers  and  of  the  other  impure  people ; 
and  the  king  was  pleased  with  this  injunc- 
tion, and  got  together  all  that  had  any  de- 
fects in  their  bodies  out  of  Egypt.  And 
that  their  number  was  80,000;  whom  he 
sent  to  those  quarries  which  are  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Nile,  that  they  might 
work  in  them,  and  might  be  separated 
from  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians."  He  says 
further,  that  "there  were  some  of  the 
learned  priests  that  were  polluted  with  the 


leprosy;  but  that  still  this  Amenophis, 
the  wise  man  and  the  prophet^  was  afraid 
that  the  gods  would  be  angry  at  him  and 
at  the  king,  if  there  should  appear  to  have 
been  violence  offered  them ;  who  also 
added  this  further  [out  of  his  sagacity 
about  futurities],  that  certain  people  would 
come  to  the  assistance  of  these  polluted 
wretches,  and  would  conquer  Egypt,  and 
keep  it  in  their  possession  thirteen  years: 
that,  however,  he  durst  not  tell  the  king 
of  these  things,  but  that  he  left  a  writing 
behind  him  about  all  those  matters,  and 
then  slew  himself,  which  made  the  king 
disconsolate." 

After  which  he  writes  thus,  verbatim  : 
"  After  those  that  were  sent  to  work  in  the 
quarries  had  continued  in  that  miserable 
state  for  a  long  while,  the  king  was  desired 
that  he  would  set  apart  the  city  Avaris, 
which  was  then  left  desolate  of  the 
shepherds,  for  their  habitation  and  pro- 
tection ;  which  desire  he  granted  them. 
Now  this  city,  according  to  the  ancient 
theology,  was  Trypho's  city.  But  when 
these  men  were  gotten  into  it,  and  found 
the  place  fit  for  a  revolt,  they  appointed 
themselves  a  ruler  out  of  the  priests  of 
Heliopolis,  whose  name  was  Osarsiph,  and 
they  took  their  oaths  that  they  would  be 
obedient  to  him  in  all  things.  He  then, 
in  the  first  place,  made  this  law  for  them, 
that  they  should  neither  worship  the 
Egyptian  gods,  nor  should  abstain  from 
any  one  of  those  sacred  animals  which 
they  have  in  the  highest  esteem,  but  kill 
and  destroy  them  all ;  that  they  should 
join  themselves  to  nobody  but  to  those 
that  were  of  this  confederacy.  When  he 
had  made  such  laws  as  these,  and  many 
more  such  as  were  mainly  opposite  to  the 
customs  of  the  Egyptians,*  he  gave  order 
that  they  should  use  the  multitude  of  the 
hands  they  had  in  building  walls  about 
their  city,  and  make  themselves  ready  for 
a  war  with  King  Amenophis,  while  he  did 
himself  take  into  his  friendship  the  other 
priests  and  those  that  were  polluted  with 
them,  and  sent  ambassadors  to  those 
shepherds  who  had  been  driven  out  of  the 
land  by  Tethmosis  to  the  city  called  Jeru- 
salem ;  whereby  he  informed  them  of  his 
own  affairs,  and  of  the  state  of  those 
others  that  had  been  treated  after  such  an 
ignominious  manner,  and  desired  that  they 

*  This  is  a  very  valuable  testimony  of  Manetho, 
that  the  laws  of  Osarsiph,  or  Moses,  were  not 
made  in  compliance  with,  but  in  opposition  to,  the 
customs  of  the  Egyptians. 


Book  L"! 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


421 


would  come  with  one  consent  to  his  as- 
sistance in  this  war  against  Egypt.  He 
also  promised  that  he  would,  in  the  first 
place,  bring  them  back  to  their  ancient 
city  and  country  Avaris,  and  provide  a 
plentiful  maintenance  for  their  multitude  ; 
that  he  would  protect  them  and  fight 
for  them  as  occasion  should  require,  and 
would  easily  reduce  the  country  under 
their  dominion.  These  shepherds  were 
all  very  glad. of  this  message,  and  came 
away  with  alacrity  all  together,  being  in 
number  200,000  men ;  and  in  a  little 
time  they  came  to  Avaris.  And  now 
Amenophis,  the  king  of  Egypt,  upon  his 
being  informed  of  their  invasion,  was  in 
great  confusion,  as  calling  to  mind  what 
Amenophis,  the  son  of  Papis,  had  foretold 
him ;  and  in  the  first  place,  he  assembled 
the  multitude  of  the  Egyptians,  and  took 
counsel  with  their  leaders,  and  sent  for 
their  sacred  animals  to  him,  especially  for 
those  that  were  principally  worshipped  in 
their  temple,  antl  gave  a  particular  charge 
to  the  priests  distinctly,  that  they  should 
hide  the  images  of  their  gods  with  the 
utmost  care.  He  also  sent  his  son  Sethos, 
who  was  also  named  Harnesses  from  his 
father  Rhampses,  being  but  five  years  old, 
to  a  friend  of  his.  He  then  passed  on 
with  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  being 
800,000  of  the  most  warlike  of  them, 
against  the  enemy,  who  met  them.  Yet 
did  he  not  join  battle  with  them  j  but 
thinking  that  would  be  to  fight  against 
the  gods,  he  returned  back  and  came  to 
Memphis,  where  he  took  Apis  and  the 
other  sacred  animals  which  he  had  sent 
for  to  him,  and  presently  marched  into 
Ethiopia,  together  with  his  whole  army 
and  multitude  of  Egyptians ;  for  the  king 
of  Ethiopia  was  under  an  obligation  to 
him,  on  which  account  he  received  him, 
and  took  care  of  all  the  multitude  that 
was  with  him,  while  the  country  supplied 
all  that  was  necessary  for  the  food  of  the 
men.  He  also  allotted  cities  and  villages 
for  this  exile,  that  was  to  be  from  its  be- 
ginning during  those  fatally  determined 
thirteen  years.  Moreover,  he  pitched  a 
camp  for  his  Ethiopian  army,  as  a  guard 
to  King  Amenophis,  upon  the  borders  of 
Egypt.  And  this  was  the  state  of  things 
in  Ethiopia.  But  for  the  people  of  Jeru- 
salem, when  they  came  down  together 
with  the  polluted  Egyptians,  they  treated 
the  men  in  such  a  barbarous  manner,  that 
those  who  saw  how  they  subdued  the 
before  mentioned  country,  and  the  horrid 


wickedness  they  were  guilty  of,  thought  it 
a  most  dreadful  thing;  for  they  did  not 
only  set  the  cities  and  villages  on  fire,  but 
were  not  satisfied  till  they  had  been  guilty 
of  sacrilege,  and  destroyed  the  images  of 
the  gods,  and  used  them  in  roasting  those 
sacred  animals  that  used  to  be  worshipped, 
aud  forced  the  priests  and  prophets  to  be 
the  executioners  and  murderers  of  those 
animals,  and  then  ejected  them  naked  out 
of  the  country.  It  was  also  reported  that 
the  priest  who  ordained  their  polity  and 
their  laws,  was  by  birth  of  Heliopolis; 
and  his  name  Osarsiph,  from  Osiris,  who 
was  the  god  of  Heliopolis;  but  that  when 
he  was  gone  over  to  these  people,  his  name 
was  changed,  and  he  was  called  Moses." 

This  is  what  the  Egyptians  relate  about 
the  Jews,  with  much  more,  which  I  omit 
for  the  sake  of  brevity.  But  still  Mane- 
tho  goes  on,  that  "after  this,  Amenophis 
returned  from  Ethiopia  with  a  great  army, 
as  did  his  son  Rhampses  with  another 
army  also,  and  that  both  of  them  joined 
battle  with  the  shepherds  and  the  polluted 
people,  and  beat  them  and  slew  a  great 
many  of  them,  and  pursued  them  to  the 
bounds  of  Syria."  These  and  the  like 
accounts  are  written  by  Manetho.  But  I 
will  demonstrate  that  he  trifles,  and  tells 
arrant  lies,  after  I  have  made  a  distinction 
which  will  relate  to  what  I  am  going  to 
say  about  him ;  for  this  Manetho  had 
granted  and  confessed  that  this  nation 
was  not  originally  Egyptian,  but  that  they 
had  come  from  another  country,  and 
subdued  Egypt,  and  then  went  away  again 
out  of  it.  But  that  those  Egyptians  who 
were  thus  diseased  in  their  bodies  were  not 
mingled  with  us  afterward,  and  that  Moses 
who  brought  the  people  out  was  not  one  of 
that  company,  but  lived  many  generations 
earlier,  I  shall  endeavour  to  demonstrate 
from  Manetho's  own  accouuts  themselves. 

Now,  for  the  first  occasion  of  this 
fiction,  Manetho  supposes  what  is  no  bet- 
ter than  a  ridiculous  thing;  for  he  says 
that  "  King  Amenophis  desired  to  see  the 
gods."  What  gods,  I  pray,  did  he  desire 
to  see  ?  If  he  meant  the  gods  whom  their 
laws  ordained  to  be  worshipped,  the  ox, 
the  goat,  the  crocodile,  and  the  baboon, 
he  saw  them  already ;  but  for  the  heavenly 
gods,"  how  could  he  see  them,  and  what 
should  occasion  this  his  desire  ?  To  be 
sure,  it  was  because  another  king  before 
him  had  already  seen  them.  He  had 
then  been  informed  what  sort  of  gods 
they  were,  and  after  what  manner  they 


:=n 


422 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  I 


had  been  seen,  insomuch  that  he  did  not  j 
stand    in    need  of  any  new   artifice   for 
obtaining  this  sight.     However,  the  pro- 
phet, by  whose  means  the  king  thought 
to  compass    his  design  was  a  wise  man. 
If  so,  how  came  he  not  to  know  that  such 
his    desire  was  impossible  to  be  accom- 
plished ?  for  the  event  did  not  succeed. 
And   what   pretence    could   there   be   to 
suppose  that  the  gods  would  not  be  seen 
by  reason  of  the  people's  maims  in  their 
bodies,  or  leprosy  ?  for  the  gods  are  not 
angry  at  the  imperfection  of  bodies,  but 
at  wicked  practices ;    and  as  to    80,000 
lepers,  and  those  in  an  ill  state  also,  how 
is  it  possible  to  have  them  gathered  to- 
gether in  one  day  ?  nay,  how  came  the 
king  not  to  comply  with  the  prophet  ?  for 
his  injunction  was,  that  those  that  were 
maimed  should  be  expelled  out  of  Egypt, 
while  the  king  only  sent  them  to  work  in 
the  quarries,  as  if  he  were  rather  in  want 
of  labourers,  than  intended  to  purge  his 
country.      He   says   further,   that   "  this 
prophet  slew  himself,  as  foreseeing  the 
anger  of  the  gods,  and  those  events  which 
were  to  come  upon  Egypt  afterward ;  and 
that  he  left  this  prediction  for  the  king 
in  writing.     Besides,  how  came  it  to  pass 
that  this   prophet   did  not  foreknow  his 
own  death  at  the  first  ?  nay,  how  came  he 
not  to  contradict  the  king  in  his  desire  to 
see  the  gods  immediately  ?  how  came  that 
unreasonable  dread  upon  him    of  judg- 
ments that  were  not  to  happen  in  his  life- 
time; or  what  worse  thing  could  he  suffer, 
out  of  the  fear  of  which  he  made  haste 
to  kill  himself?     But  now  let  us  see  the 
silliest  thing  of  all : — The  king,  although 
he   had  been   informed  of  these  things, 
and  terrified  with  the  fear  of  what  was  to 
come,  yet  did  not  he  even  then  eject  these 
maimed  people  out  of  his  country,  when 
it  had  been  foretold  him  that  he  was  to 
clear  Egypt  of  them  ;    but,  as  Manetho 
says,   "  He  then,  upon  their  request,  gave 
them  that  city  to  inhabit,  which  had  for- 
merly belonged  to  the  shepherds,  and  was 
called  Avaris;  whither  when  they  were 
gone  in  crowds  (he  says)  they  chose  one 
that  had  formerly  been  priest  of  Helio- 
polis  ;  and  that  this  priest  first  ordained 
that  they  should  neither  worship  the  gods, 
nor  abstain  from  those  animals  that  were 
worshipped  by  the  Egyptians,  but  should 
kill  and  eat  them  all,  and  should  associate 
with  nobody  but  those  that  had  conspired 
with  them ;  and  that  he  bound  the  multi- 
tude by  oaths  to  be  sure  to  continue  in 


those  laws;  and  that  when  he  had  built  a 
wall  about  Avaris,  he  made  war  against 
the  king."    Manetho  adds  also,  that  "  this 
priest  sent  to  Jerusalem  to  invite   that 
people  to  come  to  his  assistance,  and  pro- 
mised to  give  them  Avaris ;  for  that  it 
had  belonged  to  the  forefathers  of  those 
that  were  coming  from   Jerusalem,    and 
that  when  they  were  come,  they  made  a 
war    immediately  against  the   king,  and 
got  possession  of  all  Egypt."     He  says 
also,  that  "  the  Egyptians  came  with  an 
army  of  200,000  men,  and  that  Ameno- 
phis,  the  king  of  Egypt,  not  thinking  that 
he  ought  to  fight  against  the  gods,  ran 
away  presently  into  Ethiopia,  and  com- 
mitted Apis   and  certain  other  of  their 
sacred  animals  to   the  priests,  and  com- 
manded them  to  take  care  of  preserving 
them."    He  says  further,  that  "  the  people 
of  Jerusalem  came  accordingly  upon  the 
Egyptians,  and  overthrew  their  cities,  and 
burnt  their  temples,  and  slew  their  horse- 
men, and,  in    short,  abstained   from    no 
sort  of  wickedness  nor  barbarity  :  and  for 
that  priest  who  settled  their  polity  and 
their  laws,"  he  says  "  he  was  by  birth  of 
Heliopolis,  and  his  name  was  Osarsiph, 
from  Osiris,  the  god  of  Heliopolis;   but 
that    he    changed    his  name,  and  called 
himself  Moses."    He  then  says,  that  "  on 
the  thirteenth  year  afterward,  Amenophis, 
according  to  the  fatal  time  of  the  duration 
of  his  misfortunes,  came  upon  them  out 
of  Ethiopia  with  a  great  army,  and  joining 
battle  with  the  shepherds  and  with  the 
polluted  people,  overcame  them  in  battle, 
and  slew  a  great  many  of  them,  and  pur- 
sued them  as  far  as  the  bounds  of  Syria." 
Now  Manetho  does  not  reflect  upon  the 
improbability  of  his  lie;  for  the  leprous 
people,  and  the  multitude  that  was  with 
them,  although  they  might  formerly  have 
been  angry  at  the  king,  and  at  those  that 
had   treated  them  so   coarsely,  and  this 
according   to  the  prediction  of  the  pro- 
phet; yet  certainly,  when  they  were  come 
out  of  the  mines,  and  had  received  of  the 
king  a  city,  and  a  country,  they  would 
have  grown  milder  toward    him.     How- 
ever, had  they  ever  so  much  hated  him 
in    particular,   they    might   have   laid    a 
private    plot  against  himself,  but  would 
hardly    have   made  war   against   all   the 
Egyptians :  I  mean  this  on  the  account 
of  the  great  kindred  they  who  were  so 
numerous  must  have   had  among  them. 
Nay  still,  if  they  had  resolved   to  fight 
with  the  men,  they  would  not  have  had 


Book  I.] 


FLAVIUS   JOSEPIIUS   AGAINST   AHON. 


423 


impudence  enough  to  fight  with  their  gods; 
nor  would  they  have  ordained  laws  quite 
contrary  to  those  of  their  own  country, 
and  to  those  in  which  they  had  been  bred 
up  themselves.  Yet  are  we  beholden  to 
Manetho,  that  he  does  not  lay  the  princi- 
pal charge  of  this  horrid  transgression 
upon  those  that  came  from  Jerusalem, 
but  says  that  the  Egyptians  themselves 
were  the  most  guilty,  and  that  they  were 
their  priests  that  contrived  these  things, 
and  made  the  multitude  take  their  oaths 
for  doing  so ;  but  still  how  absurd  is  it  to 
suppose  that  none  of  these  people's  own 
relations  or  friends  should  be  prevailed 
with  to  revolt,  nor  to  undergo  the  hazards 
of  war  with  them ;  while  these  polluted 
people  were  forced  to  send  to  Jerusalem, 
and  bring  their  auxiliaries  from  thence  ! 
What  friendship,  I  pray,  or  what  relation 
was  there  formerly  between  them  that 
required  this  assistance  ?  On  the  contrary, 
these  people  were  enemies,  and  greatly 
differed  from  them  in  their  customs.  He 
says,  indeed,  that  they  complied  immedi- 
ately, upon  their  promising  them  that 
they  should  conquer  Egypt ;  as  if  they 
did  not  themselves  very  well  know  that 
country  out  of  which  they  had  been 
driven  by  force.  Now,  had  these  men 
been  in  want,  or  lived  miserably,  perhaps 
they  might  have  undertaken  so  hazardous 
an  enterprise ;  but  as  they  dwelt  in  a 
happy  city,  and  had  a  large  country,  and 
one  better  than  Egypt  itself,  how  came  it 
about,  that  for  the  sake  of  those  that  had 
of  old  been  their  enemies,  of  those  that 
were  maimed  in  their  bodies,  and  of  those 
whom  none  of  their  own  relations  would 
endure,  they  should  run  such  hazards  in 
assisting  them  ?  For  they  could  not  fore- 
see that  the  king  would  run  away  from 
them :  on  the  contrary,  he  saith  himself, 
that  "  Amenophis's  son  had  300,000  men 
with  him,  and  met  them  at  Pelusium." 
Now,  to  be  sure,  those  that  came  could 
not  be  ignorant  of  this;  but  for  the  king's 
repentance  and  flight,  how  could  they 
possibly  guess  at  it  ?  He  then  says,  that 
"  those  who  came  from  Jerusalem,  and 
made  this  invasion,  got  the  granaries  of 
Egypt  into  their  possession,  and  perpe- 
trated many  of  the  most  horrid  actions 
there."  And  thence  he  reproaches  them, 
as  though  he  had  not  himself  introduced 
them  as  enemies,  or  as  though  he  might 
accuse  such  as  were  invited  from  another 
place  for  so  doing,  when  the  natural 
Egyptians  themselves  had  done  the  same 


things  before  their  coming,  and  had  taken 
oaths  so  to  do.  However,  "  Ameno- 
phis,  some  time  afterward,  came  upon 
them,  and  conquered  them  in  a  battle,  and 
slew  his  enemies,  and  drove  them  before 
him  as  far  as  Syria"  As  if  Egypt  were 
so  easily  taken  by  people  that  came  from 
any  place  whatsoever;  and  as  if  those 
that  had  conquered  it  by  war,  when  they 
were  informed  that  Amenophia  was  alive, 
did  neither  fortify  the  avenues  out  of 
Ethiopia  into  it,  although  they  had  great 
advantages  for  doing  it,  nor  did  get  their 
other  forces  ready  for  their  defence  ;  but 
that  he  followed  them  over  the  sandy  de- 
sert, and  slew  them  as  far  as  Syria;  while 
yet  it  is  not  an  easy  thing  for  an  army 
to  pass  over  that  country,  even  without 
fighting. 

Our  nation,  therefore,  according  to 
Manetho,  was  not  derived  from  Egypt,  nor 
wire  any  of  the  Egyptians  mingled  with 
us,  for  it  is  to  be  supposed  that  many  of 
the  leprous  and  distempered  people  were 
dead  in  the  mines,  since  they  had  been 
there  a  long  time,  and  in  so  ill  a  condition ; 
many  others  must  be  dead  in  the  battles 
that  happened  afterward,  and  more  still 
in  the  last  battle  and  flight  after  it. 

It  now  remains  that  I  debate  with  Ma- 
netho about  Moses.  Now  the  Egyptians 
acknowledge  him  to  have  been  a  wonder- 
ful and  a  divine  person ;  nay,  they  would 
williugly  lay  claim  to  him  themselves, 
though  after  a  most  abusive  and  incredi- 
ble manner;  and  pretend  that  he  was  of 
Heliopolis,  and  one  of  the  priests  of  that 
place,  and  was  ejected  out  of  it  among 
the  rest,  on  account  of  his  leprosy ;  al- 
though it  had  been  demonstrated  out  of 
their  records,  that  he  lived  518  years 
earlier,  and  then  brought  our  forefathers 
out  of  Egypt  into  the  country  that  is  now 
inhabited  by  us.  But  now  that  he  was 
not  subject  in  his  body  to  any  such  ca- 
lamity, is  evident  from  what  he  himself 
tells  us ;  for  he  forbade  those  that  had  the 
leprosy  either  to  continue  in  a  city,  or  to 
inhabit  a  village,  but  commanded  that 
they  should  go  about  by  themselves  with 
their  clothes  rent ;  and  declares  that  such 
as  either  touch  them,  or  live  under  the 
same  roof  with  them,  should  be  esteemed 
unclean ;  nay,  more,  if  any  one  of  their 
disease  be  healed,  and  he  recover  his 
natural  constitution  again,  he  appointed 
them  certain  purifications  and  washings 
with"  spring-water,  and  the  shaving  off  all 
their  hair,  and  enjoins  that  they  shall  offer 


424 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  1. 


many  sacrifices,  and  those  of  several  kinds, 
and  then  at  length  to  be  admitted  into  the 
city  holy;  although  it  were  to  be  expected 
that,  on  the  contrary,  if  he  had  been  un- 
der the  same  calamity,  he  should  have 
taken  care  of  such  persons  beforehand, 
and  have  had  them  treated  after  a  kinder 
manner,  as  affected  with  a  concern  for 
those  that  were  to  be  under  the  like  mis- 
fortunes with  himself.  Nor  was  it  only 
those  leprous  people  for  whose  sake  he 
made  these  laws,  but  also  for  such  as 
should  be  maimed  in  the  smallest  part  of 
their  body,  who  yet  are  not  permitted  by 
him  to  officiate  as  priests ;  nay,  although 
any  priest,  already  initiated,  should  have 
such  a  calamity  fall  upon  him  afterward, 
he  ordered  him  to  be  deprived  of  his 
honour  of  officiating.  How  can  it  then 
be  supposed  that  Moses  should  ordain 
such  laws  against  himself,  to  his  own  re- 
proach and  damage  who  so  ordained  them  ? 
Nor,  indeed,  is  that  other  notion  of  Ma- 
netho  at  all  probable,  wherein  he  relates 
the  change  of  bis  name,  and  says  that  "  he 
was  formerly  called  Osarsiph ;"  and  this 
a  name  noway  agreeable  to  the  other, 
while  his  true  name  was  Moiises,  and  sig- 
nifies a  person  who  is  preserved  out  of 
the  water,  for  the  Egyptians  call  water 
Moii.  I  think,  therefore,  I  have  made  it 
sufficiently  evident  that  Manetho,  while 
he  followed  his  ancient  records,  did  not 
much  mistake  the  truth  of  the  history ; 
but  that  when  he  had  recourse  to  fabulous 
stories,  without  any  certain  author,  he 
either  forged  them  himself,  without  any 
probability,  or  else  gave  credit  to  some 
men  who  spake  so,  out  of  their  ill-will 
to  us. 

And  now  I  have  done  with  Manetho,  I 
will  inquire  into  what  Cheremon  says ; 
for  he  also,  when  he  pretended  to  write 
the  Egyptian  history,  sets  down  the  same 
name  for  this  king  that  Manetho  did, 
Amenophis,  as  also  of  his  son  Harnesses, 
and  then  goes  on  thus  : — "  The  goddess 
Isis  appeared  to  Amenophis  in  his  sleep, 
and  blamed  him  that  her  temple  had  been 
demolished  in  the  war ;  but  that  Phriti- 
phantes,  the  sacred  scribe,  said  to  him, 
that,  in  case  he  would  purge  Egypt  of  the 
men  that  had  pollutions  upon  them,  he 
should  be  no  longer  troubled  with  such 
frightful  apparitions.  That  Amenophis 
accordingly  chose  out  250,000  of  those 
that  were  thus  diseased,  and  cast  them 
out  cf  the  country:  that  Moses  and  Jo- 
seph were  scribes,  and  Joseph  was  a  sa- 


cred scribe  ;  that  their  names  were  Egyp- 
tian originally;  that  of  Moses  had  been 
Tisithen,  and  that  of  Joseph,  Peteseph  : 
that  these  two  came  to  Pelusium,  and 
lighted  upon  380,000  that  had  been  left 
there  by  Amenophis,  he  not  being  willing 
to  carry  them  into  Egypt;  that  these 
scribes  made  a  league  of  friendship  with 
them,  and  made  with  them  an  expedition 
against  Egypt :  that  Amenophis  could 
not  sustain  their  attacks,  but  immediately 
fled  into  Ethiopia,  and  left  his  wife  with 
child  behind  him,  who  lay  concealed  in 
certain  caverns,  and  there  brought  forth  a 
son,  whose  name  was  Messene,  and  who, 
when  he  was  grown  up  to  man's  estate, 
pursued  the  Jews  into  Syria,  being  about 
200,000  men,  and  then  received  his  father 
Amenophis  out  of  Ethiopia." 

This  is  the  account  Cheremon  gives  us. 
Now,  I  take  it  for  granted,  that  what  1 
have  said  already  hath  plainly  proved  the 
falsity  of  both  these  narrations;  for  had 
there  been  any  real  truth  at  the  bottom, 
it  was  impossible  that  they  should  so 
greatly  disagree  about  the  particulars ; 
but  for  those  that  invent  lies,  what  they 
write  easily  will  give  us  very  different  ac- 
counts, while  they  forge  what  they  please, 
out  of  their  own  heads.  Now,  Manetho 
says  that  the  king's  desire  of  seeing  the 
gods  was  the  origin  of  the  ejection  of  the 
polluted  people  ;  but  Cheremon  feigns 
that  it  was  a  dream  of  his  own,  sent  upon 
him  by  Isis,  that  was  the  occasion  of  it. 
Manetho  says,  that  the  person  who  fore- 
showed this  purgation  of  Egypt  to  the 
king  was  Amenophis;  but  this  man  says 
it  was  Phritiphautes.  As  to  the  numbers 
of  the  multitude  that  were  expelled,  they 
agree  exceedingly  well,  the  former  reck- 
oning them  80,000,  and  the  latter  about 
250,000  !  Now,  for  Manetho,  he  de- 
scribes these  polluted  persons  as  sent  first 
to  work  in  the  quarries,  and  says,  that 
after  that  the  city  Avaris  was  given  them 
for  their  habitation.  As  also,  he  relates 
that  it  was  not  till  after  they  had  made 
war  with  the  rest  of  the  Egyptians,  that 
they  invited  the  people  of  Jerusalem  to 
come  to  their  assistance  ;  while  Cheremon 
says  only,  that  they  were  gone  out  of 
Egypt,  and  lighted  upon  380,000  men 
about  Pelusium,  who  had  been  left  there 
by  Amenophis,  and  so  they  invaded 
Egypt  with  them  again ;  that  thereupon 
Amenophis  fled  into  Ethiopia;  but  then 
this  Cheremon  commits  a  most  ridiculous 
blunder  in  not  informing  us  who  this  army 


Book  I.] 

of  so  many  ten  thousands  were,  or  whence 
they  came  ;  whether  they  were  native 
Egyptians,  or  whether  they  came  from  a 
foreign  country.  Nor,  indeed,  has  this 
mau,  who  forged  a  dream  from  Isis  about 
the  leprous  people,  assigned  the  reason 
why  the  king  would  not  bring  them  into 
Egypt.  Moreover,  Cheremon  sets  down 
Joseph  as  driven  away  at  the  same  time 
with  Moses,  who  yet  died  four  generations 
before  Moses  ;  which  four  generations 
make  almost  170  years.  Besides  all  this, 
Harnesses,  the  son  of  Amenophis,  by  Ma- 
netho's  account,  was  a  young  man,  and 
assisted  his  father  in  his  war,  and  left  the 
country  at  the  same  time  with  him,  and 
fled  into  Ethiopia :  but  Cheremon  makes 
him  to  have  been  born  in  a  certain  cave, 
after  his  father  was  dead,  and  that  he  then 
overcame  the  Jews  in  battle,  and  drove 
them  into  Syria,  being  in  number  about 
200,000.  Oh  the  levity  of  the  man  !  for 
he  neither  told  us  who  these  380,000 
were,  nor  how  the  430,000  perished;  whe- 
ther they  fell  in  war,  or  went  over  to  Ha- 
rnesses; and,  what  is  the  strangest  of  all, 
it  is  not  possible  to  learn  out  of  him,  who 
they  were  whom  he  calls  Jews,  or  to  which 
of  these  two  parties  he  applies  that  deno- 
mination, whether  to  the  250,000  leprous 
people,  or  to  the  380,000  that  were  about 
Pelusium.  But,  perhaps,  it  will  be  looked 
upon  as  a  silly  thing  in  me  to  make  any 
larger  confutation  of  such  writers  as  suffi- 
ciently confute  themselves;  for  had  they 
been  only  confuted  by  other  men,  it  had 
been  more  tolerable. 

I  shall  now  add  to  these  accounts  about 
Menetho  and  Cheremon,  somewhat  about 
Lysimachus,  who  hath  taken  the  same 
topic  of  falsehood  with  those  before  men- 
tioned, but  hath  gone  far  beyond  them  in 
the  incredible  nature  of  his  forgeries ; 
which  plainly  demonstrates  that  he  con- 
trived them  out  of  his  virulent  hatred  of 
our  natiou.  His  words  are  these  : — "The 
people  of  the  Jews  being  leprous  and 
scabby,  and  subject  to  certain  other  kinds 
of  distempers,  in  the  days  of  Bocchoris, 
king  of  Egypt,  they  fled  to  the  temple, 
and  got  their  food  there  by  begging ;  and, 
as  the  numbers  were  very  great  that  were 
fallen  under  these  diseases,  there  arose  a 
scarcity  in  Egypt.  Hereupon  Bocchoris, 
the  king  of  Egypt,  sent  some  to  consult 
the  oracle  of  [Jupiter]  Amnion  about  this 
scarcity.  The  god's  answer  was  this,  that 
he  must  purge  his  temples  of  impure  and 
impious  men,  by  expelling  them  out  of 


FLAVIUS  JOSELMIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


42.3 


those  temples  into  desert  places ;  nut,  as 
to  the  scabby  and  leprous  people,  he  must 
drown  them,  and  purge  his  temples,  the 
sun  having  an  indignation  at  these  men 
being  suffered  to  live ;  and  by  this  means 
the  land  will  bring  forth  its  fruits.  Upon 
Bocchoris's  having  received  these  oracles, 
he  called  for  their  priests,  and  the  attend- 
ants upon  their  altars,  and  ordered  thorn  to 
make  a  collection  of  the  impure  people, 
and  to  deliver  them  to  the  soldiers,  to 
carry  them  away  into  the  desert ;  but  to 
take  the  leprous  people,  and  wrap  them 
in  sheets  of  lead,  and  let  them  down  into 
the  sea.  Hereupon  the  scabby  and  le- 
prous people  were  drowned,  and  the  rest 
were  gotten  together,  and  sent  into  desert 
places,  in  order  to  be  exposed  to  destruc- 
tion. In  this  case  they  assembled  them- 
selves together,  and  took  counsel  what 
they  should  do ;  and  determined,  that, 
as  the  night  was  coming  on,  they  should 
kindle  fires  and  lamps,  and  keep  watch ; 
that  they  also  should  fast  the  next  night, 
and  propitiate  the  gods,  in  order  to  obtain 
deliverance  from  them.  That,  on  the 
next  day,  there  was  one  Moses,  who  ad- 
vised them  that  they  should  venture  upon 
a  journey,  and  go  along  one  road  till  they 
should  come  to  places  fit  for  habitation  : 
that  he  charged  them  to  have  no  kind  re- 
gards for  any  man,  nor  give  good  counsel 
to  any,  but  always  to  advise  them  for  the 
worst;  and  to  overturn  all  those  temples 
and  altars  of  the  gods  they  should  meet 
with  :  that  the  rest  commended  what  he 
had  said  with  one  consent,  and  did  what 
they  had  resolved  on,  and  so  travelled 
over  the  desert.  But  that  the  difficulties 
of  the  journey  being  over,  they  came  to  a 
country  inhabited,  and  that  there  they 
abused  the  men,  and  plundered  and  burnt 
their  temples,  and  then  came  into  that 
laud  which  is  called  Judea,  and  there  they 
built  a  city,  and  dwelt  therein,  and  that 
their  city  was  named  Hierosyla,  from  this 
their  robbing  of  the  temples ;  but  that 
still,  upon  the  success  they  had  afterward, 
they,  through  course  of  time,  changed  its 
denomination,  that  it  might  not  be  a 
reproach  to  them,  and  called  the  city 
Hierosolyma,  and  themselves  Hierosoly- 
mites." 

Now  this  man  did  not  discover  and  men- 
tion the  same  king  with  the  others,  but 
feigned  a  newer  name,  and  passing  by  the 
dream  and  the  Egyptian  prophet,  he  brings 
him  to  [Jupiter]  Amnion,  in  order  to  gain 
oracles  about  the  scabby  and  leprous  peo- 


i26 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


Book  II. 


pie ;  for  he  says  that  the  multitude  of 
Jews  were  gathered  together  at  the  tem- 
ples. Now,  it  is  uncertain  whether  he 
ascribes  these  names  to  these  lepers,  or  to 
those  that  were  subject  to  such  diseases 
among  the  Jews  only ;  for  he  describes 
them  as  a  people  of  the  Jews.  What 
people  does  he  mean  ?  foreigners,  or  those 
of  that  country  ?  Why  then  dost  thou 
call  them  Jews,  if  they  were  Egyptians  ? 
But  if  they  were  foreigners,  why  dost  thou 
not  tell  us  whence  they  came  ?  And  how 
could  it  be  that,  after  the  king  had  thrown 
many  of  them  into  the  sea,  and  ejected 
the  rest  into  desert  places,  there  should  be 
still  so  great  a  multitude  remaining?  Or 
after  what  manner  did  they  pass  over  the 
desert,  and  get  the  land  which  we  now 
dwell  in,  and  build  our  city,  and  that  tem- 
ple which  hath  been  so  famous  among  all 
mankind  ?  And  besides,  he  ought  to  have 
spoken  more  about  our  legislator  than  by 
giving  us  his  bare  name ;  and  to  have  in- 
formed us  of  what  nation  he  was,  and 
what  parents  he  was  derived  from ;  and 
to  have  assigned  the  reasons  why  he  un- 
dertook to  make  such  laws  concerning 
the  gods,  and  concerning  matters  of  in- 
justice with  regard  to  men  during  that 
journey.  For,  in  case  the  people  were 
by  birth  Egyptians,  they  would  not  on  the 
sudden  have  so  easily  changed  the  cus- 
toms of  their  country  ;- and  in  case  they 
had  been  foreigners,  they  had  for  certain 
some  laws  or  other  which  had  been  kept 


by  them  from  long  custom.  It  is  true, 
that  in  regard  to  those  who  had  ejected 
them,  they  might  have  sworn  never  to 
bear  good-will  to  them,  and  might  have 
had  a  plausible  reason  for  so  doing.  But 
if  these  men  resolved  to  wage  an  implaca- 
ble war  against  all  men,  in  case  they  had 
acted  as  wickedly  as  he  relates  of  them, 
and  this  while  they  wanted  the  assistance 
of  all  men,  this  demonstrates  a  kind  of 
mad  conduct  indeed  ;  but  not  of  the  men 
themselves,  but  very  greatly  so  of  him 
that  tells  such  lies  about  them.  He  hath 
also  impudence  enough  to  say  that  a  name 
[Hierosyla]  implying  "  Bobbers  of  the 
temples,"*  was  given  to  their  city,  and 
that  this  name  was  afterward  changed. 
The  reason  of  which  is  plain,  that  the 
former  name  brought  reproach  and  hatred 
upon  them  in  the  times  of  their  posterity, 
while,  it  seems,  those  that  built  the  city 
thought  they  did  honour  to  the  city  by 
giving  it  such  a  name.  So  we  see  that 
this  fine  fellow  had  such  an  unbounded 
inclination  to  reproach  us,  that  he  did  not 
understand  that  robbery  of  temples  is  not 
expressed  by  the  same  word  and  name 
among  the  Jews  as  it  is  among  the  Greeks. 
But  why  should  a  man  say  any  more  to 
a  person  who  tells  such  impudent  lies ! 
However,  since  this  book  is  risen  to  a 
competent  length,  I  will  make  another  be- 
ginning, and  endeavour  to  add  what  still 
remains  to  perfect  my  design  in  the  follow- 
ing book. 


BOOK  II. 


In  the  former  book,  most  honoured 
Epaphroditus,  I  have  demonstrated  our 
antiquity,  and  confirmed  the  truth  of  what 
I  have  said,  from  the  writings  of  the 
Phoenicians,  and  Chaldeans,  and  Egyp- 
tians. I  have,  moreover,  produced  many 
of  the  Grecian  writers,  as  witnesses  there- 
to. I  have  also  made  a  refutation  of  Ma- 
netho  and  Cheremon,  and  of  certain  others 
of  our  enemies.  I  shall  now,f  therefore, 
begin  a  confutation  of  the  remaining  au- 
thors who  have  written  any  thing  against 


*  That  is  the  meaning  of  Hierosyla  in  Greek, 
not  in  Hebrew. 

f  The  former  part  of  this  second  book  is  written 
against  the  calumnies  of  Apion,  and  then  more 
briefly  against  the  like  calumnies  of  Apollonius 
Molo.     But  after  that,  Josephus  leaves  off  the  more 


us;  although,  I  confess,  I  have  had  a 
doubt  upon  me  about  Apion, |  the  gram- 
marian, whether  I  ought  to  take  the  trou- 
ble of  confuting  him  or  not ;  for  some  of 
his  writings  contain  much  the  same  accu- 
sations which  the  others  have  laid  against 
us,  some  things  that  he  hath  added  are 
very  frigid  and  contemptible,  and  for  the 
greatest  part  of  what  he  says,  it  is  very 
scurrilous,  and,  to  speak  no  more  than  the 
plain  truth,  it  shows  him  to  be  a  very  un- 
learned person,  and  what  he  lays  together, 


particular  reply  to  those  adversaries  of  the  Jews, 
and  gives  an  excellent  description  and  vindication 
of  that  theocracy  which  was  settled  for  the  Jewish 
nation  by  Moses. 

J  Called  by  Tiberius,  "  Cymbalum  Mundi,"  the 
drum  of  the  world. 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


12: 


L 


looks  like  the  work  of  a  man  of  very  bad 
morals,  and  of  one  no  better  in  his  whole 
life  than  a  mountebank.  Yet,  because 
there  arc  a  great  many  men  so  very  foolish, 
that  the}-  are  rather  caught  by  such  ora- 
tions than  by  what  is  written  with  care, 
and  take  pleasure  in  reproaching  other 
men,  and  cannot  abide  to  hear  them  com- 
mended, I  thought  it  to  be  necessary  not 
to  let  this  man  go  off  without  examina- 
tion, who  had  written  such  an  accusation 
against  us,  as  if  he  would  bring  us  to 
make  an  answer  in  open  court.  For  I 
also  have  observed,  that  many  men  are 
very  much  delighted  when  they  see  a 
man  who  first  began  to  reproach  another, 
to  be  himself  exposed  to  contempt  on  ac- 
count of  the  vices  he  hath  himself  been 
guilty  of.  However,  it  is  not  a  very  easy 
thing  to  go  over  this  man's  discourse,  nor 
to  know  plainly  what  he  means  :  yet  does 
he  seem,  amid  a  great  confusion  and  dis- 
order in  his  falsehoods,  to  produce,  in  the 
first  place,  such  things  as  resemble  what 
we  have  examined  already,  and  relate  to 
the  departure  of  our  forefathers  out  of 
Egypt;  and,  in  the  second  place,  he  ac- 
cuses the  Jews  that  are  inhabitants  of 
Alexandria;  as,  in  the  third  place,  he 
mixes  with  those  things  such  accusations 
as  concern  the  sacred  purifications,  with 
the  other  legal  rites  used  in  the  temple. 

Now,  although  I  cannot  but  think  that 
I  have  already  demonstrated,  and  that 
abundantly  more  than  was  necessary, 
that  our  fathers  were  not  originally  Egyp- 
tians, nor  were  thence  expelled,  either  on 
account  of  bodily  diseases,  or  on  any 
other  calamities  of  that  sort;  yet  will  I 
briefly  take  notice  of  what  Apion  adds 
upon  that  subject ;  for  in  his  third  book, 
which  relates  to  the  affairs  of  Egypt,  he 
speaks  thus  : — "  I  have  heard  of  the  an- 
cient men  of  Egypt,  that  Moses  was  of 
Heliopolis,  and  that  he  thought  himself 
obliged  to  follow  the  customs  of  his  fore- 
fathers, and  offered  his  prayers  in  the  open 
air,  toward  the  city  walls;  but  that  he 
reduced  them  all  to  be  directed  toward 
suurising,  which  was  agreeable  to  the 
situation  of  Heliopolis :  that  he  also  set 
up  pillars  instead  of  gnomons,  under  which 
was  represented  a  cavity  like  that  of  a 
boat,  and  the  shadow  that  fell  from  their 
tops  fell  down  upon  that  cavity,  that  it 
might  go  round  about  the  like  course  as 
the  sun  itself  goes  round  in  the  other." 
This  is  that  wonderful  relation  which  we 
have  given  us  by  this  grammarian.     But 


that  it  is  a  false  one  is  so  plain,  that  it 
stands  in  need  of  few  words  to  prove  it, 
J  but  is  manifest  from  the  works  of  Moses  ; 
for  when  he  erected  the  first  tabeftacle  to 
God,  he  did  himself  neither  give  order  for 
any  such  kind  of  representation  to  be 
made  at  it,  nor  ordain  that  those  that  came 
after  him  should  make  such  an  one.  More- 
over, when,  in  a  future  age,  Solomon  built 
his  temple  in  Jerusalem,  he  avoided  all 
such  needless  decorations  as  Apion  hath 
here  devised.  He  says,  further,  how 
"  he  had  heard  of  the  ancient  men,  that 
Moses  was  of  Heliopolis."  To  be  sure 
that  was  because,  being  a  younger  man 
himself,  he  believed  those  that  by  their 
elder  age  were  acquainted  and  conversed 
with  him  !  Now  this  grammarian  as  he 
was,  could  not  certainly  tell  which  was  the 
poet  Homer's  country,  no  more  than  he 
could  which  was  the  country  of  Pytha- 
goras, who  lived  comparatively  but  a  little 
while  ago  :  yet  does  he  thus  easily  deter- 
mine the  age  of  Moses,  who  preceded 
them  such  a  vast  number  of  years,  as  de- 
pending on  his  ancient  men's  relation; 
which  shows  how  notorious  a  liar  he  was. 
But  then  as  to  his  chronological  determina- 
tion of  the  time  when  he  says  he  brought 
the  leprous  people,  the  blind,  and  the 
lame  out  of  Egypt,  see  how  well  this 
most  accurate  grammarian  of  ours  agrees 
with  those  that  have  written  before  him. 
Manetho  says  that  the  Jews  departed 
out  of  Egypt  in  the  reign  of  Teth- 
mosis,  393  years  before  Danaus  fled  to 
Argos ;  Lysimachus  says  it  was  under 
King  Bocchoris,  that  is  1700  years  ago; 
Molo  and  some  others  determined  it  as 
every  one  pleased ;  but  this  Apion  of 
ours,  as  deserving  to  be  believed  before 
them,  hath  determined  it  exactly  to  have 
been  in  the  seventh  olympiad,  and  the 
first  year  of  that  olympiad  ;  the  very  same 
year  in  which  he  says  that  Carthage  was 
built  by  the  Phoenicians.  The  reason  why 
he  added  this  building  of  Carthage  was, 
to  be  sure,  in  order,  as  he  thought,  to 
strengthen  his  assertion  by  so  evident  a 
character  of  chronology.  But  he  was  not 
aware  that  this  character  confutes  his  as- 
sertion;  for  if  we  may  give  credit  to  the 
Phoenician  records,  as  to  the  time  of  the 
first  coming  of  their  colony  to  Carthage, 
they  relate  that  Hiram  their  king  was 
above  150  years  earlier  than  the  building 
of  Carthage,  concerning  whom  1  have 
formerly  produced  testimonials  out  of 
those  Phoenicians  records,  as  also  that  this 


428 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGSINST  AriON. 


[Book  II. 


Hiram  was  a  friend  of  Solomon,  when  he 
was  building  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and 
gave  him  great  assistance  in  his  building 
that  temple ;  while  still  Solomon  himself 
built  that  temple  612  years  after  the  Jews 
came  out  of  Egypt.  As  for  the  number 
of  those  that  were  expelled  out  of  Egypt, 
he  hath  contrived  to  have  the  very  same 
number  with  Lysimachus,  and  says  they 
were  110,000.  He  then  assigns  a  certain 
wonderful  and  plausible  occasion  for  the 
name  of  Sabbath,  for  he  says,  that  "  when 
the  Jews  had  travelled  a  six  days'  jour- 
ney, they  had  swellings  on  their  groins ; 
and  that  on  this  account  it  was  that  they 
rested  on  the  seventh  day,  as  having  got 
safely  to  that  country  which  is  now  called 
Judea;  that  then  they  preserved  the  lan- 
guage of  the  Egyptians,  and  called  that 
day  the  Sabbath,  for  that  malady  of  swell- 
ings on  their  groin  was  named  Sabbatosis 
by  the  Egyptians."  And  would  not  a 
man  now  laugh  at  this  fellow's  trifling,  or 
rather  hate  his  impudence  in  writing  thus  ? 
We  must,  it  seems,  take  it  for  granted 
that  all  these  110,000  men  must  have 
these  swellings.  But,  for  certain,  if  those 
men  had  been  blind  and  lame,  and  had 
all  sorts  of  distempers  upon  them,  as 
Apion  says  they  had,  they  could  not  have 
gone  one  single  day's  journey  ;  but  if  they 
had  been  all  able  to  travel  over  a  large 
desert,  and  besides  that  to  fight  and  con- 
quer those  that  opposed  them,  they  had 
not  all  of  them  had  swellings  on  their 
groins  after  the  sixth  day  was  over :  for 
no  such  distemper  comes  naturally,  and 
of  necessity  upon  those  that  travel ;  but 
still  when  they  are  many  ten  thousands  in 
a  camp  together,  they  constantly  march  a 
settled  pace  [in  a  day].  Nor  is  it  at  all 
probable  that  such  a  thing  should  happen 
by  chance :  this  would  be  prodigiously  ab- 
surd to  be  supposed.  However,  our  ad- 
mirable author  Apion  had  before  told  us, 
that  "  they  came  to  Judea  in  six  days' 
time;"  and  again,  that  "  Moses  went  up 
to  a  mountain  that  lay  between  Egypt  and 
Arabia,  which  was  called  Sinai,  and  was 
concealed  there  forty  days,  and  that  when 
he  came  down  from  thence  he  gave  laws  to 
the  Jews."  But  then,  how  was  it  possible 
for  them  to  tarry  forty  days  in  a  desert  place 
where  there  was  no  water,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  pass  all  over  the  country  between 
that  and  Judea  in  six  days  ?  And  as  for 
this  grammatical  translation  of  the  word 
Sabbath,  it  either  contains  an  instance 
of   his  great   impudence  or  gross  igno- 


rance ;  for  the  words  Sabbo  and  Sabbath 
are  widely  different  from  one  another ; 
for  the  word  Sabbath  in  the  Jewish  lan- 
guage denotes  rest  from  all  sorts  of  work  j 
but  the  word  Sabbo,  as  he  affirms,  denotes, 
among  the  Egyptians,  a  malady  of  a 
swelling  in  the  groin. 

This  is  that  novel  account  which  the 
Egyptian  Apion  gives  us  concerning  the 
Jews'  departure  out  of  Egypt,  and  is  no 
better  than  a  contrivance  of  his  own.  But, 
why  should  we  wonder  at  the  lies  he  tells 
about  our  forefathers,  when  he  affirms 
them  to  be  of  Egyptian  original,  when  he 
lies  also  about  himself  ?  for  although  he 
was  born  at  Oasis  in  Egypt,  he  pretends 
to  be,  as  a  man  may  say,  the  top  man  of 
all  the  Egyptians ;  yet  does  he  forswear 
his  real  country  and  progenitors,  and  by 
falsely  pretending  to  be  born  at  Alexan- 
dria, cannot  deny  the  pravity  of  his  fami- 
ly ;  for  you  see  how  justly  he  calls  those 
Egyptians  whom  he  hates  and  endeavours 
to  reproach,  for  had  he  not  deemed  Egyp- 
tians to  be  a  name  of  great  reproach,  lie 
would  not  have  avoided  the  name  of  an 
Egyptian  himself  j  as  we  know  that  those 
who  boast  of  their  own  countries,  value 
themselves  upon  the  denomination  they 
acquire  thereby,  and  reprove  such  as  un- 
justly lay  claim  thereto.  As  for  the 
Egyptians'  claim  to  be  of  our  kindred,  they 
do  it  on  one  of  the  following  accounts  : 
I  mean,  either  as  they  value  themselves 
upon  it,  and  pretend  to  bear  that  relation 
to  us ;  or  else  as  they  would  draw  us  in 
to  be  partakers  of  their  own  infamy. 
But  this  fine  fellow  Apion  seems  to  broach 
this  reproachful  appellation  against  us 
[that  we  were  originally  Egyptians],  in 
order  to  bestow  it  on  the  Alexandrians  as 
a  reward  for  the  privilege  they  had  given 
him  of  being  a  fellow-citizen  with  them  : 
he  also  is  apprized  of  the  ill-will  the 
Alexandrians  bear  to  those  Jews  who  are 
their  fellow-citizens,  and  so  proposes  to 
himself  to  reproach  them,  although  he 
must  thereby  include  all  the  other  Egyp- 
tians also,  while  in  both  cases  he  is  no 
better  than  an  impudent  liar. 

But  let  us  now  see  what  those  heavy  and 
wicked  crimes  are,  which  Apion  charges 
upon  the  Alexandrian  Jews  :  "  They  came 
(says  he)  out  of  Syria,  and  inhabited  near 
the  tempestuous  sea,  and  were  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  dashing  of  the 
waves."  Now,  if  the  place  of  habitation 
includes  any  thing  that  is  reproachful,  this 
man  reproaches  not  his  own  real  country 


-I 


Rook  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST    APION. 


429 


TEgypt],  but  what  he  pretends  to  be  his 
own  country,  Alexandria ;  for  all  are 
agreed  in  this,  that  the  part  of  that  citj 
which  is  near  the  sea,  is  the  best  part  of 
all  for  habitation.  Now,  if  the  Jews 
gained  that  part  of  the  city  by  force,  and 
have  kept  it  hitherto  without  impeach- 
ment, this  is  a  mark  of  their  valour;  but 
in  reality  it  was  Alexander  himself  that 
gave  them  that  place  for  their  habitation, 
when  they  obtained  equal  privileges  there 
with  the  Macedonians.  Nor  can  I  devise 
what  Apion  would  have  said,  had  their 
habitation  been  at  Necropolis,  and  not 
been  lixed  hard  by  the  royal  palace  [as  it 
is] ;  nor  had  their  nation  had  the  deno- 
mination of  Macedonians  given  them  till 
this  very  day  [as  they  have].  Had  this 
man  now  read  the  epistles  of  king  Alex- 
ander, or  those  of  Ptolemy,  the  son  of 
Lagus,  or  met  with  the  writings  of  the 
succeeding  kings,  or  that  pillar  which  is 
still  standing  at  Alexandria,  and  contains 
the  privileges  which  the  great  [Julius] 
Ca3sar  bestowed  upon  the  Jews;  had  this 
man,  I  say,  known  these  records,  and  yet 
hath  the  impudence  to  write  in  contra- 
diction to  them,  he  hath  shown  himself  to 
be  a  wicked  man;  but  if  he  knew  nothing 
of  these  records,  he  hath  shown  himself 
to  be  a  man  very  ignorant;  nay,  when  he 
appears  to  wonder  how  Jews  could  be 
called  Alexandrians,  this  is  another  like 
instance  of  his  ignorance ;  for  all  such  as 
are  called  out  to  be  colonies,  although  they 
be  ever  so  far  remote  from  one  another 
in  their  original,  receive  their  names  from 
those  that  bring  them  to  their  new  habi- 
tations. And  what  occasion  is  there  to 
speak  of  others,  when  those  of  us  Jews 
that  dwell  at  Antioch  are  named  Antio- 

Ichians,  because  Seleucus,  the  founder  of 
that  city,  gave  them  the  privileges  be- 
longing thereto?  After  the  like  manner 
do  those  Jews  that  inhabit  Ephesus  and 
the  other  cities  of  Ionia  enjoy  the  same 
name  with  those  that  were  originally  born 
there,  by  the  grant  of  the  succeeding 
princes;  nay,  the  kindness  aud  humanity 
of  the  Romaus  hath  been  so  great,  that  it 
hath  granted  leave  to  almost  all  others  to 
take  the  same  name  of  Romans  upon 
them;  I  mean  not  particular  men  only, 
but  entire  and  large  nations  themselves 
also ;  for  those  anciently  named  Iberi, 
and  Tyrcheni,  and  Sabiui,  are  now  called 
Romani :  and  if  Apion  reject  this  way  of 
obtaining  the  privilege  of  a  citizen  of 
Alexandria,  let  him  abstain  from  calling 
3M 


himself  an  Alexandrian  hereafter ;  for 
otherwise,  how  can  he  who  was  born  in  the 
very  heart  of  Egypt  be  an  Alexandrian,  if 
this  way  p,f  accepting  such  a  privilege,  of 
what  he  would  have  us  deprived,  be  once 
abrogated  ?  Although,  indeed,  these  Ro- 
mans, who  are  now  the  lords  of  the  habit- 
able earth,  have  forbidden  the  Egyptians 
to  have  the  privileges  of  any  city  whatso- 
ever, while  this  fine  fellow,  who  is  willing 
to  partake  of  such  a  privilege  himself  as 
he  is  forbidden  to  make  use  of,  endeavours 
by  calumnies  to  deprive  those  of  it  that 
have  justly  received  it;  for  Alexander 
did  not,  therefore,  get  some  of  our  nation 
to  Alexandria,  because  he  wanted  inhabit- 
ants for  this  his  city,  on  whose  building 
he  had  bestowed  so  much  pains  ;  but  this 
was  given  to  our  people  as  a  reward  ;  be- 
cause he  had,  upon  a  careful  trial,  found 
them  all  to  have  been  men  of  virtue  and 
fidelity  to  him ;  for,  as  Hecateus  says 
concerning  us,  "  Alexander  honoured  our 
nation  to  such  a  degree,  that,  for  the 
equity  and  the  fidelity  which  the  Jews 
had  exhibited  to  him,  he  permitted  them 
to  hold  the  country  of  Samaria  free  from 
tribute.  Of  the  same  mind  also  was 
Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  as  to  those 
Jews  who  dwelt  at  Alexandria.  For  he 
intrusted  the  fortresses  of  Egypt  into 
their  hands,  as  believing  they  would  keep 
them  faithfully  and  valiantly  for  him  ; 
and  when  he  was  desirous  to  secure  the 
government  of  Cyrene,  and  the  other 
cities  of  Libya  to  himself,  he  sent  a  paity 
of  Jews  to  inhabit  them.  And  for  his 
successor  Ptolemy,  who  was  called  Phila- 
delphus,  he  did  not  only  set  all  those  of 
our  nation  free,  who  were  captives  under 
him,  but  did  frequently  give  money  [for 
their  ransom];  and,  what  was  his  greatest 
work  of  all,  he  had  a  great  desire  of 
knowing  our  laws,  and  of  obtaining  the 
books  of  our  sacred  scriptures;  accord- 
ingly, he  desired  that  such  men  might  be 
sent  him  as  might  interpret  our  law  to 
him;  and,  in  order  to  have  them  well 
compiled,  he  committed  that  care  to  no 
ordinary  persons,  but  ordained  that  De- 
metrius Phalereus,  aud  Andreus,  and 
Aristeas — the  first,  Demetrius,  the  most 
learned  person  of  his  age,  and  the  others, 
such  as  were  intrusted  with  the  guard  of 
his  body — should  take  the  care  of  this 
matter  :  nor  would  he  certainly  have  been 
so  desirous  of  learning  our  law  and  the 
philosophy  of  our  nation,  had  he  despised 
the  men  that  made  use  of  it,  or  had  he 


430 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


"Book  II. 


not  indeed  had  them  in  great  admiration. 
Now,  this  Apion  was  unacquainted  with 
almost  all  the  kings  of  those  Macedonians 
whom  he  pretends  to  have  been  his  pro- 
genitors who  were  yet  very  well  affected 
toward  us;  for  the  third  of  those  Ptole- 
mies, who  was  called  Euergetes,  when  he 
had  gotten  possession  of  all  Syria  by  force, 
did  not  offer  his  thank-offerings  to  the 
Egyptian  gods  for  his  victory,  but  came 
to  Jerusalem,  and  according  to  our  own 
laws,  offered  many  sacrifices  to  God,  and 
dedicated  to  him  such  gifts  as  were  suita- 
ble to  such  a  victory  :  and  as  for  Ptolemy 
Philometor  and  his  wife  Cleopatra,  they 
committed  their  whole  kingdom  to  Jews, 
when  Onias  and  Dositheus,  both  Jews, 
whose  names  are  laughed  at  by  Apion, 
were  the  generals  of  their  whole  army ; 
but  certainly,  instead  of  reproaching  them, 
he  ought  to  admire  their  actions,  and 
return  them  thanks  for  saving  Alexandria, 
whose  citizen  he  pretends  to  be ;  for 
when  these  Alexandrians  were  making 
war  with  Cleopatra  the  queen,  and  were 
in  danger  of  being  utterly  ruined,  these 
Jews  brought  them  to  terms  of  agreement, 
and  freed  them  from  the  miseries  of  a  civil 
war.  "But  then,"  says  Apion,  " Onias 
brought  a  small  array  afterward  upon  the 
city  at  the  time  when  Thermus,  the  Ro- 
man ambassador,  was  there  present." 
Yes,  do  I  venture  to  say,  and  that  he  did 
rightly  and  very  justly  in  so  doing;  for 
that  Ptolemy  who  was  called  Physco,  upon 
the  death  of  his  brother  Philometor,  came 
from  Cyrene,  and  would  have  ejected 
Cleopatra  as  well  as  her  sons  out  of  their 
kingdom,  that  he  might  obtain  it  for 
himself  unjustly.  For  this  cause  then  it 
was  that  Onias  undertook  a  war  against 
him  on  Cleopatra's  account;  nor  would 
he  desert  that  trust  the  royal  family  had 
reposed  in  him  in  their  distress.  Accord- 
ingly, God  gave  a  remarkable  attesta- 
tion to  his  righteous  procedure ;  for  when 
Ptolemy  Physco  had  the  presumption  to 
fight  against  Onias' s  army,  and  had  caught 
all  the  Jews  that  were  in  the  city  [Alex- 
andria], with  their  children  and  wives, 
and  exposed  them  naked  and  in  bonds  to 
his  elephants,  that  they  might  be  trodden 
upon  and  destroyed,  and  when  he  had 
made  those  elephants  drunk  for  that  pur- 
pose, the  event  proved  contrary  to  his 
preparations ;  for  these  elephants  left  the 
Jews  who  were  exposed  to  them,  and  fell 
violently  upon  Physco's  friends  and  slew 
a  great  number  of  them ;  nay,  after  this, 


Ptolemy  saw  a  terrible  ghost,  which  pro- 
hibited his  hurting  those  men ;  his  very 
concubine,  whom  he  loved  so  well,  (some 
call  her  Ithaca,  and  others  Irene,)  making 
supplication  to  him  that  he  would  not 
perpetrate  so  great  a  wickedness.  So  he 
complied  with  her  request,  and  repented 
of  what  he  either  had  already  done,  or 
was  about  to  do ;  whence  it  is  well  known 
that  the  Alexandrian  Jews  do  with  good 
reason  celebrate  this  day,  on  the  account 
that  they  had  thereon  been  vouchsafed 
such  an  evident  deliverance  from  God. 
However,  Apion,  the  common  calumniator 
of  men,  hath  the  presumption  to  accuse 
the  Jews  for  making  this  war  against 
Physco,  when  he  ought  to  have  com- 
mended them  for  the  same.  This  man 
also  makes  mention  of  Cleopatra,  the  last 
queen  of  Alexandria,  and  abuses  us,  be- 
cause she  was  ungrateful  to  us ;  whereas 
he  ought  to  have  reproved  her,  who  in- 
dulged herself  in  all  kinds  of  injustice 
and  wicked  practices,  both  with  regard  to 
her  nearest  relations,  and  husbands  who 
had  loved  her,  and  indeed  in  general  with 
regard  to  all  the  Romans,  and  those 
emperors  that  were  her  benefators ;  who 
also  had  her  sister  Arsinoe  slain  in  a 
temple,  when  she  had  done  her  no  harm  : 
moreover,  she  had  her  brother  slain  by 
private  treachery,  and  she  destroyed  the 
gods  of  her  country,  and  the  sepulchres 
of  her  progenitors ;  and  while  she  had 
received  her  kingdom  from  the  first  Caesar, 
she  had  the  impudence  to  rebel  against 
his  son*  and  successor;  nay,  she  corrupted 
Antony  with  her  love-tricks,  and  rendered 
him  an  enemy  to  his  country,  and  made 
him  treacherous  to  his  friends,  and  [by 
his  means]  despoiled  some  of  their  royal 
authority,  and  forced  others  in  their  mad- 
ness to  act  wickedly ;  but  what  need  I 
enlarge  upon  this  head  any  further,  when 
she  left  Antony  in  his  fight  at  sea,  though 
he  were  her  husband,  and  the  father  of 
their  common  children,  and  compelled 
him  to  resign  up  his  government,  with 
the  army,  and  to  follow  her  [into  Egypt]  ; 
nay,  when  last  of  all  Caesar  had  taken 
Alexandria,  she  came  to  that  pitch  of 
cruelty,  that  she  declared  she  had  some 
hope  of  preserving  her  affairs  still,  in  case 
she  could  kill  the  Jews,  though  it  were 
with  her  own  hand ;  to  such  a  degree  of 
barbarity  and  perfidiousness  had  she  ar- 
rived ;  and  doth  any  one  think   that  we 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS   JOSEPnuS   AGAINST   APION. 


431 


cannot  boast  ourselves  of  any  thing,  if, 
as  Apion  says,  this  queen  did  not  at  a 
time  of  famine  distribute  wheat  among 
us  ?  However,  she  at  length  met  with 
the  punishment  she  deserved.  As  for  us 
Jews,  we  appeal  to  the  great  Caesar  what 
assistance  we  brought  him,  and  what 
fidelity  we  showed  to  him  against  the 
Egyptians ;  as  also  to  the  senate  and  its 
decrees,  and  the  epistles  of  Augustus 
Caesar,  whereby  our  merits  [to  the  Ro- 
mans] are  justified.  Apion  ought  to  have 
looked  upon  those  epistles,  and  in  parti- 
cular to  have  examined  the  testimonies 
given  on  our  behalf,  under  Alexander  and 
all  the  Ptolemies,  and  the  decrees  of  the 
senate  and  of  the  greatest  Roman  empe- 
rors ;  and  if  Gcrinauicus  was  not  able  to 
make  a  distribution  of  corn  to  all  the  in- 
habitants of  Alexandria,  that  only  shows 
what  a  barren  time  it  was,  and  how  great 
a  want  there  was  then  of  corn,  but  tends 
nothing  to  the  accusation  of  the  Jews; 
for  what  all  the  emperors  have  thought 
of  the  Alexandrian  Jews  is  well  known, 
for  this  distribution  of  wheat  was  no  other- 
wise omitted  with  regard  to  the  Jews, 
than  it  was  with  regard  to  the  other  inha- 
bitants of  Alexandria  ;  but  they  still 
were  desirous  to  preserve  what  the  kings 
had  formerly  intrusted  to  their  care — I 
mean  the  custody  of  the  river ;  nor  did 
those  kings  think  them  unworthy  of  hav- 
ing the  entire  custody  thereof  upon  all 
occasions. 

But  besides  this,  Apion  objects  to  us 
thus :  "  If  the  Jews  (says  he)  be  citizens 
of  Alexandria,  why  do  they  not  worship 
the  same  gods  with  the  Alexandrians  ?" 
To  which  I  give  this  answer :  Siuce  you 
are  yourselves  Egyptians,  why  do  you 
fight  it  out  one  against  another,  and  have 
implacable  wars  about  your  religion  ?  At 
this  rate  we  must  not  call  you  all  Egyp- 
tians, nor  indeed  in  general  men,  because 
you  breed  up  with  great  care  beasts  of  a 
nature  quite  contrary  to  that  of  men, 
although  the  nature  of  all  men  seems  to 
be  one  and  the  same.  Now,  if  there  be 
such  differences  in  opinion  among  you 
Egyptians,  why  are  you  surprised  that 
those  who  came  to  Alexandria  from  ano- 
ther country,  and  had  original  laws  of 
their  own  before,  should  persevere  in  the 
observance  of  those  laws  ?  But  still  he 
charges  us  with  being  the  authors  of  sedi- 
tion :  which  accusation,  if  it  be  a  just 
one,  why  is  it  not  laid  against  us  all,  since 
we  are   known  to  be   all  of  one  mind  ? 


Moreover,  those  that  search  into  such  mat- 
ters will  soon  discover  that  the  authors 
of  sedition  have  been  such  citizens  of  Al- 
exandria as  Apion  is;  for  while  they  were 
the  Grecians  and  Macedonians  who  were 
in  possession  of  this  city,  there  was  no  se- 
dition raised  against  us,  and  we  were  per- 
mitted to  observe  our  ancient  solemnities; 
but  when  the  number  of  the  Egyptians 
therein  came  to  be  considerable,  the  times 
grew  confused,  and  then  these  sedi- 
tions brake  out  still  more  and  more, 
while  our  people  continued  uucorrupted. 
These  Egyptians,  therefore,  were  the  au- 
thors of  these  troubles,  who  not  having 
the  constancy  of  Macedonians,  nor  the 
prudence  of  Grecians,  indulged  all  of 
them  the  evil  manners  of  the  Egyptians, 
and  continued  their  ancient  hatred  against 
us ;  for  what  is  here  so  presumptuously 
charged  upon  us,  is  owing  to  the  differ- 
ences that  are  among  themselves;  while 
many  of  them  have  not  obtained  the  pri- 
vileges of  citizens  in  proper  times,  but 
style  those  who  are  well  known  to  have 
had  that  privilege  extended  to  them  all, 
no  other  than  foreigners;  for  it  does  not 
appear  that  any  of  the  kings  have  ever 
formerly  bestowed  those  privileges  of 
citizens  upon  Egyptians,  no  more  than 
have  the  emperors  done  it  more  lately ; 
while  it  was  Alexander  who  introduced  us 
into  this  city  at  first,  the  kings  augmeuted 
our  privileges  therein,  and  the  Romans 
have  been  pleased  to  preserve  them  always 
jnviolable.  Moreover,  Apion  would  lay 
a  blot  upon  us,  because  we  do  not  erect 
images  to  our  emperors,  as  if  those  empe- 
rors did  not  know  this  before,  or  stood  in 
need  of  Apion  as  their  defender ;  whereas 
he  ought  rather  to  have  admired  the  mag- 
nanimity and  modesty  of  the  Romans, 
whereby  they  do  not  compel  those  that 
are  subject  to  them  to  transgress  the  laws 
of  their  countries,  but  are  willing  to  re- 
ceive the  honours  due  to  them  after  such 
a  manner  as  those  who  are  to  pay  them 
esteem  consistent  with  piety  and  with  their 
own  laws;  for  they  do  not  thank  people 
for  conferring  honours  upon  them,  when 
they  are  compelled  by  violence  so  to  do 
Accordingly,  since  the  Grecians  and  some 
other  nations  think  it  a  right  thing  to 
make  images,  nay,  when  they  have  painted 
the  pictures  of  their  parents,  and  wive-, 
and  children,  they  exult  for  joy;  and 
some  there  are  who  take  pictures  for  them- 
selves of  such  persons  as  were  noway  re- 
lated to  them  :  nay,  some  take  the  pictures 


432 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPKUS  AGAINST  APION. 


"Book  II 


of  such  servants  as  they  -were  fond  of. 
What  wonder  is  it  then  if  such  as  these 
appear  willing  to  pay  the  same  respect  to 
their  princes  and  lords?  But  then  our 
legislator  hath  forbidden  us  to  make 
images,  not  by  way  of  denunciation  before- 
hand, that  the  Roman  authority  was  not 
to  be  honoured,  but  as  despising  a  thing 
that  was  neither  necessary  nor  useful  for 
either  God  or  man;  and  he  forbade  them, 
as  we  shall  prove  hereafter,  to  make  these 
images  for  any  part  of  the  animal  creation, 
and  much  less  for  God  himself,  who  is  no 
part  of  such  animal  creation.  Yet  hath 
our  legislator  nowhere  forbidden  us  to  pay 
honours  to  worthy  men,  provided  they  be 
of  another  kind,  and  inferior  to  those  we 
pay  to  God ;  with  which  honours  we  will- 
ingly testify  our  respect  to  our  emperors, 
and  to  the  people  of  Rome ;  we  also^offer 
perpetual  sacrifices  for  them ;  nor  do  we 
only  offer  them  every  day  at  the  common 
expenses  of  all  the  Jews,  but  although  we 
offer  no  other  such  sacrifices  out  of  our 
common  expenses,  no  not  for  our  own  chil- 
dren, yet  do  we  this  as  a  peculiar  honour 
to  the  emperors,  and  to  them  alone,  while 
we  do  the  same  to  no  other  person  whom- 
soever. And  let  this  suffice  for  an  answer 
in  general  to  Apion  as  to  what  he  says 
with  relation  to  the  Alexandrian  Jews. 

However,  I  cannot  but  admire  those 
other  authors  who  furnished  this  man  with 
such  his  materials ;  I  mean  Possidonius 
and  Apollonius  [the  son  of]  Molo,  who 
while  they  accuse  us  for  not  worshipping 
the  same  gods  whom  others  worship,  they 
think  themselves  not  guilty  of  impiety 
when  they  tell  lies  of  us,  and  frame  absurd 
and  reproachful  stories  about  our  temple  ; 
whereas  it  is  a  most  shameful  thing  for 
freemen  to  forge  lies  on  any  occasion,  and 
much  more  so  to  forge  them  about  our 
temple,  which  was  so  famous  over  all  the 
world,  and  was  preserved  so  sacred  by  us; 
for  Apion  hath  the  impudence  to  pretend, 
that  "  the  Jews  placed  an  ass's  head  in 
their  holy  place ;"  and  he  affirms  that 
this  was  discovered  when  Antiochus  Epi- 
phaues  spoiled  our  temple,  and  found  that 
ass's  head  there  made  of  gold,  and  worth 
a  great  deal  of  money.  To  this  my  first 
answer  shall  be  this,  that  had  there  been 
any  such  thing  among  us,  an  Egyptian 
ought  by  no  means  to  have  thrown  it  in 
our  teeth,  since  an  ass  is  not  a  more  con- 
temptible animal  than  ,*  and  goats, 


*  It  cannot  be  ascertained  at  this  distance  of'tiine, 
to  what  particular  animal  Josephus  hero  alludes, 


and  other  such  creatures,  which  among 
them  are  gods.  But  besides  this  answer, 
I  say  further,  how  comes  it  about  that 
Apion  does  not  understand  this  to  be  no 
other  than  a  palpable  lie,  and  to  be  con- 
futed by  the  thing  itself  as  utterly  incredi- 
ble ?  Eor  we  Jews  are  always  governed 
by  the  same  laws,  in  which  we  constantly 
persevere;  and  although  many  misfor- 
tunes have  befallen  our  city,  as  the  like 
have  befallen  others,  and  although  Theos 
[Epiphanes],  and  Pompey  the  Great,  and 
Licinius  Crassus,  and  last  of  all  Titus. 
Csesar,  have  concpuered  us  in  war,  and  got- 
ten possession  of  our  temple,  yet  has  none 
of  them  found  any  such  thing  there,  nor 
indeed  any  thing  but  what  was  agreeable 
to  the  strictest  piety  ;  although  what  they 
found  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  reveal  to 
other  nations.  But  for  Antiochus  [Epi- 
phanes], he  had  no  just  cause  for  that 
ravage  in  our  temple  that  he  made;  he 
only  came  to  it  when  he  wanted  money, 
without  declaring  himself  our  enemy,  and 
attacked  us  while  we  were  his  associates 
and  his  friends  :  nor  did  he  find  any  thing 
there  that  was  ridiculous.  This  is  attested 
•by  many  worthy  writers — Polybius  of 
Megalapolis,-  Strabo  of  Cappadocia,  Nico- 
laus  of  Damascus,  Timagenes,  Castor  the 
chronologer,  and  Apollodorus,  who  all  say 
that  it  was  out  of  Antiochus's  want  of 
money  that  he  broke  his  league  with  the 
Jews,  and  despoiled  their  temple  when  it 
was  full  of  gold  and  silver.  Apion  ought 
to  have  had  a  regard  to  these  facts,  unless 
he  had  himself  had  either  an  ass's  heart, 
or  a  dog's  impudence;  of  such  a  dog  I 
mean  as  they  worship  ;  for  he  had  no  other 
external  reason  for  the  lies  he  tells  of  us. 
As  for  us  Jews,  we  ascribe  no  honour  or 
power  to  asses,  as  do  the  Egyptians  to 
crocodiles  and  asps,  when  they  esteem 
such  as  are  seized  upon  by  the  former,  or 
bitten  by  the  latter,  to  be  happy  persons, 
and  persons  worthy  of  God.  Asses  are 
the  same  with  us  which  they  are  with 
other  wise  men,  viz.  creatures  that  bear 
the  burdens  that  we  lay  upon  them;  but 
if  they  come  to  our  threshing-floors  and 
eat  our  corn,  cr  do  not  perform  what  we 
impose  upon  them,  we  beat  them  with  a 
great  many  stripes;  because  it  is  their 
business  to  minister  to  us  in  our  husband- 
ry affairs.     But  this  Apion  of  ours  was 

but  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  the  ox  or  cow, 
both  of  which,  in  common  with  many  other  ani- 
mals, were  held  in  great  reverence  by  the  Egyp 

tians. 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPH  US  AGAINST  APION. 


433 


either  perfectly  unskilful  in  the  composi- 
tion of  such  fallacious  discourses,  or  how- 
ever, when  he  hegan  [somewhat  better], 
he  was  not  able  to  persevere  in  what  he  had 
undertaken,  since  he  hath  no  manner  of 
success  in  those  reproaches  he  casts  upon  us. 
He  adds  another  Grecian  fable,  in  order 
to  reproach  us.  In  reply  to  which,  it 
would  be  enough  to  say  that  they  who 
presume  to  speak  about  divine  worship, 
ought  not  .to  be  ignorant  of  this  plain 
truth,  that  it  is  a  degree  of  less  impurity 
to  pass  through  temples,  than  to  forge 
wicked  calumnies  of  its  priests.  Now, 
such  men  as  he  are  more  zealous  to  justify 
a  sacrilegious  king  than  to  write  what  is 
just  and  what  is  true  about  us,  and  about 
our  temple  ;  for  when  they  are  desirous  of 
gratifying  Antiochus,  and  of  concealing 
that  perfidiousness  and  sacrilege  which  he 
was  guilty  of,  with  regard  to  our  nation, 
when  he  wanted  money,  they  endeavour 
to  disgrace  us,  and  tell  lies  even  relating 
to  futurities.  Apion  becomes  other  men's 
prophet  upon  this  occasion,  and  say's,  that 
"  Antiochus  found  in  our  temple  a  bed  and 
a  man  lying  upon  it,  with  a  small  table 
before  him,  full  of  dainties,  from  the 
[fishes  of  the]  sea,  and  the  fowls  of  the 
dry  land  ;  that  this  man  was  amazed  at 
these  dainties  thus  set  before  him ;  that 
he  immediately  adored  the  king,  upon  his 
coming  in,  as  hoping  that  he  would  afford 
him  all  possible  assistance ;  that  he  fell 
down  upon  his  knees,  and  stretched  out  to 
hi  in  his  right  hand,  and  begged  to  be  r»- 
leased  :  and  that  when  the  king  bade  him 
sit  down,  and  tell  him  who  he  was,  and 
why  he  dwelt  there,  and  what  was  the 
meaning  of  those  various  sorts  of  food  that 
were  set  before  him,  the  man  made  a  la- 
mentable complaint,  and  with  sighs,  and 
tears  in  his  eyes,  gave  him  this  account 
of  the  distress  he  was  in;  and  said  that  he 
was  a  Greek,  and  that  as  he  went  over 
this  province,  in  order  to  get  his  living,  he 
was  seized  upon  by  foreigners,  on  a  sud- 
den, and  brought  to  this  temple,  and  shut 
up  therein,  and  was  seen  by  nobody,  but 
was  fattened  by  these  curious  provisions 
thus  set  before  him  :  and  that  truly  at  the 
first  such  unexpected  advantages  seemed 
to  him  matter  of  great  joy;  that,  after  a 
while  they  brought  a  suspicion  upon  him, 
and  at  length  astonishment,  what  their 
meaning  should  be ;  that  at  last  he  in- 
quired of  the  servants  that  came  to  him, 
■  and  was  by  them  iuformed  that  it  was  in 
order  to  the  fulfilling  a  law  of  the  Jews, 
Vol.  II.— 28 


which  they  must  not  tell  him,  that  he  was 
thus  fed ;  and  that  they  did  the  same  at  a 
set  time  every  year:  that  they  used  to 
catch  a  Greek  foreigner,  and  fatten  him 
thus  up  every  year,  and  then  lead  him  to 
a  certain  wood,  and  kill  him,  and  sacri- 
fice with  their  accustomed  solemnities, 
and  taste  of  his  entrails,  and  take  an  oath 
upon  this  sacrificing  a  Greek,  that  they 
would  ever  be  at  enmity  with  the  Greeks; 
and  that  then  they  threw  the  remaining 
parts  of  the  miserable  wretch  into  a  cer- 
tain pit."  Apion  adds  further,  that  "the 
man  said  there  were  but  a  few  days  to 
come  ere  he  was  to  be  slain,  and  implored 
Antiochus  that,  out  of  the  reverence  ho 
bore  to  the  Grecian  gods,  he  would  disap- 
point the  snares  the  Jews  laid  for  his 
blood,  and  would  deliver  him  from  the 
miseries  with  which  he  was  encompassed." 
Now  this  is  such  a  most  tragical  fable,  as 
is  full  of  nothing  but  cruelty  and  impu- 
dence ;  yet  does  it  not  excuse  Antiochus 
of  his  sacrilegious  attempts,  as  those  who 
wrote  it  in  his  vindication  are  willing  to 
suppose ;  for  he  could  not  presume  be- 
forehand that  he  should  meet  with  any 
such  thing  in  coming  to  the  temple,  but 
must  have  found  it  unexpectedly.  He 
was,  therefore,  still  an  impious  person, 
that  was  given  to  unlawful  pleasures,  and 
had  no  regard  to  God  in  his  actions.  But 
[as  for  Apion]  he  hath  done  whatever 
his  extravagant  love  of  lying  hath  dictated 
to  him,  as  it  is  most  easy  to  discover  by  a 
consideration  of  his  writings ;  for  the  dif- 
ference of  our  laws  is  known  not  to  regard 
the  Grecians  only,  but  they  are  princi- 
pally opposite  to  the  Egyptians,  and  to 
some  other  nations  also :  for  while  it  so 
falls  out,  that  men  of  all  countries  come 
sometimes  and  sojourn  among  us,  how 
comes  it  about  that  we  take  an  oath,  and 
conspire  only  against  the  Grecians,  and 
that  by  the  effusion  of  their  blood  also  ? 
Or  how  is  it  possible  that  all  the  Jews 
should  get  together  to  these  sacrifices,  and 
the  entrails  of  one  mau  should  be  sufficient 
for  so  many  thousands  to  taste  of  them,  as 
Apion  pretends?  Or  why  did  not  the 
king  carry  this  man,  whosoever  he  was, 
and  whatsoever  was  his  name  (which  is 
not  set  down  in  Apion's  book)  with  great 
pomp  back  into  his  own  country  ?  when 
he  might  thereby  have  been  esteemed  a 
religious  person  himself,  and  a  mighty 
lover  of  the  Greeks,  and  might  thereby 
have  procured  himself  great  assistance 
from  all  men  against  that  hatred  the  Jews 


434 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  II 


bore  to  him.  But  I  leave  this  matter; 
for  the  proper  way  to  confute  fools  is  not 
to  use  bare  words,  but  to  appeal  to  the 
things  themselves  that  make  against  them. 
Now  then,  all. such  as  ever  saw  the  con- 
struction of  our  temple,  of  what  nature  it 
was,  know  well  enough  how  the  purity  of 
it  was  never  to  be  profaned;  for  it  had 
four  several  courts,"  encompassed  with 
cloisters  round  about,  every  one  of  which 
had  by  our  law  a  peculiar  degree  of  sepa- 
ration from  the  rest.  Into  the  first  court 
everybody  was  allowed  to  go,  even  foreign- 
ers; and  none  but  women,  during  their 
courses,  were  prohibited  to  pass  through 
it ;  all  the  Jews  went  into  the  second  court, 
as  well  as  their  wives,  when  they  were 
free  from  all  uncleauness ;  into  the  third 
went  the  Jewish  men  when  they  were 
clean  and  purified ;  into  the  fourth  went 
the  priests,  having  on  their  sacerdotal  gar- 
ments; but  for  the  most  sacred  place, 
none  went  in  but  the  high  priests,  clothed 
in  their  peculiar  garments.  Now  there  is 
so  great  caution  used  about  these  offices 
of  religion,  that  the  priests  are  appointed 
to  go  into  the  temple  but  at  certain  hours  : 
for,  in  the  morning,  at  the  opening  of  the 
inner  temple,  those  that  are  to  officiate 
receive  the  sacrifices,  as  they  do  again  at 
noon,  till  the  doors  are  shut.  Lastly,  it 
is  not  so  much  as  lawful  to  carry  any  ves- 
sel into  the  holy  house";  nor  is  there  any 
thing  therein,  but  the  altar  [of  incense], 
the  table  [of  show-bread],  the  censer,  and 
the  candlestick,  which  are  all  written  in 
the  law  :  for  there  is  nothing  further  there, 
nor  are  there  any  mysteries  performed 
that  may  not  be  spoken  of;  nor  is  there 
any  feasting  within  the  place.  For  what 
I  have  now  said  is  publicly  known,  and 
supported  by  the  testimony  of  the  whole 
people,  and  their  operations  are  very  ma- 
nifest; for,  although  there  be  four  courses 
of  the  priests,  and  every  one  of  them 
have  above  5000  men  in  them,  yet  do 
they  officiate  on  certain  days  only ;  and 
when  those  days  are  over,  other  priests 
succeed  iu  the  performance  of  their  sacri- 
fices, and  assemble  together  at  midday, 
aud  receive  the  keys  of  the  temple,  and 
the  vessels  by  tale,  without  any  thing  re- 
lating to  food  or  drink  beiug  carried  into 


*  It  is  remarkable  that  Josephus  hero  reckons 
up  four  distinct  courts  of  the  temple  :  that  of  the 
Gentiles,  that  of  the. women  of  Israel,  that  of  the 
men  of  Israel,  and  that  of  the  priests;  as  also  that 
the  court  of  the  women  admitted  the  husbands  of 
those  wives  that  were  therein ;  while  the  court  of 
the  men  did  nut  admit  any  women  into  it  at  all. 


the  temple  ;  nay,  we  are  not  allowed  tc 
offer  such  things  at  the  altar  excepting 
what  is  prepared  for  the  sacrifices. 

What,  then,  can  we  say  of  Apion,  but 
that  he  examined  nothing  that  concerned 
these  things,  while  still  he  uttered  incre- 
dible words  about  them?  But  it  is  a 
great  shame  for  a  grammarian  not  to  be 
able  to  write  true  history.  Now,  if  he 
knew  the  purity  of  our  temple,  he  hath 
eutirely  omitted  to  take  notice  of  it;  but 
he  forges  a  story  about  the  seizing  of  a 
Grecian,  about  ineffable  food,  and  the 
most  delicious  preparation  of  dainties; 
And  pretends  that  strangers  could  go  into 
a  place  whereinto  the  noblest  men  among 
the  Jews  are  not  allowed  to  enter,  unless 
they  be  priests.  This,  therefore,  is  the 
utmost  degree  of  impiety,  and  a  volun- 
tary lie,  in  order  to  the  delusion  of  those 
who  will  not  examine  into  the  truth  of 
matters.  Whereas,  s.uch  unspeakable 
mischiefs  as  are  above  refated,  have  been 
occasioned  by  such  calumnies  that  are 
raised  upon  us. 

Nay,  this  miracle  of  piety  derides  us 
further,  and  adds  the  following  pretended 
facts  to  his  former  fable ;  for  he  says  that 
this  man  related  how,  "while  the  Jews  were 
once  in  a  long  war  with  the  Idumeans,  there 
came  a  man  out  of  one  of  the  cities  of  the 
Idumeans,  who  there  had  worshipped  Apol- 
lo. This  man,  whose  name  is  said  to  have 
been  Zabidus,  came  to  the  Jews,  and  pro- 
mised that  he  would  deliver  Apollo,  the 
god  of  Dora,  into  their  hands,  and  that 
he  would  come  to  our  temple,  if  they 
would  all  come  up  with  him,  and  bring 
the  whole  multitude  of  the  Jews  with 
them ;  that  Zabidus  made  him  a  certain 
wooden  instrument,  and  put  it  round 
about  him,  and  set  three  rows  of  lamps 
therein,  aud  walked  after  such  a  manner, 
that  he  appeared  to  those  that  stood  a 
great  way  off  him  to  be  a  kind  of  star 
walking  upon  the  earth  :  that  the  Jews 
were  terribly  frighted  at  so  surprising  an 
appearance,  and  stood  very  quiet  at  a 
distance ;  and  that  Zabidus,  while  they 
continued  so  very  quiet,  went  into  the 
holy  house  and  carried  off  that  golden 
head  of  an  ass,  (for  so  facetiously  does  he 
write,)  aud  then  went  his  way  back  again 
to  Dora  in  great  haste."  And  say  you 
so,  sir  !  as  I  may  reply ;  then  does  Apion 
load  the  ass,  (that  is,  himself,)  and  lays 
on  him  a  burden  of  fooleries  and  lies;  for 
he  writes  of  places  that  have  no  being;  and 
not  knowing  the  cities  be  speaks  of,  he 


Book  II.] 

changes  their  situation;  for  Idumea  bor- 
ders upon  our  country,  and  is  near  to 
Gaza,  in  which  there  is  no  such  city  as 
Dora,  although  there  be,  it  is  true,  a  city 
named  Dora  in  Phoenicia,  near  Mount 
Carmel,  but  it  is  four  days'  journey  from 
Idumea.  Now,  then,  why  does  this  man 
accuse  us  because  we  have  not  gods  in 
common  with  other  nations  ? — if  our  fore- 
fathers were  so  easily  prevailed  upon  to 
have  Apollo  come  to  them,  and  thought 
they  saw  him  walking  upon  the  earth, 
aud  the  stars  with  him ;  for  certainly 
those  who  have  so  many  festivals,  wherein 
they  light  lamps,  must  yet,  at  this  rale, 
have  never  seen  a  candlestick  !  But  still 
it  seems  that,  while  Zabidus  took  his  jour- 
ney over  the  country,  where  were  so  many 
ten  thousands  of  people,  nobody  met  him. 
He  also,  it  seems,  even  in  a  time  of  war, 
found  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  destitute  of 
guards.  I  omit  the  rest.  Now  the  doors 
of  the  holy  house  were  seventy  cubits 
high,  and  twenty  cubits  broad,  they  were 
all  plated  over  with  gold,  and  almost  of 
solid  gold  itself,  and  there  were  no  fewer 
than  twenty  men  required  to  shut  them 
every  day  ;  nor  was  it  lawful  ever  to  leave 
them  open,  though  it  seems  this  lamp- 
bearer  of  ours  opened  them  easily,  or 
thought  he  opened  them,  as  he  thought 
he  had  the  ass's  head  in  his  hand.  AYhe- 
ther,  therefore,  he  returned  it  to  us  again, 
or  whether  Apion  took  it  and  brought  it 
into  the  temple  again,  that  Autiochus 
might  hud  it,  and  afford  a  handle  for  a 
second  fable  of  Apion,  is  uucertaiu. 

Apion  also  tells  a  false  story  when  he 
mentions  an  oath  of  ours,  as  if  we  "swore 
by  God,  the  maker  of  the  heaven  aud 
earth  and  sea,  to  bear  no  good-will  to  any 
foreigner,  aud  particularly  to  none  of  the 
Greeks."  Now  this  liar  ought  to  have 
said  directly  that  "  we  would  bear  no 
good-will  to  any  foreigner,  aud  particu- 
larly to  none  of  the  Egyptians."  For 
then  his  story  about  the  oath  would  have 
sfpuared  with  the  rest  of  his  original  for- 
geries, in  case  our  forefathers  had  been 
driven  away  by  their  kinsmen  the  Egyp- 
tians, not  on  account  of  any  wickedness 
they  had  been  guilty  of,  but  ou  account  of 
the  calamities  they  were  under ;  for  as  to 
the  Grecians,  we  are  rather  remote  from 
them  in  place  than  different  from  them 
in  our  institutions,  insomuch  that  we 
have  no  enmity  with  them,  nor  any  jea- 
lousy of  them.  On  the  contrary,  it  hath 
bo    happened,   that    many   of  them  have 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHDS  AGAINST  APION. 


43; 


come  over  to  our  laws,  and  some  of  them 
have  continued  in  their  observation,  al- 
though others  of  them  had  not  courage 
enough  to  persevere,  and  so  departed  from 
them  again  ;  nor  did  anybody  ever  hear 
this  oath  sworn  by  us;  Apion,  it  seems, 
was  the  only  person  that  heard  it,  for  he, 
indeed,  was  the  first  composer  of  it. 

However,  Apion  deserves  to  be  ad- 
mired for  his  great  prudence,  as  to  what 
I  am  going  to  say,  which  is  this,  "  That 
there  is  a  plain  mark  among  us,  that  we 
neither  have  just  laws,  nor  worship  God 
as  we  ought  to  do,  because  we  are  not 
governors,  but  are  rather  in  subjection  to 
(! entiles,  sometimes  to  one  nation,  some- 
times to  another;  and  that  .our  city  has 
been  liable  to  several  calamities,  while 
their  city  [Alexandria]  hath  been  of  old 
time  an  imperial  city,  and  not  used  to  be 
in  subjection  to  the  Romans."  But  now 
this  man  had  better  leave  off  his  boasting; 
for  everybody  but  himself  would  think  that 
Apion  said  what  he  hath  said  against 
himself;  for  there  are  very  few  nations 
that  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  conti- 
nue many  generations  in  the  principality, 
but  still  the  mutations  in  human  affairs 
have  put  them  iuto  subjection  under 
others;  and  most  nations  have  been  often 
subdued,  aud  brought  into  subjection  by 
others.  Now  for  the  Egyptians,  perhaps, 
they  are  the  only  nation  that  have  had 
this  extraordinary  privilege,  to  have  never 
served  any  of  those  monarchs  who  sub- 
dued Asia  and  Europe,  and  this  on  ac- 
count, as  they  pretend,  that  the  gods  fled 
iuto  their  country  and  saved  themselves, 
by  being  changed  into  the  shapes  of  wild 
beasts.  Whereas  these  Egyptians  are  the 
very  people  that  appear  to  have  never,  in 
all  the  past  ages,  had  one  day  of  freedom, 
no  not  so  much  as  from  their  own  lords. 
For  I  will  not  reproach  them  with  re- 
lating the  manner  how  the  Persians  used 
them,  aud  this  not  once  only,  but  many 
times,  when  they  laid  their  cities  waste, 
demolished  their  temples,  and  cut  the 
throats  of  those  animals  whom  they 
esteemed  to  be  gods ;  for  it  is  not  reason- 
able to  imitate  the  clownish  ignorance  of 
Apion,  who  hath  no  regard  to  the  misfor- 
tunes of  the  Athenians,  or  of  the  Lacede- 
monians, the  latter  of  whom  were  styled 
by  all  men  the  most  courageous,  and  the 
former  the  most  religious,  of  the  Grecians. 
I  say  nothing  of  such  kings  as  have  been 
famous  for  piety,  particularly  of  one  of 
them  whose  name  was  Cresus,  nor  what 


436 


FLAVIUS  JOSErHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  II. 


calamities  he  met  with  in  his  life  ;  I  say 
nothing  of  the  citadel  of  Athens,  of  the 
temple  at  Ephesus,  of  that  at  Delphi,  nor 
of  ten  thousand  others  which  have  been 
burnt  down,  while  nobody  cast  reproaches 
on  those  that  were  the  sufferers,  but  on 
those  that  were  the  actors  therein.  But 
now  we  have  met  with  Apion,  an  accuser 
of  our  uation,  though  one  that  still  for- 
gets the  miseries  of  his  own  people,  the 
Egyptians ;  but  it  is  that  Sesostris,  who 
was  once  so  celebrated  a  king  of  Egypt, 
that  hath  blinded  him.  Now  we  will  not 
boast  of  our  kings,  David  and  Solomon, 
though  they  conquered  many  nations ; 
accordingly  we  will  let  them  alone.  How- 
ever, Apion  is  ignorant  of  what  everybody 
knows,  that  the  Egyptians  were  servants 
to  the  Persians,  and  afterward  to  the  Ma- 
cedonians, when  they  were  lords  of  Asia, 
and  were  no  better  than  slaves,  while  we 
have  enjoyed  liberty  formerly  ;  nay,  more 
than  that,  have  had  the  dominion  of  the 
cities  that  lie  round  about  us,  and  this 
nearly  for  120  years  together,  until  Pom- 
peius  Magnus.  And  when  all  the  kings 
everywhere  were  conquered  by  the  lio- 
mans,  our  ancestors  were  the  only  people 
who  continued  to  be  esteemed  their  con- 
federates and  friends,  on  account  of  their 
fidelity  to  them. 

"But,"  says  Apicn,  "we  Jews  have 
not  had  any  wonderful  men  among  us,  not 
any  inventors  of  arts,  nor  any  eminent 
for  wisdom."  He  then  enumerates  So- 
crates and  Zeno  and  Cleanthes,  and  some 
others  of  the  same  sort ;  and,  after  all,  he 
adds  himself  to  them,  which  is  the  most 
wonderful  thing  of  all  that  he  says,  and 
pronounces  Alexandria  to  be  happy,  be- 
cause it  has  such  a  citizen  as  he  is  in  it  ; 
for  he  was  the  fittest  man  to  be  a  witness 
to  his  own  deserts,  although  he  hath  ap- 
peared to  all  others  no  better  than  a 
wicked  mountebank,  of  a  corrupt  life  and 
ill  discourses ;  on  which  account  one  may 
justly  pity  Alexandria,  if  it  should  value 
itself  upon  such  a  citizen  as  he  is.  But 
as  to  our  own  men,  we  have  had  those 
who  have  been  as  deserving  of  commenda- 
tion as  any  other  whosoever  ;  and  such  as 
have  perused  our  Antiquities  cannot  be 
ignorant  of  them. 

As  to  the  other  things  which  he  sets 
down  as  blameworthy,  it  may,  perhaps, 
be  the  best  way  to  let  them  pass  without 
apology,  that  he  may  be  allowed  to  be  his 
own  accuser,  and  the  accuser  of  the  rest 
of  the  Egyptians.     However,  he  accuses 


us  for  sacrificing  animals,  and  for  abstain- 
ing from  swine's  flesh,  and  laughs  at  ua 
for  the  circumcision  of  our  males.  Now, 
as  for  our  slaughter  of  tame  animals  for 
sacrifices,  it  is  common  to  us  and  to  all 
other  men  ;  but  this  Apion,  by  making  it 
a  crime  to  sacrifice  them,  demonstrates 
himself  to  be  an  Egyptian  ;  for  had  he 
been  either  a  Grecian  or  a  Macedonian 
[as  he  pretends  to  be],  he  had  not  shown  an 
uneasiness  at  it;  for  those  people  glory  in 
sacrificing  whole  hecatombs  to  the  gods, 
and  make  use  of  those  sacrifices  for  feast- 
ing ;  and  yet  is  not  the  world  thereby 
rendered  destitute  of  cattle,  as  Apion  was 
afraid  would  come  to  pass.  Yet,  if  all 
men  had  followed  the  manners  of  the 
Egyptians,  the  world  had  certainly  been 
made  desolate  as  to  mankind,  but  had 
been  filled  full  of  the  wildest  sort  of  brute 
beasts,  which,  because  they  suppose  them 
to  be  gods,  they  carefully  nourish.  How- 
ever, if  any  one  should  ask  Apion  which  of 
the  Egyptians  he  thinks  to  be  the  most  wise, 
and  most  pious  of  them  all,  he  would  cer- 
tainly acknowledge  the  priests  to  be  so ; 
for  the  histories  say  that  two  things  were 
originally  committed  to  their  care  by  their 
kings'  injunctions,  the  worship  of  the 
gods,  and  the  support  of  wisdom  and  phi- 
losophy. Accordingly,  these  priests  are 
all  circumcised,  and  abstain  from  swine's 
flesh ;  nor  does  any  one  of  the  other 
Egyptians  assist  them  in  slaying  those 
sacrifices  they  offer  to  the  gods.  Apion 
was  therefore  quite  blinded  in  his  mind, 
when,  for  the  sake  of  the  Egyptians,  he 
contrived  to  reproach  us,  and  to  accuse 
such  others  as  not  only  make  use  of  that 
conduct  of  life  which  he  so  much  abuses, 
but  have  also  taught  other  men  to  be  cir- 
cumcised, as  says  Herodotus  ;  which 
makes  me  think  that  Apion  is  hereby 
justly  punished  for  his  casting  such  re- 
proaches on  the  laws  of  his  own  country; 
for  he  was  circumcised  himself  of  ne- 
cessity, on  account  of  an  ulcer ;  and 
when  he  received  no  benefit  by  such  cir- 
cumcision, but  the  wound  became  putrid, 
he  died  in  great  torment.  Now,  men  of 
good  tempers  ought  to  observe  their  own 
laws  concerning  religion  accurately,  and 
to  persevere  therein,  but  not  presently  to 
abuse  the  laws  of  other  nations,  while  this 
Apion  deserted  his  own  laws,  and  told 
lies  about  ours;  and  this  was  the  end  of 
Apiou's  life,  and  this  shall  be  the  conclu- 
sion of  our  discourse  about  him. 

But  now,  since  Apollonius  Molo,  and 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


437 


Iiysimachus,  and  some  others,  write  trea- 
tises about  our  lawgiver  Moses,  and  about 
our  laws,  which  are  neither  just  nor  true, 
and  this  partly  out  of  ignorance,  but 
chiefly  out  of  ill-will  to  us,  while  they  ca- 
lumniate Moses  as  an  impostor  and  de- 
ceiver, and  pretend  that  our  laws  teach  us 
wickedness,  but  nothing  that  is  virtuous, 
I  have  a  mind  to  discourse  briefly,  accord- 
ing to  my  ability,  about  our  whole  consti- 
tution of  government,  and  about  the  par- 
ticular branches  of  it;  for  I  suppose  it 
will  thence  become  evident  that  the  laws 
we  have  given  us  are  disposed  after  the 
best  manner  for  the  advancement  of  piety, 
for  mutual  communion  with  one  another, 
for  a  general  love  of  mankind,  as  also  for 
justice,  and  for  sustaining  labours  with 
fortitude,  and  for  a  contempt  of  death ; 
and  I  beg  of  those  that  shall  peruse  this 
writing  of  mine,  to  read  it  without  partial- 
ity ;  for  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  write  an 
encomium  upon  ourselves,  but  I  shall  es- 
teem this  as  a  most  just  apology  for  us, 
and  taken  from  those  our  laws,  according 
to  which  we  lead  our  lives,  against  the 
many  and  the  lying  objections  that  have 
been  made  against  us.  Moreover,  since 
this  Apollonius  does  not  do  like  Apion, 
and  lay  a  continued  accusation  against 
us,  but  does  it  only  by  starts,  and  up  and 
down  his  discourse,  while  he  sometimes 
reproaches  us  as  atheists,  and  man-haters, 
and  sometimes  hits  us  in  the  teeth  with 
our  want  of  courage,  and  yet  sometimes, 
on  the  contrary,  accuses  us  of  too  great 
boldness,  and  madness  in  our  conduct ; 
nay,  he  says  that  we  are  the  weakest  of 
all  the  barbarians,  and  that  this  is  the  rea- 
son why  we  are  the  only  people  who  have 
made  no  improvements  in  human  life ; 
now  I  think  I  shall  have  then  sufficiently 
disproved  all  these  his  allegations,  when 
it  shall  appear  that  our  laws  enjoin  the 
very  reverse  of  what  he  says,  and  that  we 
very  carefully  observe  those  laws  our- 
selves ;  and  if  I  be  compelled  to  make 
mention  of  the  laws  of  other  nations,  that 
are  contrary  to  ours,  those  ought  deserved- 
ly to  thank  themselves  for  it,  who  have 
pretended  to  depreciate  our  laws  in  com- 
parison of  their  own ;  nor  will  there,  I 
think,  be  any  room  after  that  for  them  to 
pretend,  either  that  we  have  no  such  laws 
ourselves,  an  epitome  of  which  I  will  pre- 
sent to  the  reader,  or  that  we  do  not, 
above  all  men,  continue  in  the  observa- 
tion of  them. 

To  begin  then  a  good  way  backward,  I 


would  advance  this,  in  the  fi.*st  place,  that 
those  who  have  been  admirers  of  good 
order,  and  of  living  under  common  laws, 
and  who  began  to  introduce  them,  may 
well  have  this  testimony  tha^  they  arc 
better  than  other  men,  both  for  modera- 
tion and  such  virtue  as  is  agreeable  to 
nature.  Indeed,  their  endeavour  was  to 
to  have  every  thing  they  ordained  believed 
to  be  very  ancient,  that  they  might  not 
be  thought  to  imitate  others,  but  might 
appear  to  have  delivered  a  regular  way  of 
living  to  others  after  them.  Since  then 
this  is  the  case,  the  excellency  of  a  legis- 
lator is  seen  in  providing  for  the  people's 
living  after  the  best  manner,  and  in  pre- 
vailing with  those  that  are  to  use  the  laws 
he  ordains  for  them,  to  have  a  good  opi- 
nion of  them,  and  in  obliging  the  multi- 
tude to  persevere  in  them,  and  to  make 
no  changes  in  them,  neither  in  prosperity 
nor  adversity.  Now,  I  venture  to  say, 
that  our  legislator  is  the  most  ancient  of 
all  the  legislators  whom  we  have  any- 
where heard  of;  for  as  for  the  Lycurguses, 
and  Solons,  and  Zaleucus  Locrensis,  and 
all  those  legislators  who  are  so  admired  by 
the  Greeks,  they  seem  to  be  of  yesterday, 
if  compared  with  our  legislator,  insomuch 
as  the  very  name  of  law  was  not  so  much 
as  knowu  in  old  times  among  the  Grecians. 
Homer  is  a  witness  to  the  truth  of  this 
observation,  who  never  uses  that  term  in 
all  his  poems  ;  for,  indeed,  there  was  then 
no  such  thina;  among;  them,  but  the  multi- 
tude  was  governed  by  wise  maxims,  and 
by  the  injunctions  of  their  king.  It  was 
also  a  long  time  that  they  continued  in  the 
use  of  these  unwritten  customs,  although 
they  were  always  changing  them  upon 
several  occasions;  but  for  our  legislator, 
who  was  of  so  much  greater  autujuity 
than  the  rest,  (as  even  those  that  speak 
agaiust  us  upon  all  occasions  do  always 
confess,)  he  exhibited  himself  to  the  peo- 
ple as  their  best  governor  and  counsellor, 
and  included  in  his  legislation  the  entire 
conduct  of  their  lives,  and  prevailed  with 
them  to  receive  it,  and  brought  it  so  to  pass, 
that  those  that  were  made  acquainted  with 
his  laws  did  most  carefully  observe  them. 

But  let  us  consider  his  first  and  greatest 
work ;  for  when  it  was  resolved  on  by  our 
forefathers,  to  leave  Egypt  and  return  to 
their  own  country,  this  Moses  took  the 
many  ten  thousands  that  were  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  saved  them  out  of  many  despe- 
rate distresses,  and  brought  them  home  in 
safety.     And    certainly  it  was    here  no- 


438 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Boos  U, 


eessary  to  travel  over  a  country  without 
water,  and  full  of  sand,  to  overcome  their 
enemies,  and,  during  these  battles,  to  pre- 
serve their  children,  and  their  wives,  and 
their  prey ;  on  all  which  occasions  he  be- 
came an  excellent  general  of  an  army, 
and  a  most  prudent  counsellor,  and  one 
that  took  the  truest  care  of  them  all  :  he 
also  so  brought  it  about,  that  the  whole  mul- 
titude depended  upon  him ;  and  while  he 
had  them  always  obedient  to  what  he  en- 
joined, he  made  no  manner  of  use  of  his 
authority  for  his  own  private  advantage, 
which  is  the  usual  time  when  governors 
gain  great  powers  to  themselves,  and  pave 
the  way  for  tyranny,  and  accustom  the 
multitude  to  live  very  dissolutely ;  where- 
as, when  our  legislator  was  in  so  great  au- 
thority, he,  on  the  contrary,  thought  he 
ought  to  have  regard  to  piety,  and  show 
his  great  good-will  to  the  people;  and  by 
this  means  he  thought  he  might  show  the 
great  degree  of  virtue  that  was  in  him, 
and  might  procure  the  most  lasting  securi- 
ty to  those  who  had  made  him  their  go- 
vernor. When  he  had,  therefore,  come 
to  such  a  good  resolution,  and  had  per- 
formed such  wonderful  exploits,  we  had 
just  reason  to  look  upon  ourselves  as  hav- 
ing him  for  a  divine  governor  and  coun- 
sellor ;  and  when  he  had  first  persuaded 
himself  that  his  actions  and  designs  were 
agreeable  to  God's  will,  .he  thought  it  his 
duty  to  impress,  above  all  things,  that  no- 
tion upon  the  multitude ;  for  those  who 
have  once  believed  that  God  is  the  inspec- 
tor of  their  lives,  will  not  permit  them- 
selves in  any  sin ;  and  this  is  the  charac- 
ter of  our  legislator :  he  was  no  impostor, 
no  deceiver,  as  his  revilers  say,  though  un- 
justly, but  such  an  one  as  they  boast  Mi- 
nos to  have  been  among  the  Greeks,  and 
other  legislators  after  him ;  for  some  of 
them  suppose  that  they  had  their  laws 
from  Jupiter,  while  Minos  said  that  the 
revelation  of  his  laws  was  to  be  referred 
to  Apollo,  and  his  oracle  at  Delphi, 
whether  they  really  thought  they  were  so 
derived,  or  supposed,  however,  that  they 
could  persuade  the  people  easily  that  so 
it  was;  but  which  of  these  it  was  who 
made  the  best  laws,  and  which  had  the 
greatest  reason  to  believe  that  God  was 
their  author,  it  will  be  easy,  upon  com- 
paring those  laws  themselves  together,  to 
determine ;  for  it  is  time  that  we  come  to 
that  point.  Now,  there  are  innumerable 
differences  in  the  particular  customs  and 
laws  that  are  among  all  mankind,  which  a 


man  may  briefly  reduce  under  the  follow- 
ing heads  : — Some  legislators  have  permit- 
ted their  governments  to  be  under  mo- 
narchies, others  put  them  under  oligar- 
chies, and  others  under  a  republican  form  ; 
but  our  legislator  had  no  regard  to  any  of 
these  forms,  but  he  ordained  our  govern- 
ment to  be  what,  by  a  strained  expression, 
may  be  termed  a  Theocracy,  by  ascribing 
the  authority  and  the  power  to  God,  and 
by  persuading  all  the  people  to  have  a  re- 
gard to  him,  as  the  author  of  all  the  good 
things  enjoyed  either  in  common  by  all 
mankind,  or  by  each  one  in  particular,  and 
of  all  that  they  themselves  obtained  by 
praying  to  him  in  their  greatest  difficul- 
ties. He  informed  them  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  escape  God's  observation,  either 
in  any  of  our  outward  actions,  or  in  any 
of  our  inward  thoughts.  Moreover,  he 
represented  God  as  unbegotten,  and  im- 
mutable, through  all  eternity,  superior  to 
all  mortal  conceptions  in  pulchritude ; 
and,  though  known  to  us  by  his  power, 
yet  unknown  to  us  as  to  his  essence.  I 
do  not  now  explain  how  these  notions  of 
God  are  the  sentiments  of  the  wisest 
among  the  Grecians,  and  how  they  were 
taught  them  upon  the  principles  that  he 
afforded  them.  However,  they  testify, 
with  great  assurance,  that  these  notions 
are  just,  and  agreeable  to  the  nature  of 
God,  and  to  his  majesty;  for  Pythagoras, 
and  Anaxagoras,  and  Plato,  and  the  Stoic 
philosophers  that  succeeded  them,  and  al- 
most all  the  rest,  are  of  the  same  senti- 
ments, and  had  the  same  notions  of  the 
nature  of  God;  yet  durst  not  these  men 
disclose  those  true  notions  to  more  than  a 
few,  because  the  body  of  the  people  were 
prejudiced  with  other  opinions  before- 
hand. But  our  legislator,  who  made  his 
actions  agree  to  his  laws,  did  not  only 
prevail  with  those  that  were  his  contempo- 
raries to  agree  with  these  his  notions,  but 
so  firmly  imprinted  this  faith  in  God  upon 
all  their  posterity,  that  it  never  could  be 
removed.  The  reason  why  the  constitu- 
tion of  this  legislation  was  ever  better  di- 
rected to  the  utility  of  all  than  other  le- 
gislations were,  is  this,  that  Moses  did  not 
make  religion  a  part  of  virtue,  but  he  saw 
and  he  ordained  other  virtues  to  be  parts 
of  religion  ;  I  mean  justice,  and  fortitude, 
and  temperance,  and  a  universal  agree- 
ment of  the  members  of  the  community 
with  one  another  ;  for  all  our  actions  and 
studies,  and  all  our  words  [in  Moses's  set- 
tlement]  have   a   reference   to  piety  to- 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


439 


ward  G-odj  for  he  hath  left  none  of  these 

in  Mispcnse,  or  undetermined;  for  there 
arc  two  ways  of  coming  at  any  sort  of 
learning,  and  a  moral  conduct  of  life;  the 
one  is  by  instruction  in  words,  the  other 
by  practical  exercises.  Now,  other  law- 
givera  have  separated  these  two  ways  in 
their  opinions,  and  choosing  one  of  those 
ways  of  instructions,  or  that  which  best 
pleased  every  one  of  them,  neglected  the 
other.  Thus  did  the  Lacedemonians  and 
the  Cretans  teach  by  practical  exercises, 
but  not  by  words;  while  the  Athenians, 
and  almost  all  the  other  Grecians,  made 
laws  about  what  was  to  be  done,  or  left 
undone,  but  had  no  regard  to  the  exer- 
cising them  thereto  in  practice. 

But  for  our  legislator,  he  very  carefully 
joined  these  two  methods  of  instruction 
together;  for  he  neither  left  these  practi- 
cal exercises  to  go  on  without  verbal  in- 
struction, nor  did  he  permit  the  hearing 
of  the  law  to  proceed  without  the  exer- 
cises for  practice  ;  but  beginning  immedi- 
ately from  the  earliest  infancy,  and  the 
appointment  of  every  one's  diet,  he  left 
nothing  of  the  very  smallest  cousequence 
to  be  done  at  the  pleasure  and  disposal 
of  the  person  himself.  Accordingly,  he 
made  a  fixed  rule  of  law  what  sorts  of 
food  they  should  abstain  from,  and  what 
sorts  they  should  use  ;  as  also,  what  com- 
munion they  should  have  with  others, 
what  great  diligence  they  should  use  in 
their  occupations,  and  what  times  of  rest 
should  be  interposed,  that  by  living  under 
that  law  as  under  a  father  and  a  master, 
we  might  be  guilty  of  no  sin,  neither  vo- 
luntary nor  out  of  ignorance ;  for  he 
did  not  suffer  the  guilt  of  ignorance  to  go 
on  without  punishment,  but  demonstrated 
the  law  to  be  the  best  and  most  necessary 
instruction  of  all  others,  permitting  the 
people  to  leave  off  their  other  employ- 
ments, and  to  assemble  together  for  the 
hearing  of  the  law,  and  learning  it  ex- 
actly, and  this  not  once  or  twice,  or  often- 
er,  but  every  week ;  which  thing  all  the 
other  legislators  seem  to  have  neglected. 

And,  indeed,  the  greatest  part  of  man- 
kind are  so  far  from  living  according  to 
their  own  laws,  that  they  hardly  know 
them  ;  but  when  they  have  sinned,  they 
learn  from  others  that  they  have  trans- 
gressed the  law.  Those  also  whu  are  in 
the  highest  and  principal  posts  of  the 
government,  confess  they  are  not  acquaint- 
ed with  those  laws,  and  are  obliged  to 
take  such  persons  for  their  assessors  in 


public  administrations  as  profess  to  have 
skill  in  those  laws  ;  but  for  our  p 
if  anybody  do  but  ask  any  of  them  about 
our  laws,  he  will  more  readily  tell  them 
all  than  he  will  tell  his  own  name,  and 
this  in  consequence  of  our  having  learned 
them  immediately  as  soon  as  ever  we  be- 
came sensible  of  any  thing,  and  of  our 
having  them,  as  it  were,  engraven  on  our 
souls.  Our  transgressors  of  them  are  but 
few;  and  it  is  impossible,  when  any  do 
offend,  to  escape  punishment. 

And  this  very  thing  it  is  that  princi- 
pally creates  such  a  wonderful  agreement 
of  minds  among  us  all;  for  this  entire 
agreement  of  ours  in  all  our  notions  con- 
cerning God,  and  our  having  no  difference 
in  our  course  of  life  and  manners,  pro- 
cures among  us  the  most  excellent  con- 
cord of  these  our  manners  that  is  any- 
where among  mankind ;  for  no  other  peo- 
ple but  we  Jews  have  avoided  all  dis- 
courses about  God,  that  auy  way  contra- 
dict one  another,  which  yet  are  frequent 
among  other  nations ;  and  this  is  true, 
not  only  among  ordinary  persons,  accord- 
ing as  every  one  is  affected,  but  some  of 
the  philosophers  have  been  insolent 
enough  to  indulge  such  contradictions, 
while  some  of  them  have  undertaken  to 
use  such  words  as  entirely  take  away  the 
nature  of  God,  as  others  of  them  have 
taken  away  his  providence  over  mankind. 
Nor  can  any  one  perceive  among  us  any 
difference  in  the  conduct  of  our  lives; 
but  all  our  works  are  common  to  us  all. 
We  have  one  sort  of  discourse  concerning 
God,  which  is  conformable  to  our  law, 
and  affirms  that  he  sees  all  things ;  as 
also,  we  have  but  one  way  of  speaking 
concerning  the  conduct  of  our  lives,  that 
all  other  things  ought  to  have  piety  for 
their  end;  and  this  anybody  may  hear 
from  our  women  and  servants  themselves. 

Hence  hath  arisen  that  accusation  which 
some  make  against  us,  that  we  have  not 
produced  men  that  have  been  the  inven- 
tors of  new  operations,  or  of  new  ways 
of  speaking ;  for  others  think  it  a  fiue 
thing  to  persevere  in  nothing  that  has 
been  delivered  down  from  their  fore- 
fathers, and  these  testify  it  to  be  an  in- 
stance of  the  sharpest  wisdom  when  these 
men  venture  to  transgress  those  traditions; 
whereas  we,  on  the  contrary,  suppose  it 
to  be  our  only  wisdom  and  virtue  to 
admit  no  actions  nor  supposals  that  are 
contrary  to  our  original  laws  ;  which  pro- 
cedure of  ours  is  a  just  and  sure  sign  that 


440 


FLAVIUS   JOSEPHUS   AGAINST   AriON. 


[Bock.  It. 


our  law  is  admirably  constituted ;  for 
such  laws  as  are  not  thus  well  made,  are 
convicted  upon  trial  to  want  amendment. 
But  while  we  are  ourselves  persuaded 
that  our  law  was  made  agreeably  to  the 
will  of  God,  it  would  be  impious  for  us 
not  to  observe  the  same;  for  what  is  there 
in  it  that  anybody  would  change  !  and 
what  can  be  invented  better  !  or  what  can 
we  take  out  of  other  people's  laws  that 
will  exceed  it !  Perhaps  some  would  have 
the  entire  settlement  of  our  government 
altered.  And  where  shall  we  6nd  a  better 
or  more  righteous  constitution  than  ours, 
while  this  makes  us  esteem  God  to  be  the 
governor  of  the  universe,  and  permits  the 
priests  in  general  to  be  the  administrators 
of  the  principal  affairs,  and  withal  intrusts 
the  government  over  the  other  priests 
to  the  chief  high  priest  himself;  which 
priests  our  legislator,  at  their  first  appoint- 
ment, did  not  advance  to  that  dignity  for 
their  riches,  or  any  abundance  of  other 
possessions,  or  any  plenty  they  had  as  the 
gifts  of  fortune ;  but  he  intrusted  the 
principal  management  of  divine  worship 
to  those  that  exceeded  others  in  an  ability 
to  persuade  men,  and  in  prudence  of  con- 
duct. These  men  had  the  main  care  of 
the  law  and  of  the  other  parts  of  the 
people's  conduct  committed  to  them;  for 
they  were  the  priests  who  were  ordained 
to  be  the  inspectors  of  alL,  and  the  judges 
in  doubtful  cases,  and  the  punishers  of 
those  that  were  condemned  to  suffer 
punishment. 

What  form  of  government  then  can  be 
more  holy  than  this?  what  more  worthy 
kind  of  worship  can  be  paid  to  God  than 
we  pay,  where  the  entire  body  of  the 
people  are  prepared  for  religion,  where  an 
extraordinary  degree  of  care  is  required 
in  the  priests,  and  where  the  whole  polity 
is  so  ordered  as  if  it  were  a  certain  reli- 
gious solemnity  ?  For  what  things  foreign- 
ers, when  they  solemnize  such  festivals, 
are  not  able  to  observe  for  a  few  days' 
time,  and  call  them  Mysteries  and  Sacred 
Ceremonies,  we  observe  with  great  plea- 
sure and  an  unshaken  resolution  during 
our  whole  lives.  What  are  the  thinks 
then  that  we  are  commanded  or  forbidden  ? 
They  arc  simply  and  easily  known.  The 
first  command  is  concerning  God,  and 
affirms  that  God  contains  all  things,  and 
is  a  being  every  way  perfect  and  happy, 
self-sufficient,  and  supplying  all  other 
beings ;  the  beginning,  the  middle,  and 
the  end  of  all  things.     He  is  manifest  in 


his  works  and  benefits,  and  more  conspi- 
cuous than  any  other  being  whatsoever; 
but  as  to  his  form  and  magnitude,  he  is 
most  obscure.  All  materials,  let  them  be 
ever  so  costly,  are  unworthy  to  compose 
an  image  for  him;  and  all  arts  are  unart- 
ful to  express  the  notion  we  ought  to  have 
of  him.  We  can  neither  see  nor  think 
of  any  thing  like  him,  nor  is  it  agreeable 
to  piety  to  form  a  resemblance  of  him. 
We  see  his  works,  the  light,  the  heaven, 
the  earth,  the  sun  and  the  moon,  the 
waters,  the  generations  of  animals,  the 
productions  of  fruits.  These  things  hath 
God  made,  not  with  hands,  not  with  la- 
bour, nor  as  wanting  the  assistance  of  any 
to  co-operate  with  him ;  but  as  his  will 
resolved  they  should  be  made  and  be 
good  also,  they  were  made,  and  became 
good  immediately.  All  men  ought  to 
follow  this  Being,  and  to  worship  him  in 
the  exercise  of  virtue ;  for  this  way  of 
worship  of  God  is  the  most  holy  of  all 
others. 

There  ought  also  to  be  but  one  temple 
for  one  God;  for  likeness  is  the  constant 
foundation  of  agreement.  This  temple 
ought  to  be  common  to  all  men,  because 
he  is  the  common  God  of  all  men.  His 
priests  are  to  be  continually  about  his 
worship,  over  whom  he  that  is  the  first  by 
his  birth  is  to  be  their  ruler  perpetually. 
His  business  must  be  to  offer  sacrifices  to 
God,  together  with  those  priests  that  are 
joined  with  him,  to  see  that  the  laws  be 
observed,  to  determine  controversies,  and 
to  punish  those  that  are  convicted  of 
injustice  ;  while  he  that  does  not  submit  to 
him  shall  be  subject  to  the  same  punish- 
ment, as  if  he  had  been  guilty  of  impiety 
towai'ds  God  himself.  When  we  offer 
sacrifices  to  him,  we  do  it  not  in  order  to 
surfeit  ourselves,  or  to  be  drunken ;  for 
such  excesses  are  against  the  will  of  God, 
and  would  be  an  occasion  of  injuries  and 
of  luxury ;  but  by  keeping  ourselves  so- 
ber, orderly,  and  ready  for  our  other 
occupations,  and  being  more  temperate 
than  others.  And  for  our  duty  at  the 
sacrifices  themselves,  we  ought,  in  the 
first  place,  to  pray*  for  the  common  wel- 
fare of  all,  and  after  that  our  own ;  for 
we  are  made  for  fellowship  one  with 
another ;  and  he  who  prefers  the  common 
good  before  what  is  peculiar  to  himself, 
is  above  all  acceptable  to  God.  And  let 
our  prayers  and   supplications   be   made 


See  1  Kings  vifi.,  2  Chron.  vi. 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS   JOSEPIIUS    AGAINST   APION. 


-Ml 


humbly  to  God,  not  [so  much]  that  he 
would  give  us  what  is  good,  (for  he  hath 
already  given  that  of  his  own  accord,  and 
hath  proposed  the  same  publicly  to  all,) 
as  that  we  may  duly  receive  it,  and  when 
we  have  received  it,  may  preserve  it. 
Now  the  law  has  appointed  several  puri- 
fications at  our  sacrifices,  whereby  we  are 
cleansed  after  a  funeral,  after  what  some- 
times happens  to  us  in  bed,  and  after 
accompanying  with  our  wives,  and  upon 
many  other  occasions,  too  long  now  to  set 
down.  And  this  is  our  doctrine  concern- 
ing God  and  his  worship,  and  is  the  same 
that  the  law  appoints  for  our  practice. 

But  then,  what  are  our  laws  about 
marriage  ?  That  law  owns  no  other  mix- 
ture of  sexes  but  that  which  nature  hath 
appointed,  of  a  man  with  his  wife,  and 
that  this  be  used  only  for  the  procreation 
of  children.  But  it  abhors  the  mixture 
of  a  male  with  a  male;  and  if  any  one 
do  that,  death  is  his  punishment.  It  com- 
mands us  also,  when  we  marry,  not  to 
have  regard  to  portion,  nor  to  take  a  wo- 
man by  violence,  nor  to  persuade  her 
deceitfully  and  knavishly ;  but  demand 
her  in  marriage  of  him  who  hath  power 
to  dispose  of  her,  and  is  fit  to  give  her 
away  by  the  nearness  of  his  kindred ;  for, 
saith  the  Scripture,  "  A  woman  is  inferior 
to  her  husband  in  all  things."*  Let  her, 
therefore,  be  obedient  to  him ;  not  so, 
that  he  should  abuse  her,  but  that  she 
may  acknowledge  her  duty  to  her  hus- 
band ;  for  God  hath  given  the  authority 
to  the  husband.  A  husband,  therefore, 
is  to  lie  only  with  his  wife  whom  he  hath 
married ;  but  to  have  to  do  with  another 
man's  wife  is  a  wicked  thing ;  which,  if 
any  one  venture  upon,  death  is  inevitably 
his  puuishment  :  no  more  can  he  avoid 
the  same  who  forces  a  virgin  betrothed  to 
another  man,  or  entices  another  man's 
wife.  The  law,  moreover,  enjoins  us  to 
bring  up  all  our  offspring,  and  forbids 
women  to  cause  abortion  of  what  is  be- 
gotten, or  to  destroy  it  afterward ;  and  if 
any  woman  appears  to  have  so  done,  she 
will  be  a  murderer  of  her  child,  by  de- 
stroying a  living  creature,  and  diminishing 
human  kind;  if  any  one,  therefore,  pro- 
ceeds to  such  fornication  or  murder,  he 
cannot  be  clean.  Moreover,  the  law  en- 
joins, that  after  the  man  and  wife  have 
lain  together  in  a  regular  way,  they  shall 
bathe   themselves ;  for  there  is  a  defile- 


*  This  text  is  nowhere  in  our  present  copies  of 
the  Old  Testament. 


ment  contracted  thereby,  both  in  soul 
and  body,  as  if  they  had  gone  into  another 
country;  for  indeed  the  soul,  by  being 
united  to  the  body,  is  subject  to  miseries, 
and  is  not  freed  therefrom  again  but  by 
death  ;  on  which  account  the  law  requires 
this  purification  to  be  entirely  performed. 
Nay,  indeed,  the  law  does  not  permit 
us  to  make  festivals  at  the  births  of  our 
children,  and  thereby  afford  occasion  of 
drinking  to  excess  ;  but  it  ordains  that  the 
very  beginning  of  our  education  should 
be  immediately  directed  to  sobriety.  It 
also  commands  us  to  bring  those  children 
up  in  learning  and  to  exercise  them  in 
the  laws,  and  make  them  acquainted  with 
the  acts  of  their  predecessors,  in  order  to 
their  imitation  of  them,  and  that  they 
may  be  nourished  up  in  the  laws  from 
their  infancy,  and  might  neither  trans- 
gress them,  nor  yet  have  any  pretence  for 
their  ignorance  of  them. 

Our  law  hath  also  taken  care  of  the 
decent  burial  of  the  dead,  but  without  any 
extravagant  expenses  for  their  funerals, 
and  without  the  erection  of  any  illustrious 
monuments  for  them  ;  but  hath  ordcrod 
that  their  nearest  relations  should  perform 
their  obsequies :  and  hath  shown  it  to  be 
regular,  that  all  who  pass  by  when  any 
one  is  buried,  should  accompany  the 
funeral,  and  join  in  the  lamentation.  It 
also  ordains,  that  the  house  and  its  inha- 
bitants should  be  purified  after  the  funeral 
is  over,  that  every  one  may  thence  learn 
to  keep  at  a  great  distance  from  the 
thoughts  of  being  pure,  if  he  hath  been 
once  guilty  of  murder. 

The  law  ordains  also,  that  parents 
should  be  honoured  immediately  after 
God  himself,  and  delivers  that  sou  who 
does  not  requite  them  for  the  benefits  he 
hath  received  from  them,  but  is  deficient 
on  any  such  occasion,  to  be  stoned.  It 
also  says,  that  the  young  men  should  pay 
due  respect  to  every  elder,  since  God  is 
the  eldest  of  all  beings.  It  does  not  give 
leave  to  conceal  any  thing  from  our  friends, 
because  that  is  not  true  friendship  which 
will  nut  commit  all  things  to  their  fidelity  : 
it  also  forbids  the  revelation  of  secrets, 
even  though  an  enmity  arise  between 
them.  If  any  judge  takes  bribes,  his 
punishment  is  death  :  he  that  overlooks 
one  that  offers  him  a  petition,  and  this 
when  he  is  able  to  relieve  him,  he  is  a 
guilty  person.  What  is  not  by  any  one 
intrusted  to  another,  ought  not  to  be 
required  back  again.     No  one  is  to  touch 


442 


FLAVIUS   JOSEPIIUS   AGAINST   APION. 


[Book.  II 


another's  goods.  He  that  lends  money, 
must  not  demand  usury  for  its  loan. 
These,  and  many  more  of  the  like  sort, 
are  the  rules  that  unite  us  in  the  bands 
of  society  one  with  another. 

It  will  be  also  worth  our  while  to  see 
what  equity  our  legislator  would  have  us 
exercise  in  our  intercourse  with  strangers; 
for  it  will  thence  appear  that  he  made  the 
best  provision  he  possibly  could,  both 
that  we  should  not  dissolve  our  own 
constitution,  nor  show  any  envious  mind 
toward  those  that  would  cultivate  a 
friendship  with  us.  Accordingly,  our 
legislator  admits  all  those  that  have  a 
mind  to  observe  our  laws,  so  to  do;  and 
this  after  a  friendly  manner,  as  esteeming 
that  a  true  union,  which  not  only  extends 
to  our  own  stock,  but  to  those  that  would 
live  after  the  same  manner  with  us ;  yet 
does  he  not  allow  those  that  come  to  us 
by  accident  only  to  be  admitted  into  com- 
munion with  us. 

However,  there  are  other  things  which 
our  legislator  ordained  for  us  beforehand, 
which,  of  necessity,  we  ought  to  do  in 
common  to  all  men ;  as  to  afford  fire,  and 
water,  and  food  to  such  as  want  it;  to 
show  them  the  roads  ;  and  not  to  let  any 
one  lie  unburied.  He  also  would  have  us 
treat  those  that  are  esteemed  our  enemies 
with  moderation ;  for  he  doth  not  allow 
us  to  set  their  country  on  fire,  nor  permit 
us  to  cut  down  those  trees  that  bear  fruit : 
nay,  further,  he  forbids  us  to  spoil  those 
that  have  been  slain  in  war.  He  hath 
also  provided  for  such  as  are  taken  captive, 
that  they  may  not  be  injured,  and  espe- 
cially that  the  women  may  not  be  abused. 
Indeed,  he  hath  taught  us  gentleness 
and  humanity  so  effectually,  that  he  hath 
not  despised  the  care  of  brute  beasts,  by 
permitting  no  other  than  a  regular  use  of 
them,  and  forbidding  any  other;  and  if 
any  of  them  come  to  our  houses,  like 
supplicants,  we  are  forbidden  to  slay  them  : 
nor  may  we  kill  the  dams,  together  with 
their  young  ones ;  but  we  are  obliged, 
even  in  an  enemy's  country,  to  spare  and 
not  kill  those  creatures  that  labour  for 
mankind.  Thus  hath  our  lawgiver  con- 
trived to  teach  us  an  equitable  conduct 
every  way,  by  using  us  to  such  laws  as 
instruct  us  therein;  while  at  the  same 
time  he  hath  ordained,  that  such  as  break 
these  laws  should  be  punished,  without 
the  allowance  of  any  excuse  whatsoever. 

Now  the  greatest  part  of  offences  with 
us  are  capital ;  as  if  any  one  be  guilty  of 


adultery;  if  any  one  force  a  virgin;  it 
any  one  be  so  impudent  as  to  attempt  an 
unnatural  crime ;  or  if,  upon  another's 
making  an  attempt  upon  him,  he  submits 
to  be  so  used.  There  is  also  a  law  for 
slaves  of  the  like  nature,  that  can  never 
be  avoided.  Moreover,  if  any  one  cheats 
another  in  measure  or  weights,  or  makes  a 
knavish  bargain  and  sale,  in  order  to  cheat 
another  ;  if  any  one  steal  what  belongs  to 
another,  and  takes  what  he  never  depo- 
sited; all  these  have  punishments  allotted 
them,  not  such  as  are  met  with  among 
other  nations,  but  more  severe  ones.  And 
as  for  attempts  of  unjust  behaviour  to- 
ward parents,  or  impiety  against  God, 
though  they  be  not  actually  accomplished, 
the  offenders  are  destroyed  immediately. 
However,  the  reward  for  such  as  live  ex- 
actly according  to  the  laws,  is  not  silver 
or  gold ;  it  is  not  a  garland  of  olive- 
branches  or  of  smallage,  nor  any  such  pub- 
lic sign  of  commendation  ;  but  every  good 
man  hath  his  own  conscience  bearing  wit- 
ness to  himself,  and  by  virtue  of  our 
legislator's  prophetic  spirit,  and  of  the 
firm  security  God  himself  affords  such  an 
one,  he  believes  that  God  hath  made  this 
grant  to  those-  that  observe  these  law*, 
even  though  they  be  obliged  readily  to 
die  for  them,  that  they  shall  come  into 
being  again,  and  at  a  certain  revolution 
of  things  receive  a  better  life  than  they 
had  enjoyed  before.  Nor  would  I  venture 
to  write  thus  at  this  time,  were  it  not  well 
known  to  all  by  our  actions  that  many  of 
our  people  have  many  a  time  bravely  re- 
solved to  endure  any  .sufferings,  rather 
than  speak  one  word  against  our  law. 

Nay,  indeed,  in  case  it  had  so  fallen  out, 
that  our  nation  had  not  been  so  thoroughly 
known  among  all  men  as  they  are,  and  our 
voluntary  submission  to  our  laws  had  not 
been  so  open  and  manifest  as  it  is,  but 
that  somebody  had  pretended  to  have 
written  these  laws  himself,  and  had  read 
them  to  the  Greeks,  or  had  pretended  that 
he  met  with  men  out  of  the  limits  of  the 
known  world,  that  had  such  reverend  no- 
tions of  God,  and  had  continued  for  along 
time  in  the  firm  observance  of  such  laws 
as  ours,  I  cannot  but  suppose  that  all  men 
would  admire  them  on  a  reflection  upon 
the  frequent  changes  they  had  therein 
been  themselves  subject  to;  and  this  while 
those  that  have  attempted  to  write  some- 
what of  the  same  kind  for  politic  govern- 
ment, and  for  laws,  are  accused  as  com- 
posing monstrous  things,  and  are  said  to 


3ooic  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEl'HUS  AGAINST  APION. 


143 


have  undertaken  an  impossible  task  upon 
them.      And  here  I  will  say  not  lung  ot 
those  other  philosophers  who  have  under- 
taken   any  thing  of  this  nature  in  their 
writings.     But  even  Plato  himself,  who 
is  so  admired  by  the  Greeks  on  account 
of  that  gravity  in  his  manner  and  force  in 
his  words,  and  that  ability  he  had  to  per- 
suade men  beyond  all  other  philosophers, 
is  little  better  than  laughed  at  and  exposed 
to  ridicule  on  that  account,  by  those  that 
pretend  to  sagacity  in  political  affairs ;  al- 
though he  that  shall  diligently  peruse  his 
writings,  will  find  his  precepts  to  be  some- 
what gentle,  and  pretty  near  to  the  cus- 
toms of  the  generality  of  mankind.     Nay, 
Plato  himself  confesseth  that  it  is  not  safe 
to  publish  the  true  notion  concerning  God 
among  the   ignorant  multitude.     Yet  do 
some  men  look  upon  Plato's  discourses  as 
no  better  than  certain  idle  words  set  off 
with  great  artifice.   However,  they  admire 
Lycurgus  as  the  principal  lawgiver;  and 
all  men  celebrate  Sparta  for  having  con- 
tinued in  the  firm  observance  of  his  laws 
for   a   very  long  time.      So  far   then   we 
have  gained,  that  it  is  to  be  confessed  a 
mark  of  virtue  to  submit  to  laws.*     But 
then  let  such  as  admire  this  in  the  Lace- 
demonians compare  that  duration  of  theirs 
with  more  than  2000  years  which  our  po- 
litical   government    hath   continued;  and 
let  them  further  consider,  that  though  the 
Lacedemonians  did  seem  to  observe  then- 
laws    exactly    while    they    enjoyed    their 
liberty,  yet  that  when  they  underwent  a 
change  in  their  fortune,  they  forgot  almost 
all  those  laws;  while  we,  having  been  un- 
der ten  thousand  changes  in  our  fortune, 
by  the  changes  that  happened  among  the 
kings  of  Asia,  have  never  betrayed  our 
laws  under  the   most  pressing  distresses 
sve  have  been  in ;  nor  have  we  neglected 
them  either  out  of  sloth  or  for  a  liveli- 
hood.    Nay,  if  any  one  will  consider  it, 
the  difficulties  and  labours  laid  upon  us 
have  been  greater  than  what  appears  _  to 
have    been   borne  by  the    Lacedemonian 
fortitude,    while    they   neither   ploughed 
their  land,  nor  exercised  any  trades,  but 
lived  in  their  own  city,  free  from  all  such 
pains-taking,  in  the  enjoyment  of  pleuty, 
and  using  such  exercises  as  might  improve 


•:■:■  <<  I  will,"  says  he,  "  boldly  declare  my  opinion, 
though  the  whole  world  be  offended  at  it.  I  pre- 
fer this  little  book  of  the  Twelve  Tallies  alone  to 
nil  the  volumes  of  the  philosophers.  I  find  it  to 
be  not  only  of  more  weight,  but  also  much  more 
useful." — (He.  Be  Oratore. 


their  bodies,  while  they  mane  use  of  other 
men  as  thevr  servants  for  all   die  necessa- 
ries of  life,  and  had  their  food  prepared 
for  them   by  the   others;   and   the-..,   good 
and   humane  actions  they  do  for  no  other 
purpose  but  this,  that  by  their  actions  and 
their  sufferings  they  may  be  able  to  con- 
quer all   those  against  whom  they  make 
war.     I  need  not  add  this,  that  they  have 
not  been  fully  able  to  observe  their  laws; 
for  not  only  a  few  single  persons,  but  mul- 
titudes of  them,  have  in  heaps  neglected 
those  laws,  and  have  delivered  themselves, 
together  with  their  arms,  into  the  hands  of 
their  enemies. 

Now,  as  for  ourselves,  I  venture  to  say, 
that  no  one  can  tell  of  so  many  ;   nay,  not 
of  more  than  one  or  two  that  have  be- 
trayed our  laws,   no   not  out   of  fear  of 
death  itself;  I  do  not  mean  such  an  easy 
death  as  happens  in  battles,  but  that  which 
comes  with  bodily  torments,  and  seems  to 
be  the  severest  kind  of  death  of  all  others. 
Now  I  think,  those  that   have  conquered 
us  have  put  us  to  such  deaths,  not  out  of 
their  hatred  to  us  when  they  had  subdued 
us,  but  rather  out  of  their  desire  of  seeing 
a  surprising  sight,  which  is  this,  whether 
there  be  such  men  in  the  world  who  believe 
that  no  evil  is  to  them  so  great  as  to  be 
compelled  to  do  or  to  speak  any  thing  con- 
trary to  their  own  laws.     Nor  ought  men 
to  wonder  at  us,  if  we  are  more  courageous 
in  dying  for  our  laws  than  all  other  men 
are;  for  other  men  do  not  easily  submit 
to  the  easier  things  in  which  we  are  insti- 
tuted; I  mean  working  with  our  hands, 
and  eating  but  little,  and  being  com 
to  eat  and  drink,  not  at  random,  or  at 
every  one's  pleasure,  or  being  under  in- 
violable rules  in  lying  with  our  wives,  m 
magnificent  furniture,  and   again   in   the 
observation    of  our   times  of  rest;   while 
those  that  can   use  their  swords  in  war, 
and  can  put  their  enemies  to  flight  when 
they  attack  them,  cannot  bear  to  submit 
to  such  laws  about  their  way  of  living: 
whereas  our  being  accustomed  willingly 
to  submit  to  laws  in  these  instances,  ren- 
ders  us   fit  to  show  our  fortitude   upon 
other  occasions  also. 

Yet  do  the  Lysiinachi  and  the  Molones, 
and  some  other  writers  (unskilful  sophists 
as  they  are,  and  the  deceivers  of  young 
men)  reproach  us  as  the  vilest  of  all  man- 
kind. Now  I  have  no  mind  to  make  an 
inquiry  into  the  laws  of  other  nations  ;  for 
the  custom  of  our  country  is  to  keep  our 
own  laws,  but  not  to  accuse  the  laws  of 


444 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  II. 


others.  And,  indeed,  our  legislator  hath 
expressly  forbidden  us  to  laugh  at  and  re- 
vile those  that  are  esteemed  gods  by  other 
people,  on  account  of  the  very  name  of 
God  ascribed  to  them.  But  since  our  an- 
tagonists think  to  run  us  down  upon  the 
comparison  of  their  religion  and  ours,  it 
is  not  possible  to  keep  silence  here,  espe- 
cially while  what  I  shall  say  to  confute 
these  men  will  not  be  now  first  said,  but 
hath  been  already  said  by  many,  and 
these  of  the  highest  reputation  also ;  for 
who  is  there  among  those  that  have  been 
admired  among  the  Greeks  for  wisdom, 
who  hath  not  greatly  blamed  both  the 
most  famous  poets,  and  most  celebrated 
legislators,  for  spreading  such  notions 
originally  among  the  body  of  the  people 
concerning  the  gods?  such  as  these,  that 
they  may  be  allowed  to  be  as  numerous 
as  they  have  a  mind  to  have  them ;  that 
they  are  begotten  one  by  another,  and 
that  after  all  the  kinds  of  generation  you 
can  imagine.  They  also  distinguish  them 
in  their  places  and  ways  of  living,  as  they 
would  distinguish  several  sorts  of  animals : 
as  some  to  be  under  the  earth ;  some  to 
be  in  the  sea ;  and  the  most  ancient  of 
them  all  to  be  bound  in  hell ;  and  for 
those  to  whom  they  have  allotted  heaven, 
they  have  set  over  them  one,  who  in  title 
is  their  father,  but  in  his  actions  a  tyrant 
and  a  lord ;  whence  it  came  to  pass  that 
his  wife,  and  brother,  and  daughter  (which 
daughter  he  brought  forth  from  his  own 
head)  made  a  conspiracy  against  him  to 
seize  upon  him  and  confine  him,  as  he  had 
himself  seized  upon  and  confined  his  own 
father  before. 

And  justly  have  the  wisest  men  thought 
these  notions  deserved  severe  rebukes; 
they  also  laugh  at  them  for  determining 
that  we  ought  to  believe  some  of  the  gods 
to  be  beardless  and  young,  and  others  of 
them  to  be  old,  and  to  have  beards  ac- 
cordingly ;  that  some  are  set  to  trades : 
that  one  god  is  a  smith,  and  another 
goddess  is  a  weaver;  that  one  god  is  a 
warrior,  and  fights  with  men;  that  some 
of  them  are  harpers,  or  delight  in  archery; 
and  besides,  that  mutual  seditions  arise 
among  them,  and  that  they  quarrel  about 
men,  and  this  so  far,  that  they  not  only 
lay  hands  upon  one  another,  but  that  they 
are  wounded  by  men,  and  lament,  and 
take  on  for  such  their  afflictions ;  but  what 
.s  the  grossest  of  all  in  point  of  lascivious- 
ness,  are  those  unbounded  lusts  ascribed 
to  almost  all  of  them,  and  their  amours, 


which  how  can  it  be  other  than  a  most 
absurd  supposal,  especially  when  it  reaches 
to  the  male  gods,  and  to  the  female 
goddesses  also?  Moreover,  the  chief  of 
all  the  gods,  and  their  first  father  himself, 
overlooks  those  goddesses  whom  he  hath 
deluded  and  begotten  with  child,  and 
suffers  them  to  be  kept  in  prison,  or 
drowned  in  the  sea.  He  is  also  so  bound 
up  by  fate,  that  he  cannot  save  his  own 
offspring,  nor  can  he  bear  their  deaths 
without  shedding  of  tears.  These  are  line 
things  indeed  !  as  are  the  rest  that  follow. 
Adulteries,  truly,  are  so  impudently 
looked  on  in  heaven  by  the  gods,  that 
some  of  them  have  confessed  they  envied 
those  that  were  found  in  t"he  very  act ;  and 
why  should  they  not  do  so,  when  the 
eldest  of  them,  who  is  their  king  also,  hath 
not  been  able  to  restrain  himself  in  the 
violence  of  his  lust  from  lying  with  his 
wife,  so  long  as  they  might  get  into  their 
bedchamber  ?  Now,  some  of  the  gods 
are  servants  to  men,  and  will  sometimes 
be  builders  for  a  reward,  and  sometimes 
will  be  shepherds ;  while  others  of  them, 
like  malefactors,  are  bound  in  a  prison  of 
brass;  and  what  sober  person  is  there 
who  would  not-be  provoked  at  such  stories, 
and  rebuke  those  that  forged  them,  and 
condemn  the  great  silliness  of  those  that 
admit  them  for  true  !  Nay,  others  there 
are  that  have  advanced  a  certain  tiuior- 
ousness  and  fear,  as  also  madness  and 
fraud,  and  any  other  of  the  vilest  passions, 
into  the  nature  and  form  of  gods,  and 
have  persuaded  whole  cities  to  offer  sacri- 
fices to  the  better  sort  of  them ;  on  which 
account  they  have  been  absolutely  forced 
to  esteem  some  gods  as  the  givers  of  good 
things,  and  to  call  others  of  them  averters 
of  evil.  They  also  endeavour  to  move 
them,  as  they  would  the  vilest  of  men,  by 
gifts  and  presents,  as  looking  for  nothing 
else  than  to  receive  some  great  mischief 
from  them,  unless  they  pay  them  such 
wages. 

Wherefore,  it  deserves  our  inquiry  what 
should  be  the  occasion  of  this  unjust 
management,  and  of  these  scandals  about 
the  Deity.  And,  truly,  I  suppose  it  to 
be  derived  from  the  imperfect  knowledge 
the  heathen  legislators  had  at  first  of  the 
true  nature  of  God;  nor  did  they  explain 
to  the  people  even  so  far  as  they  did  com- 
prehend of  it :  nor  did  they  compose  the 
other  parts  of  their  political  settlements 
according  to  it,  but  omitted  it  as  a  thing 
of  very  little  consequence,  and  gave  leave 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


445 


both  to  the  poets  to  introduce  what  gods 
they  pleased,  and  those  suhject  to  all  sorts 
of  passions,  and  to  the  orators  to  procure 
political  decrees  from  the  people  for  the 
admission  of  such  foreign  gods  as  they 
thought  proper.  The  painters  also,  and 
statuaries  of  Greece,  had  herein  great 
power,  as  each  of  them  could  contrive  a 
shape  [proper  for  a  god]  ;  the  one  to  be 
formed  out  of  clay,  and  the  other  by  mak- 
ing a  bare  picture  of  such  a  one  ;  but 
those  workmen  that  were  principally  ad- 
mired, had  the  use  of  ivory,  and  of  gold 
as  the  constant  materials  for  their  new 
statues  [whereby  it  comes  to  pass  that 
some  temples  are  quite  deserted,  while 
others  are  in  great  esteem,  and  adorned 
with  all  the  rites  of  all  kinds  of  purifica- 
tion]. Besides  this,  the  first  gods,  who 
have  long  flourished  in  the  honours  done 
them,  are  now  grown  old  [while  those 
that  flourished  after  them  are  come  in 
their  room  as  a  second  rank,  that  I  may 
speak  the  most  honourably  of  them  that  I 
can] ;  nay,  certain  other  gods  there  are 
who  are  newly  introduced,  and  newly 
worshipped  [as  we,  by  way  of  digression, 
have  said  already,  and  yet  have  left  their 
places  of  worship  desolate]  ;  and  for  their 
temples,  some  of  them  are  already  left 
desolate,  and  others  are  built  anew,  ac- 
cording to  the  pleasure  of  men  ;  whereas 
they  ought  to  have  preserved  their  opi- 
nion about  God,  and  that  worship  which 
is  due  to  him,  always  and  immutably  the 
same. 

But  now,  this  Apollonius  Molo  was  one 
of  these  foolish  and  proud  men.  How- 
ever, nothing  that  I  have  said  was  un- 
known to  those  that  were  real  philoso- 
phers among  the  Greeks,  nor  were  they 
unacquainted  with  those  frigid  pretences 
of  allegories  [which  had  been  alleged  for 
such  things]  :  on  which  account  they 
justly  despised  them,  but  have  still  agreed 
with  us  as  to  the  true  and  becoming  no- 
tions of  God;  whence  it  was  that  Plato 
would  not  have  political  settlements  to 
admit  of  any  one  of  the  other  poets,  and 
dismisses  even  Homer  himself,  with  a 
garland  on  his  head,  and  with  ointment 
poured  upon  him,  and  this  because  he 
should  not  destroy  the  right  notions  of 
God  with  his  fables.  Nay,' Plato  princi- 
pally imitated  our  legislator  in  this  point, 
that  he  enjoined  his  citizens  to  have  the 
main  regard  to  this  precept :  "  That  every 
one  of  them  should  learn  their  laws  accu- 
rately." He  also  ordained  that  they 
3N 


should  not  admit  of  foreigners  intermix- 
ing with  their  own  people  at  random ;  and, 
provided  that  the  commonwealth  should 
keep  itself  pure,  and  consist  of  such  only 
as  persevered  in  their  own  laws.  Apol- 
lonius Molo  did  noway  consider  this, 
when  he  made  it  one  branch  of  his 
accusation  against  us,  that  we  do  not 
admit  of  such  as  have  different  notions 
about  God,  nor  will  we  have  fellowship 
with  those  that  choose  to  observe  a  way 
of  living  different  from  ourselves ;  yet  is 
not  this  method  peculiar  to  us,  but  com- 
mon to  all  other  men;  not  among  the 
ordinary  Grecians  only,  but  among  such 
of  those  Grecians  as  are  of  the  greatest 
reputation  among  them.  Moreover,  the 
Lacedemonians  continued  in  their  way  of 
expelling  foreigners,  and  would  not,  in- 
deed, give  leave  to  their  own  people 
to  travel  abroad,  as  suspecting  that  those 
two  things  would  introduce  a  dissolution 
of  their  own  laws :  and,  perhaps,  there 
may  be  some  reason  to  blame  the  rigid 
severity  of  the  Lacedemonians,  for  they 
bestowed  the  privilege  of  their  city  on  no 
foreigners,  nor  would  give  leave  to  them 
to  stay  among  them  :  whereas  we,  though 
we  do  not  think  fit  to  imitate  other  insti- 
tutions, yet  do  we  willingly  admit  of  those 
that  desire  to  partake  of  ours,  which  I 
think  I  may  reckon  to  be  a  plain  indica- 
tion of  our  humanity,  and  at  the  same 
time  of  our  magnanimity  also. 

But  I  shall  say  no  more  of  the  Lacede- 
monians. As  for  the  Athenians,  who 
glory  in  having  made  their  city  to  be 
common  to  all  men,  what  their  behaviour 
was,  Apollonius  did  not  know,  while  they 
punished  those  that  spoke  contrary  to 
their  laws  about  the  gods,  without  mercy; 
for  on  what  other  account  was  it  that  So- 
crates was  put  to  death  by  them  ?  Cer- 
tainly, he  neither  betrayed  their  city  to 
its  enemies,  nor  was  he  guilty  of  sacrilege 
with  regard  to  their  temples ;  but,  on 
this  account,  that  he  swore  certain  new 
oaths,  and  that  he  affirmed,  either  in  earn- 
est, or,  as  some  say,  only  in  jest,  that  a 
certain  demon  used  to  make  signs  to  him 
[what  he  should  not  do].  For  these  rea- 
sons he  was  condemned  to  driuk  poison, 
and  kill  himself.  His  accuser  also  com- 
plained that  he  corrupted  the  young  men, 
by  inducing  them  to  despise  the  political 
settlement  and  laws  of  their  city :  and 
thus  was  Socrates,  the  citizen  of  Athens, 
puuished.  There  was  also  Anaxagoras, 
who,  although  he  was  of  Clazornenae,  was 


446 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


[Book  II. 


within  a  few  suffrages  of  being  condemned 
to  die,  because  be  said  the  sun,  which 
the  Athenians  thought  to  be  a  god,  was  a 
ball  of  fire.  They  also  made  this  public 
proclamation,  "  That  they  would  give  a 
talent  to  any  one  who  would  kill  Diago- 
ras  of  Melos,"  because  it  was  reported 
that  he  laughed  at  their  mysteries.  Porta- 
goras  also,  who  was  thought  to  have  writ- 
ten somewhat  that  was  not  owned  for 
truth  by  the  Athenians  about  the  gods, 
had  been  seized  upon,  and  put  to  death, 
if  he  had  not  fled  immediately.  Nor 
need  we  wonder  that  they  thus  treated 
such  considerable  men,  when  they  did  not 
even  spare  women;,  for  they  very  lately 
slew  a  certain  priestess,  because  she  was 
accused  by  somebody  that  she  initiated 
people  into  the  worship  of  strange  gods, 
it  having  been  forbidden  so  to  do  by  one  of 
their  laws  ;  and  a  capital  punishment  had 
been  decreed  to  such  as  introduced  a 
strange  god  ;  it  being  manifest  that  they 
who  make  use  of  such  a  law,  do  not  be- 
lieve those  of  other  nations  to  be  really 
gods,  otherwise  they  bad  not  envied  them- 
selves the  advantage  of  more  gods  than 
they  already  had  ;  and  this  was  the  happy 
administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Athe- 
nians !  Now,  as  to  the  Scythians,  they 
take  a  pleasure  in  killing  men,  and  differ 
little  from  brute  beasts ;  yet  do  they  think 
it  reasonable  to  have  their  institutions 
observed.  They  also  slew  Anacharsis,  a 
person  greatly  admired  for  his  wisdom 
among  the  Greeks,  when  he  returned  to 
them,  because  he  appeared  to  come 
fraught  with  Grecian  customs.  We  find 
many  punished  among  the  Persians,  on 
the  same  account.  Apollonius  was  greatly 
pleased  with  the  laws  of  the  Persians, 
and  was  an  admirer  of  them,  because  the 
Greeks  enjoyed  the  advantage  of  their 
courage,  and  had  the  very  same  opinion 
about  the  gods  which  they  had.  This 
last  was  exemplified  in  the  temples  they 
burnt,  and  their  courage  in  coming,  and 
almost  entirely  enslaving  the  Grecians. 
However,  Apollonius  has  imitated  all  the 
Persian  institutions,  and  that  by  his  offer- 
ing violence  to  other  men's  wives,  and 
castrating  his  own  sons.  Now,  with  us, 
it  is  a  capital  crime,  if  any  one  does  thus 
abuse  even  a  brute  beast ;  and  as  for  us, 
neither  hath  the  fear  of  our  governors, 
nor  a  desire  of  following  what  other  na- 
tions have  in  so  great  esteem,  been  able 
to  withdraw  us  from  our  laws ;  nor  have 
we  exerted  our  courage  in  raising  up  wars 


to  increase  our  wealth,  but  only  for  tht. 
observation  of  our  laws;  and  when  we 
with  patience  bear  other  losses,  yet  when 
any  person  would  compel  us  to  break  our 
laws,  then  it  is  that  we  choose  to  go  to 
war,  though  it  be  beyond  our  ability  to 
pursue  it,  and  bear  the  greatest  calamities 
to  the  last  with  much  fortitude ;  and,  in- 
deed, what  reason  can  there  be  why  we 
should  desire  to  imitate  the  laws  of  other 
nations,  while  we  see  they  are  not  ob- 
served by  their  own  legislators  ?  And 
why  do  not  the  Lacedemonians  think  of 
abolishing  that  form  of  their  government 
which  suffers  them  not  to  associate  with 
any  others,  as  well  as  their  contempt  of 
matrimony  ?  And  why  do  not  the  Eleans 
and  Thebans  abolish  that  unnatural  and 
impudent  lust,  which  makes  them  lie  with 
males  ?  For  they  will  not  show  a  suffi- 
cient sign  of  their  repentance  of  what 
they  of  old  thought  to  be  very  excellent, 
and  very  advantageous  in  their  practices, 
unless  they  entirely  avoid  all  such  actions 
for  the  time  to  come  :  nay,  such  things 
are  inserted  into  the  body  of  their  laws, 
and  had  once  such  a  power  among  the 
Greeks,  that  they  ascribed  these  unnatu- 
ral practices  to  the  gods  themselves,  aQ 
part  of  their  good  character  ;  and,  indeed, 
it  was  according  to  the  same  manner  that 
the  gods  married  their  own  sisters.  This 
the  Greeks  contrived  as  an  apology  for 
their  own  absurd  and  unnatural  pleasures. 
I  omit  to  speak  concerning  punishments, 
and  how  many  ways  of  escaping  them, 
the  greatest  part  of  legislators  have  af- 
forded malefactors,  by  "ordaining  that,  for 
adulteries,  fines  in  money  should  be  al- 
lowed, and  for  corrupting  [virgins]  they 
need  only  marry  them  ;*  as  also  what  ex- 
cuses they  may  have  in  denying  the  facts, 
if  any  one  should  attempt  to  inquire  into 
them;  for  among  most  other  nations,  it  is 
a  studied  art  how  men  may  transgress 
their  laws;  but  no  such  thing  is  permit- 
ted among  us ;  for  though  we  be  deprived 
of  our  wealth,  of  our  cities,  or  of  other 
advantages  we  have,  our  law  continues 
immortal ;  nor  can  any  Jew  go  so  far  from 
his  own  country,  nor  be  so  affrighted  at 
the  severest  lord,  as  not  to  be  more  af- 
frighted at  the  law  than  at  him.  If,  there- 
fore, this  be  the  disposition  we  are  under, 
with  regard  to  the  excellency  of  our  laws, 
let  our  enemies  make  us  this  concession, 

*  Or  "  for  corrupting  other  men's  wives,  the  samt 
allowance." 


=y 


Book  II.] 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPIIUS  AGAINST  APION. 


117 


that  our  laws  are  most  excellent;  and  if 
6till  tlicy  imagine  that  though  we  so  firmly 
adhere  to  them,  yet  are  they  bad  laws 
notwithstanding,  what  penalties  then  do 
they  deserve  to  undergo  who  do  not  ob- 
serve their  own  laws,  which  they  esteem 
superior?  Whereas,  therefore,  length  of 
time  is  esteemed  to  be  the  truest  touchstone 
in  all  cases,  I  would  make  that  a  testimo- 
nial of  the  excellency  of  our  laws,  and  of 
that  belief  thereby  delivered  to  us  con- 
cerning God ;  for  as  there  hath  been  a  very 
long  time  for  this  comparison,  if  any  one 
will  but  compare  its  duration  with  the 
duration  of  the  laws  made  by  other  legis- 
lators, he  will  find  our  legislator  to  have 
been  the  most  ancient  of  them  all. 

We  have  already  demonstrated  that  our 
laws  have  been  such  as  have  always  in- 
spired admiration  and  imitation  into  all 
other  men  ;  nay,  the  earliest  Grecian  phi- 
losophers, though  in  appearance  they  ob- 
served the  laws  of  their  own  countries, 
yet  did  they,  in  their  actions  and  their 
philosophic  doctrines,  follow  our  legislator, 
and  instructed  men  to  live  sparingly,  and 
to  have  friendly  communication  one  with 
another.  Nay,  further,  the  multitude  of 
mankind  itself  have  had  a  great  inclination 
of  a  long  time  to  follow  our  religious  ob- 
servances ;  for  there  is  not  any  city  of  the 
Grecians,  nor  any  of  the  barbarians,  nor 
any  nation  whatsoever,  whither  our  cus- 
tom of  resting  on  the  seventh  day  hath  not 
come,  and  by  which  our  fasts  and  lighting 
up  lamps,  and  many  of  our  prohibitions 
as  to  our  food,  are  not  observed;  they 
also  endeavour  to  imitate  our  mutual  con- 
cord with  one  another,  and  the  charitable 
distribution  of  our  goods,  and  our  dili- 
gence in  our  trades,  and  our  fortitude  in 
undergoing  the  distresses  we  are  in,  on 
account  of  our  laws ;  and,  what  is  here 
matter  of  the  greatest  admiration,  our 
law  hath  no  bait  or  pleasure  to  allure  men 
to  it,  but  it  prevails  by  its  own  force ;  aud, 
as  God  himself  pervades  all  the  world,  so 
hath  our  law  passed  through  all  the  world 
also.  So  that,  if  any  one  will  but  reflect 
on  his  own  country,  and  his  own  family, 
he  will  have  reason  to  give  credit  to  what 
I  say.  It  is,  therefore,  but  just,  either  to 
condemn  all  mankind  of  indulging  a 
wicked  disposition,  when  they  have  been 
so  desirous  of  imitating  laws  that  are  to 
them  foreign  and  evil  in  themselves,  ra- 
ther than  following  laws  of  their  own  that 
are  of  a  better  character,  or  else  our  ac- 
cusers must  leave  off  their  spite  against 


us;  nor  are  we  guilty  of  any  envious  be- 
haviour toward   them,   when   we  honour 

our  own  legislator,  and  believe  what  he, 
by  his  prophetic  authority,  hath  taught  us 
concerning  God;  for  though  we  should 
not  be  able  ourselves  to  understand  the 
excellency  of  our  own  laws,  yet  would  the 
great  multitude  of  those  that  desire  to 
imitate  them,  justify  us  in  greatly  valuing 
ourselves  upon  them. 

But  as  for  the  [distinct]  political  laws 
by  which  we  are  governed,  I  have  deli- 
vered them  accurately  in  my  books  of 
Antiquities;  and  have  only  mentioned 
them  now,  so  far  as  was  necessary  to  my 
present  purpose,  without  proposiug  to 
myself  either  to  blame  the  laws  of  other 
nations,  or  to  make  an  encomium  upon 
our  own,  but  in  order  to  convict  those 
that  have  written  about  us  unjustly,  and 
in  an  impudent  affectation  of  disguising 
the  truth  :  aud  now  I  think  I  have  suffi- 
ciently completed  what  I  proposed  in 
writing  these  books ;  for  whereas  our  ac- 
cusers have  pretended  that  our  nation  are 
a  people  of  very  late  original,  I  have  de- 
monstrated that  they  are  exceedingly  an- 
cient; for  I  have  produced  as  witnesses 
thereto  many  ancient  writers,  who  have 
made  mention  of  us  in  their  books,  while 
they  had  said  no  such  writer  had  so  done. 
Moreover,  they  had  said  that  we  were 
sprung  from  the  Egyptians,  while  I  have 
proved  that  we  came  from  another  country 
into  Egypt :  while  they  had  told  lies  of 
us,  as  if  we  were  expelled  thence  on  ac- 
count of  diseases  on  our  bodies,  it  has  ap- 
peared on  the  contrary,  that  we  returned 
to  our  country  by  our  own  choice,  and 
with  sound  and  strong  bodies.  Those  ac- 
cusers reproached  our  legislator  as  a  vile 
fellow;  whereas,  God  in  old  time  bare 
witness  to  his  virtuous  conduct ;  and, 
since  that  testimony  of  God,  time  itself 
hath  been  discovered  to  have  borne  wit- 
ness to  the  same  thing. 

As  to  the  laws  themselves,  more  words 
are  unnecessary,  for  they  are  visible  in 
their  own  nature,  and  appear  to  teach  not 
impiety,  but  the  truest  piety  in  the  world. 
They  do  not  make  men  hate  one  another, 
but  encourage  people  to  communicate  what 
they  have  to  one  another  freely ;  they  are 
enemies  to  injustice,  they  take  care  of 
righteousness,  they  banish  idleness  and 
expensive  living,  and  instruct  men  to  be 
content  with  what  they  have,  and  to  be 
laborious  in  their  callings;  they  forbid 
men  to  make  war  from  a  desire  of  getting 


148 


FLAVIUS  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  AriON. 


[Book  IL 


more,  but  make  men  courageous  in  de- 
fending the  laws  ;  they  are  inexorable  in 
punishing  malefactors :  they  admit  no 
sophistry  of  words,  but  are  always  esta- 
blished by  actions  themselves,  which  ac- 
tions we  ever  propose  as  surer  demonstra- 
tions than  what  is  contained  in  writing 
only  j  on  which  account  I  am  so  bold  as 
to  say  that  we  are  become  the  teachers 
of  other  men,  in  the  greatest  number  of 
things,  and  those  of  the  most  excellent 
nature  only;  for  what  is  more  excellent 
than  inviolable  piety?  what  is  more  just 
than  submission  to  laws  ?  and  what  is 
more  advantageous  than  mutual  love  and 
concord  ?  and  this  so  far  that  we  are  to  be 
neither  divided  by  calamities,  nor  to  be- 
come injurious  and  seditious  in  prosperity; 
but  to  contemn  death  when  we  are  in  war, 
and  in  peace  to  apply  ourselves  to  our 


mechanical  occupations,  or  to  our  tillage 
of  the  ground ;  while  we  in  all  things  and 
all  ways  are  satisfied  that  God  is  the  in- 
spector and  governor  of  our  actions.  If 
these  precepts  had  either  been  written  at 
first,  or  more  exactly  kept  by  any  others 
before  us,  we  should  have  owed  them 
thanks  as  disciples  owe  to  their  masters; 
but  if  it  be  visible  that  we  have  made  use 
of  them  more  than  any  other  men,  and  if 
we  have  demonstrated  that  the  original 
invention  of  them  is  our  own,  let  the . 
Apions  and  the  Molones,  with  all  the"  rest 
of 'those  that  delight  in  lies  and  reproaches, 
stand  confuted;  but  let  this  and  the  fore- 
going book  be  dedicated  to  thee,  Epaphro- 
ditus,  who  art  so  great  a  lover  of  truth, 
and  by  thy  means  to  those  that  have  been 
in  like  manner  desirous  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  affairs  of  our  nation. 


END  OF  JOSEPHUS  AGAINST  APION. 


AN  EXTRACT 

OUT   OP  JOSEPHUS'S   DISCOURSE   TO   THE    GREEKS  CONCERNING 

HADES. 


1.  Now  as  to  Hades,  wherein  the  souls 
of  the  righteous  and  unrighteous  are  de- 
tained, it  is  necessary  to  speak  of  it. 
Hades  is  a  place  in  the  world  not  regu- 
larly finished ;  a  subterraneous  region, 
wherein  the  light  of  this  world  does  not 
shine ;  from  which  circumstance,  that  in 
this  region  the  light  does  not  shine,  it 
cannot  but  be  there  must  be  in  it  per- 
petual darkness.  This  region  is  allotted 
as  a  place  of  custody  for  souls,  in  which 
angels  are  appointed  as  guardians  to  them, 
who  distribute  to  them  temporary  punish- 
ment, agreeable  to  every  one's  behaviour 
and  manners. 

2.  In  this  region  there  is  a  certain  place 
set  apart  as  a  lake  of  unquenchable  fire, 
whereinto  we  suppose  no  one  hath  hither- 
to been  cast ;  but  it  is  prepared  for  a  day 
aforedetermined  by  God,  in  which  one 
righteous  sentence  shall  deservedly  be 
passed  upon  all  men;  when  the  unjust, 
and  those  that  have  been  disobedient  to 
God,  and  have  given  honour  to  such  idols 
as  have  been  the  vain  operations  of  the 
hands  of  men  as  to  God  himself,  shall  be 
adjudged  to  this  everlasting  punishment, 
as  having  been  the  causes  of  defilement; 
while  the  just  shall  obtain  an  incorruptible 
and  never-fading  kingdom.  These  are 
now,  indeed,  confined  in  Hades,  but  not 
in  the  same  place  wherein  the  unjust  are 
confined. 

3.  For  there  is  one  descent  into  this 
region,  at  whose  gate  we  believe  there 
stands  an  archangel  with  a  host ;  which 
gate  when  those  pass  through  that  are 
couducted  down  by  the  angels  appointed 
over  souls,  they  do  not  go  the  same  way, 
but  the  just  are  guided  to  the  right  hand, 
and  are  led  with  hymns,  sung  by  the 
angels  appointed  over  that  place,  unto  a 
region  of  light,  in  which  the  just  have 
dwelt  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  ; 
not  constrained  by  necessity,  but  ever 
enjoying  the  prospect  of  the  good  things 

Vol.  II.— 29 


they  see,  and  rejoicing  in  the  expectation 
of  those  new  enjoyments  which  will  be 
peculiar  to  every  one  of  them,  and  esteem- 
ing those  things  beyond  what  we  have 
here  :  with  whom  there  is  no  place  of  toil, 
no  burning  heat,  no  piercing  cold,  nor 
any  briers  there  ;  but  the  countenance  of 
the  fathers  and  of  the  just,  which  they 
see,  always  smiles  upon  them,  while  they 
wait  for  that  rest  and  eternal  new  life 
in  heaverfwhich  is  to  succeed  this  region. 
This  place  we  call  the  bosom  of  Abra- 
ham. 

4.  But  as  to  the  unjust,  they  are 
dragged  by  force  to  the  left  hand  by  the 
angels  allotted  for  punishment,  no  longer 
going  with  a  good  will,  but  as  prisoners 
driven  by  violence  ;  to  whom  are  sent  the 
angels  appointed  over  them  to  reproach 
them,  and  threaten  them  with  their  terri- 
ble looks,  and  to  thrust  them  still  down- 
ward. Now  those  angels  that  are  set 
over  these  souls  drag  them  into  the  neijdi- 
bourhood  of  hell  itself ;  who,  when  they 
are  hard  by  it,  continually  hear  the  noise 
of  it,  and  do  not  stand  clear  of  the  hot 
vapour  itself;  but  when  they  have  a  near 
view  of  this  spectacle,  as  of  a  terrible  and 
exceeding  great  prospect  of  fire,  they  are 
struck  with  a  fearful  expectation  of  a 
future  judgment,  and  in  effect  punished 
thereby  :  and  not  only  so,  but  where  they 
see  the  place  [or  choir]  of  the  fathers 
and  of  the  just,  even  hereby  are  they 
punished ;  for  a  chaos  deep  and  large  is 
fixed  between  them;  insomuch  that  a  just 
man  that  hath  compassion  upon  them 
caunot  be  admitted,  nor  can  one  that  is 
unjust,  if  he  were  bold  enough  to  attempt, 
it,  pass  over  it. 

5.  This  is  the  discourse  concerning 
Hades,  wherein  the  souls  of  all  men  are 
confined  until  a  proper  season,  which  God 
hath  determined,  when  he  will  make  a 
resurrection  of  all  men  from  the  dead ; 
not  procuring  a  transmigration  of  souls 

449 


450 


JOSEPHUS'S    DISCOURSE   CONCERNING   HADES. 


from  one  body  to  another,  but  raising 
again  those  very  bodies  which  you  Greeks, 
seeing  to  be  dissolved,  do  not  believe 
[their  resurrection].  But  learn  not  to  dis- 
believe it ;  for  while  you  believe  that  the 
soul  is  created  and  yet  is  made  immortal 
by  God,  according  to  the  doctrine  of  Plato, 
and  this  in  time,  be  not  incredulous, 
but  believe  that  God  is  able,  when  he  hath 
raised  to  life  that  body  which  was  made 
as  a  compound  of  the  same  element,  to 
make  it  immortal;  for  it  must  never  be 
said  of  God,  that  he  is  able  to  do  some 
things  and  unable  to  do  others.  We 
have,  therefore,  believed  that  the  body 
will  be  raised  again;  for  although  it  be 
dissolved,  it  is  not  perished  ;  for  the  earth 
receives  its  remains,  and  preserves  them  ; 
and  while  they  are  like  seed,  and  are 
mixed  among  the  more  fruitful  soil,  they 
flourish ;  and  what  is  sown  is,  indeed, 
sown  bare  grain,  but  at  the  mighty 
sound  of  God  the  Creator  it  will  sprout 
up,  and  be  raised  in  a  clothed  and  glorious 
condition,  though  not  before  it  has  been 
dissolved  and  mixed  [with  the  earth].  So 
that  we  have  not  rashly  believed  the  re- 
surrection of  the  body ;  for  although  it  be 
dissolved  for  a  time  on  account  of  the 
original  transgression,  it  exists  still,  and 
is  cast  into  the  earth  as  into  a  potter's 
furnace,  in  order  to  be  formed  again,  not  in 
order  to  rise  again  such  as  it  was  before, 
but  in  a  state  of  purity,  and  so  as  never 
to  be  destroyed  any  more.  And  to  every 
body  shall  its  own  soid  be  restored.  And 
when  it  hath  clothed  itself  with  that 
body,  it  will  not  be  subject  to  misery; 
but  being  itself  pure,  it  will  continue 
with  its  pure  body,  and  rejoice  with  it; 
with  which  it  having  walked  righteously 
now  in  this  world,  and  never  having  had 
it  as  a  snare,  it  will  receive  it  again  with 
great  gladness.  But  as  for  the  unjust, 
they  will  receive  their  bodies  not  changed, 
not  freed  from  diseases  or  distempers, 
nor  made  glorious,  but  with  the  same 
diseases  wherein  they  died  ;  and  such  as 
they  were  in  their  unbelief,  the  same 
shall  they  be  when  they  shall  be  faithfully 
judged. 

G.  For  all  men,  the  just  as  well  as  the 
unjust,  shall  be  brought  before  God  the 
Word;  for  to  him  hath  the  Father  com- 
mitted  aU  judgment;  and  he,  in  order  to 
fulfil  the  will  of  his  Father,  shall  come 
as  judge,  whom  we  call  Christ.  For 
Minos  and  Rhadamanthus  are  not  the 
judges,  as  you  Greeks  do  suppose,  but 


he  whom  God  and  the  Father  hath 
glorified,  ;  CONCERNING  WHOM  WE  HAVE 
ELSEWHERE  GIVEN  A  MORE  PARTICU- 
LAR ACCOUNT,  FOR  THE  SAKE  OF  THOSE 

who  seek  after  truth.  This  person 
exercising  the  righteous  judgment  of  the 
Father  toward  all  men,  hath  prepared 
a  just  sentence  for  every  one,  according 
to  his  works ;  at  whose  judgment-seat, 
when  all  men,  and  angels,  and  demons 
shall  stand,  they  will  send  forth  one 
voice,  and  say,  just  is  thy  judgment  : 
the  rejoinder  to  which  will  bring  a  just 
sentence  upon  both  parties,  by  giving 
justly  to  those  that  have  done  well  an 
everlasting  fruition;  but  allotting  to  the 
lovers  of  wicked  works  eternal  punish- 
ment. To  these  belong  the  unquenchable 
fire,  and  that  without  end,  and  a  certain 
fiery  worm  never  dying,  and  not  destroy- 
ing the  body,  but  continuing  its  eruption 
out  of  the  body  with  never-ceasing  grief : 
neither  will  sleep  give  ease  to  these  men, 
nor  will  the  night  afford  them  comfort; 
death  will  not  free  them  from  their 
punishment,  nor  will  the  interceding  pray- 
ers of  their  kindred  profit  them  ;  for  the 
just  are  no  longer  seen  by  them,  nor  are 
they  thought  worthy  of  remembrance. 
But  the  just  shall  remember  only  their 
righteous  actions,  whereby  they  have  at- 
tained the  heavenly  kingdom,  in  which 
there  is  no  sleep,  no  sorrow,  no  corrup- 
tion, no  care,  no  night,  no  day  mea- 
sured by  time  :  no  sun  driven  in  his 
course  along  the  circle  of  heaven  by  ne- 
cessity, and  measuring  out  the  bounds 
and  conversions  of  the  .seasons,  for  the 
better  illumination  of  the  life  of  men ; 
no  moon  decreasing  and  increasing,  or 
introducing  a  variety  of  seasons,  nor  will 
she  then  moisten  the  earth :  no  burn- 
ing sun,  no  Bear  turning  round  [the 
pole],  no  Orion  to  rise,  no  wandering  of 
innumerable  stars.  The  earth  will  not 
then  be  difficult  to  be  passed  over;  nor 
will  it  be  hard  to  find  out  the  court  of 
paradise ;  nor  will  there  be  any  fearful 
roaring  of  the  sea,  forbidding  the  passen- 
gers to  walk  on  it;  even  that  will  be 
made  easily  passable  to  the  just,  though 
it  will  not  be  void  of  moisture.  Heaven 
will  not  then  be  uninhabitable  by  men, 
and  it  will  not  be  impossible  to  discover 
the  way  of  ascending  thither.  The  earth 
will  not  be  uncultivated,  nor  require  too 
much  labour  of  men,  but  will  bring  forth 
its  fruits  of  its  own  accord,  and  will  be 
well  adorned  with  them.     There  will  be 


JOSEPHUS'S   DISCOURSE   CONCERNING    HADES. 


451 


lio  more  generations  of  wild  beasts,  nor 
will  the  substance  of  the  rest  of  the 
animals  shoot  out  any  more ;  for  it  will 
not  produce  men;  but  the  number  of  the 
righteous  will  continue,  and  never  fail, 
together  with  righteous  angels  and  spirits 
[of  God],  and  with  Lis  word,  as  a  choir 
of  righteous  men  and  women  that  never 
grow  old,  and  continue  in  an  incorrup- 
tible state,  singing  hjmns  to  God,  who 
hath  advanced  them  to  that  happiness,  by 
the  means  of  a  regular  institution  of  life  ; 
with  whom  the  whole  creation  also  will 
lift  up  a  perpetual  hymn  from  corruption 
to  incorruptwn,  as  glorified  by  a  splendid 
and  a  pure  spirit.  It  will  not  then  be 
restrained  by  a  bond  of  necessity,  but  with 
a  lively  freedom  shall  offer  up  a  voluntary 
hymn,  and  shall  praise  him  that  made  them, 
together  with  with  the  angels,  and  spirits, 
and  men,  now  freed  from  all  bondage. 

7.  And  now  if  you  Gentiles  will  be 
persuaded  by  these  motives,  and  leave 
your  vain  imaginations  about  your  pedi- 
grees, and  gaining  of  riches,  and  philo- 
sophy, and  will  not  spend  your  time  about 
subtilities  of  words,  and  thereby  lead 
your  minds  into  error,  and  if  you  will 
apply  your  ears  to  the  hearing  of  the 
inspired  prophets,  the  interpreters  both  of  I 
God  and  of  his  word,  and  will  believe  in 
God,  you  shall  both  be  partakers  of  these 
things,  and  obtain  the  good  things  that 
are  to  come:  you  shall  see  the  ascent 
unto  the  immense  heaven  plainly,  and 
that  kingdom  which  is  there :  For  what 


God  hath  now  concealed  in  silence  [will 
be  then  made  manifest],  iclmi  neither  eye 
hath  seen,  nor  ear  hath  heard,  nor  hath 
it  entered  into  the  heart  of  man  the  thing* 
that  God  hath  prepared  for  them  that 
love  him. 

8.  In  lohatsoever  ivaj/s  I  shall  find  you, 
in  them  shall  I  judge  you  entirely}  so 
cries  the  end  of  cdl  things.  And  he  who 
hath  at  first  lived  a  virtuous  life,  but 
toward  the  latter  end  falls  into  vice, 
these  labours  by  him  before  endured  shall 
be  altogether  vain  and  unprofitable,  even 
as  in  a  play  brought  to  an  ill  catastro- 
phe. Whosoever  shall  have  lived  wicked- 
ly and  luxuriously  may  repent :  how- 
ever, there  will  be  need  of  much  time 
to  conquer  an  evil  habit;  and  even  after 
repentance,  his  whole  ljfe  must  be  guarded 
with  great  care  and  diligence,  after  the 
manner  of  a  body,  which,  after  it  hath 
been  a  long  time  afflicted  with  a  distem- 
per, requires  a  stricter  diet  and  method 
of  living  :  for  though  it  may  be  possible, 
perhaps,  to  break  off  the  chain  of  our 
irregular  affections  at  once,  yet  our  amend- 
ment cannot  be  secured  without  the  grace 
of  God,  the  prayers  of  good  men,  the 
help  of  the  brethren,  and  our  own  sincere 
repentance  and  constant  care.  It  is  a 
good  thing  not  to  sin  at  all;  it  is  also 
good,  having  sinned,  to  repent ;  as  it  is 
best  to  have  health  always,  but  it  is  a 
good  thing  to  recover  from  a  distemper. 
To  God  be  glory  ami  dominion  for  ever 
and  ever,  Amen. 


END  OF  THE  EXTRACT  CONCERNING  HADES. 


DISSERTATION   I. 


THE  TESTIMONIES  OF  JOSEPHUS  CONCERNING  JESUS  CHRIST,  JOHN  THE 
BAPTIST,  AND  JAMES  THE  JUST,  VINDICATED. 


Since  we  meet  with  several  important 
testimonies  in  Josephus,  the  Jewish  his- 
torian, concerning  John  the  Baptist,  the 
forerunner  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  con- 
cerning Jesus  of  Nazareth  himself,  and 
concerning  James  the  Just,  the  brother 
of  Jesus  of  Nazareth ;  and  since  the 
principal  testimony,  which  is  that  con- 
cerning Jesus  of  Nazareth  himself,  has 
of  late  been  greatly  questioned  by  many, 
and  rejected  by  some  of  the  learned  as 
spurious,  it  will  be  fit  for  me,  who  have 
ever  declared  my  firm  belief  that  these 
testimonies  were  genuine,  to  set  down  fairly 
some  of  the  original  evidence  and  citations 
I  have  met  with  in  the  first  fifteen  cen- 
turies concerning  them,  and  then  to  make 
proper  observations  upon  that  evidence, 
for  the  reader's  more  complete  satisfaction. 


But  before  I  produce  the  citations  them- 
selves out  of  Josephus,  give  me  leave  to 
prepare  the  reader's  attention,  by  setting 
down  the  sentiments  of  perhaps  the  most 
learned  person,  and  the  most  competent 
judge  that  ever  was,  as  to  the  authority 
of  Josephus, — I  mean  of  Joseph  Scaligcr 
in  the  Prolegomena  to  his  book,  De  Emen- 
datione  Temporum,  p.  17: — "Josephus 
is  the  most  diligent  and  the  greatest  lover 
of  truth  of  all  writers ;  nor  are  we  afraid 
to  affirm  of  him,  that  it  is  more  safe  to 
believe  him,  not  only  as  to  the  affairs  of 
the  Jews,  but  also  as  to  those  that  are 
foreign  to  them,  than  all  the  Greek  and 
Latin  writers,  and  this,  because  his  fidelity 
and  his  compass  of  learning  are  every- 
where conspicuous." 


THE  ANCIENT  CITATIONS  OF  THE  TESTIMONIES  OF  JOSEPHUS  FROM  HIS 
OWN  TIME  TILL  THE  END  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 


About  A.  D.  110.  Tacit.  Annal.  lib. 
xv.  cap.  44. — Nero,  in  order  to  stifle  the 
rumour  [as  if  he  had  himself  set  Rome 
on  fire],  ascribed  it  to  those  people  who 
were  hated  for  their  wicked  practices,  and 
called  by  the  vulgar  Christians :  these  he 
punished  exquisitely.  The  a uthor  of  th is 
name  teas  Christ,  who,  in  the  reign  of 
Tiberius,  was  brought  to  punishment  by 
Pontius  Pilate  the  procurator. 

About  A.  D.  147.  Just.  Mart.  Dialog, 
cum  Tnjpho,  p.  234. — You  [Jews]  knew 
that  Jesus  was  risen  from  the  dead,  and- 
ascended  into  heaven,  as  the  prophecies 
did  foretell  was  to  happen. 

About  A.  D.  230.  Origcn.  Comment. 
in  Matth.  p.  230. — This  James  was  of  so 
shining  a  character  among  the  people,  on 
account  of  his  righteousness,  that  Flavius 
Josephus,  when,  in  his  twentieth  book  of 
the  Jewish  Antiquities,  he  had  a  mind  to 
set  down  what  was  the  cause  why  the 
452 


people  suffered  such  miseries,  till  the  very 
holy  house  was  demolished,  he  said  that 
these  things  befell  them  by  the  anger  of 
God,  on  account  of  what  they  had  dared 
to  do  to  James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  who 
was  called  Christ:  and  wonderful  it  is, 
that,  while  he  did  not  receive  Jesus  for 
Christ,  he  did,  nevertheless,  bear  witness 
that  James  was  so  righteous  a  man.  He 
says  further,  that  the  people  thought  that 
they  suffered  these  things  for  the  sake  of 
James. 

About  A.  D.  250.  Contr.  Oels.  lib.  i. 
pp.  35,  36. — I  would  say  to  Celsus,  who 
personates  a  Jew,  that  admitted  of  John 
the  Baptist,  and  how  "he  baptized  Jesus, 
that  one  who  lived  but  a  little  while  after 
John  and  Jesus,  wrote,  how  that  John 
was  a  baptizer  unto  the  remission  of  sins: 
for  Josephus  testifies  in  the  eighteenth 
book  of  Jewish  Antiquities,  that  John 
was  the   Baptist,  and   that  he  promised 


DISSERTATION  I. 


453 


purification  to  those  that  wore  baptized. 
The  same  Josephus  also,  although  he  did 
not  believe  in  Jesus  as  Christ,  when  he 
was  inquiring  after  the  cause  of  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  and  of  the  demo- 
lition of  the  temple,  and  ought  to  have 
said  that  their  machinations  against  Jesus 
were  the  cause  of  those  miseries  coming 
on  the  people,  because  they  had  slain  that 
Christ,  who  was  foretold  by  the  prophets, 
he,  though  as  it  were  unwillingly,  and 
yet  as  one  not  remote  from  the  truth,  says : 
— "  These  miseries  befell  the  Jews  by 
way  of  revenge  for  James  the  Just,  who 
was  the  brother  of  Jesus,  that  was  called 
Christy  because  they  had  slain  him  who 
was  a  most  righteous  person."  Now  this 
James  was  he  whom  that  genuine  disciple 
of  Jesus,  Paul,  said  he  had  seen  as  the 
Lord's  brother  [Gal.  i.  19]  ;  which  rela- 
tion implies  not  so  much  nearness  of 
blood,  or  the  sameness  of  education,  as  it 
does  the  agreement  of  manners  and  preach- 
ing. If,  therefore,  he  says  the  desolation 
of  Jerusalem  befell  the  Jews  for  the  sake 
of  James,  with  how  much  greater  reason 
might  he  have  said  that  it  happened  for 
the  sake  of  Jesus  !  &c. 

About  A.  D.  324.  Euscb.  Demonstr. 
Ecun.  lib.  iii.  p.  124. — Certainly  the  at- 
testation of  those  I  have  already  produced 
concerning  our  Saviour  may  be  sufficient. 
However,  it  may  not  be  amiss,  if,  over 
and  above,  we  make  use  of  Josephus  the 
Jew  for  a  further  witness ;  who,  in  the 
eighteenth  book  of  his  Antiquities,  when 
he  was  writing  the  history  of  what  hap- 
pened under  Pilate,  makes  mention  of  our 
Saviour  in  these  words  : — Now  there  was 
about  this  time,  Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it 
be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a 
doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher  of  such 
men  as  had  a  veneration  for  truth  ;  he 
drew  over  to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews 
and  many  of  the  Gentiles  :  he  was  the 
Christ.  And  when  Pilate,  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  principal  men  among  us,  had 
condemned  him  to  the  cross,  those  that 
loved  him  at  first  did  not  forsake  him,  for 
he  appeared  to  them  alive  again  the  third 
day,  as  the  divine  prophets  had  spoken  of 
these,  and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful 
things  concerning  him;  whence  the  tribe 
of  Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are 
not  extinct  at  this  day.  If,  therefore,  we 
have  this  historian's  testimony,  that  he 
not  only  brought  over  to  himself  the 
twelve  apostles  with  the  seventy  disciples, 
but  many  of  the  Jews  and  many  of  the 


Gentiles  also,  he  must  manifestly  have 
had  somewhat  in  him  extraordinary  above 
the  rest  of  mankind;  for  how  otherwise 
could  he  draw  over  so  many  of  the  ,Jr\vs 
and  of  the  Gentiles,  uulcss  he  performed 
admirable  and  amazing  works,  and  used  a 
method  of  teaching  that  was  not  common  ? 
Moreover,  the  Scripture  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  bears  witness,  that  there 
were  many  ten  thousands  of  Jews  who 
were  persuaded  that  he  was  the  Christ  of 
God,  who  was  foretold  by  the  prophets 
[Acts  xi.  20]. 

About  A.  D.  330.  Bist.  Eccles.  lib.  i. 
cap.  11. — Now  the  divine  Scripture  of  the 
Gospels  makes  mention  of  John  the  Bap- 
tist  as  having  his  head  cut  off"  by  the 
younger  Herod.  Josephus  also  concurs 
in  this  history,  and  makes  mention  of 
Herodias  by  name,  as  wife  of  his  brother, 
whom  Herod  had  married,  upon  divorcing 
his  former  lawful  wife.  She  was  the 
daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of  the  Petrean 
Arabians;  and  which  Herodias  he  had 
parted  from  her  husband  while  he  was 
alive  :  on  which  account  also,  when  he 
had  slain  John,  he  made  war  with  Arctaa 
[Aretas  made  war  with  him],  because  his 
daughter  had  been  used  dishonourably; 
in  which  war,  when  it  came  to  a  battle, 
he  says  that  all  Herod's  army  was  de- 
stroyed, and  that  he  suffered  this  because 
of  his  wicked  contrivance  against  Johu. 
Moreover,  the  same  Josephus,  by  acknow- 
ledging John  to  have  been  a  most  right- 
eons  man  and  the  Baptist,  conspires  in 
his  testimony  with  what  is  written  in  the 
Gospels.  He  also  relates  that  Herod  lost 
his  kingdom  for  the  sake  of  the  s.une  He- 
rodias, together  with  whom  he  was  him- 
self condemned  to  be  banished  to  Vienna, 
a  city  of  Gaul.  And  this  is  his  account 
in  the  eighteenth  book  of  the  Antiquities, 
where  he  writes  thus  of  John  verbatim  : — ■ 
Some  of  the  Jews  thought  that  the  de- 
struction of  Herod's  army  came  from  God, 
and  that  very  justly,  as  a  punishment  for 
what  he  did  against  John  that  was  called 
the  Baptist,  for  Herod  slew  him,  who  was 
a  good  man,  and  one  that  commanded  the 
Jews  to  exercise  virtue,  both  as  to  right- 
eousness toward  one  another,  and  piety 
toward  God,  and  so  to  come  to  baptism, 
for  that  by  this  means  the  washing  [with 
water]  would  appear  acceptable  to  him, 
when  they  made  use  of  it,  not  in  order  to 
the  putting  away  [or  the  remission]  of 
some  sins  [only],  but  for  the  purification 
of  the  body,  supposing  still  that  the  soul 


454 


DISSERTATION  I. 


were  thoroughly  purified  beforehand  by 
righteousness.  Now  when  [many]  others 
came  in  crowds  about  him,  for  they  were 
greatly  delighted  in  hearing  his  words, 
Herod  was  afraid  that  this  so  great  power 
of  persuading  men  might  tend  to  some 
sedition  or  other,  for  they  seemed  to  be 
disposed  to  do  every  thing  he  should  advise 
them  to ;  so  he  supposed  it  better  to  pre- 
vent any  attempt  for  a  mutation  from  him 
by  cutting  him  off,  than  after  any  such 
mutation  should  be  brought  about,  and 
the  public  should  suffer,  to  repent  [of  such 
negligence].  Accordingly,  he  was  sent  a 
prisoner,  out  of  Herod's  suspicious  temper, 
to  Macherus,  the  castle  I  before  mentioned, 
and  was  there  put  to  death.  When  Jose- 
phus  had  said  this  of  John,  he  makes 
mention  also  of  our  Saviour  in  the  same 
history,  after  this  manner: — Now  there 
was  about  this  time  one  Jesus,  a  wise  man, 
if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man,  for  he 
was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a  teacher 
of  such  men  as  receive  the  truth  with 
pleasure ;  he  drew  over  to  him  both  many 
of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the  Gentiles 
also :  he  was  the  Christ.  And  when 
Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  principal 
men  among  us,  had  condemned  him  to  the 
cross,  those  that  loved  him  at  the  first  did 
not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared  to  them 
alive  again  the  third  day,  as  the  divine 
prophets  had  foretold  these,  and  ten  thou- 
sand other  wonderful  things  concerning 
him.  And  still  the  tribe  of  Christians, 
so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at 
this  day.  And  since  this  writer,  sprung 
from  the  Hebrews  themselves,  hath  de- 
livered things  above  in  his  own  work,  con- 
cerning John  the  Baptist  and  our  Saviour, 
what  room  is  there  for  any  further  eva- 
sion ?  &c. 

Now  James  was  so  wonderful  a  person, 
and  was  so  celebrated  by  all  others  for 
righteousness,  that  the  judicious  Jews 
thought  this  to  have  been  the  occasion  of 
that  siege  of  Jerusalem,  which  came  on 
presently  after  his  martyrdom,  and  that 
it  befell  them  for  no  other  reason,  than 
that  impious  fact  they  were  guilty  of 
against  him.  Josephus,  therefore,  did  not 
refuse  to  attest  thereto  in  writing,  by  the 
words  following: — These  miseries  befell 
the  Jews  by  way  of  revenge  for  James 
the  Just,  who  was  the  brother  of  Jesus 
that  was  called  Christ,  on  this  account, 
that  they  had  slain  him  who  was  a  most 
righteous  person. 

The  same  Josephus  declares  the  manner 


of  his  death  in  the  twentieth  book  of  the 
Antiquities,  in  these  words: — Caesar  sent 
Albinus  into  Judea  to  be  procurator,  when 
he  had  heard  that  Festus  was  dead.  Now 
Ananus  junior,  who,  as  we  said,  had  been 
admitted  to  the  high-priesthood,  was  in 
his  temper  bold  and  daring  in  an  extraor- 
dinary manner.  He  was  also  of  the  sect 
of  the  Sadducees,  who  are  more  savage  in 
judgment  than  any  of  the  other  Jews,  as 
we  have  already  signified.  Since,  there- 
fore, this  was  the  character  of  Ananus,  he 
thought  he  had  now  a  proper  opportunity 
[to  exercise  his  authority],  because  Festus 
was  dead,  and  Albinus  was  but  upon  the 
road ;  so  he  assembles  the  sanhedrim  of 
judges,  and  brings  before  them  James, 
the  brother  of  Jesus,  who  was  called 
Christ,  and  some  others  [of  his  com- 
panions], and  when  he  had  formed  an 
accusation  against  them,  as  breakers  of  the 
law,  he  delivered  them  to  be  stoned  :  but 
as  for  those  who  seemed  the  most  equi- 
table of  the  citizens,  and  those  who  were 
the  most  uneasy  at  the  breach  of  the  laws, 
they  disliked  what  was  done.  They  also 
sent  to  the  king  [Agrippa],  desiring  him 
to  send  to  Ananus  that  he  should  act  so 
no  more,  for  .that  what  he  had  already 
done  could  not  be  justified,  &c. 

About  A.  D.  360.  Ambrose  or  Hcge- 
sippus  de  Excid.  Urb.  Hierosolym.  lib.  ii. 
cap.  12. — We  have  discovered  that  it  was 
the  opinion  and  belief  of  the  Jews,  as 
Josephus  affirms,  (who  is  an  author  not  to 
be  rejected,  when  he  writes  against  him- 
self,) that  Herod  lost  his  army,  not  by  the 
deceit  of  men,  but  by  the  anger  of  God, 
and  that  justly,  as  an  effect  of  revenge  for 
what  he  did  to  John  the  Baptist,  a  just 
man,  who  had  said  to  him,  It  is  not  lawful 
for  thee  to  have  thy  brother's  wife. 

The  Jews  themselves  also  bear  witness 
to  Christ,  as  appears  by  Josephus,  the 
writer  of  their  history,  who  says  thus :— - 
That  there  was  at  that  time  a  wise  man, 
if,  says  he,  it  be  lawful  to  have  him  called 
a  man,  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  who 
appeared  to  his  disciples  after  the  third 
day  from  his  death,  alive  again,  according 
to  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  who  fore- 
told these  and  innumerable  other  miracu- 
lous events  concerning  him ;  from  whom 
began  the  congregation  of  Christians,  and 
hath  penetrated  among  all  sorts  of  meu  : 
nor  does  their  remain  any  nation  in  the 
lloman  world,  which  continues  strangers 
to  his  religion.  If  the  Jews  do  not  believe 
us,   let   them  at  least  believe  their  own 


DISSERTATION  I. 


i:.: 


writers.  Josephus,  whom  they  esteem  a 
very  great  man,  hath  said  this,  and  yet 
hath  he  spoken  truth  after  such  a  manner, 
and  so  far  was  his  mind  wandered  from 
tlu>  right  way,  that  even  he  was  not  a  be- 
liever, as  to  what  he  himself  said  :  but 
thus  he  spake  in  order  to  deliver  historical 
truth,  because  he  thought  it  not  lawful 
for  him  to  deceive,  while  yet  he  was  no 
believer,  because  of  the  hardness  of  his 
heart,  and  his  perfidious  intention.  How- 
ever, it  was  no  prejudice  to  the  truth  that 
he  was  not  a  believer;  but  this  adds  more 
weight  to  his  testimony,  that  while  he 
was  an  unbeliever,  and  unwilling  this 
should  be  true,  he  has  not  denied  it  to 
be  so. 

About  A.  D.  400.      Jlirro>rt/m.  de  Vir. 
lUustr.    in    Joscpho. — Joseph  us,    in    the 
eighteenth  book  of  Antiquities,  most  ex- 
pressly acknowledges,  that  Christ  was  slain 
by  the  Pharisees  on  account  of  the  great- 
ness of  bis  miracles ;  and  that  John  the 
Baptist  was   truly   a  prophet;    and    that 
Jerusalem  was  demolished  on  account  of 
the  slaughter  of  James  the  apostle.     Now 
he  wrote  concerning  our  Lord  after  this 
manner: — At  the   same  time   there  was 
Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  yet  it  be  lawful  to 
call  him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  won- 
derful works,  a  teacher  of  those  who  will- 
ingly receive  the  truth.     He  had  many 
followers  both   of  the  Jews  and  of  the 
Gentiles  :  he  was  believed  to  be  Christ. 
And  when,  by  the  envy  of  our  principal 
men,   Pilate  had  condemned   him  to  the 
cross,  yet  notwithstanding,  those  who  had 
loved  him  at  first  persevered,  for  he  ap- 
peared to  them  alive  on  the  third  day,  as 
the  oracles  of  the  prophets  had  foretold 
many  of  these,  and  other  wonderful  things 
concerning  him  :  and  the  sect  of  Christians, 
so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at  this 
day. 

About  A.  D.  410.     Isoclorus  Pdusiota, 
the  Scholar  of  Chrysostom,  lib.  iv.  epist. 
225. — There  was  one  Josephus,  a  Jew  of 
the  greatest  reputation,  and  one  that  was 
zealous  of  the  law;  one  also  that  para- 
phrased  the  Old  Testament  with  truth, 
and  acted  valiantly  for  the  Jews,  and  had 
showed  that  their  settlement  was  nobler 
than   can  be  described  by  words.     Now 
since  he  made  their  interest  give  place  to 
truth,  for  he  would  not  support  the  opi- 
nion of  impious  men,  I  think  it  necessary 
to  set  down  his  words.     What  then  does 
he  say  ?     Now  there  was  about  that  time 
Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call 


him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful 
works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  receive 
the  truth  with  pleasure,  lie  drew  over 
to  him  both  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many 
<>f  the  Gentiles:  he  was  the  Christ.  And 
when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned 
him  to  the  cross,  those  that  loved  him  at 
first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  appeared 
to  them  the  third  day  alive  again,  as  the 
divine  prophets  had  said  these,  and  a  vast 
number  of  other  wonderful  things  con- 
cerning him ;  and  the  tribe  of  Christians, 
so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at 
this  day.  Now  I  cannot  but  wonder 
greatly  at  this  man's  love  of  truth  in  many 
respects,  but  chiefly  where  he  says — 
"  Jesus  was  a  teacher  of  men  which  re- 
ceived the  truth  with  pleasure." 

About  A.    D.   440.     Sozomon.    Wist. 
Eccles.  lib.  i.  cap.  1. — Now  Josephus,  the 
son  of  Matthias,  a  priest,  a  man  of  very 
great  note  both  among  the  Jews  and  the 
Romans,  may  well  be  a  witness  of  credit 
as  to   the  truth  of  Christ's  history ;  for 
he  scruples  to  call  him  a  man,  as  being  a 
doer  of  wonderful  works,  and  a  teacher  of 
the  words  of  truth  :  he  names  him  Christ 
openly ;  and  is  not  ignorant  that  he  was 
condemned  to  the  cross,  and  appeared  on 
the  third  day  alive ;  and  that  ten  thou- 
sand other  wonderful  things  were  foretold 
of  him  by  the  divine  prophets.     He  testi- 
fies also,  that  those  whom  he  drew  over 
to  him,  being  many  of   the  Gentiles   as 
well   as  of  the  Jews,  continued   to  love 
him  ;  and  that  the  tribe  named  from  him 
was  not  then  extinct.     Now  he  seems  to 
me,  by  this  his  relation,  almost  to  pro- 
claim that  Christ  is  God.     However,  he 
appears  to  have  been  so  affected  by  the 
strangeness  of  the  thing,  as  to  run  as  it 
were  in  a  sort  of  middle  way,  so  as  not 
to   put  any  indignity  upon   believers    in 
him,  but  rather  to  afford  his  suffrage  to 
them. 

About  A.  D.  510.  Cassiodorus  Hist. 
Tripartit.  e  So::omcno. — Now  Josephus, 
the  son  of  Matthias,  and  a  priest,  a  man  of 
great  nobility  among  the  Jews,  and  of  a 
great  dignity  among  the  Romans,  shall  tie 
a  witness  to  the  truth  of  Christ's  history : 
for  he  dares  not  call  him  a  man,  as  a  doer 
of  famous  works,  and  a  teacher  of  true 
doctrines;  he  names  him  Christ  opcnlj  ; 
and  is  not  ignorant  that  he  was  condemned 
to  the  cross,  and  appeared  on  the  third 
day  alive,  and  that  an  infinite  number 
of  other  wonderful  things  were  foretold 


456 


DISSERTATION  I. 


of  him  by  the  holy  prophets.  Moreover, 
he  testifies  also,  that  there  were  then 
alive  many  whom  he  had  chosen,  both 
Greeks  and  Jews,  and  that  they  continued 
to  love  him;  and  that,  the  sect  which  was 
named  from  him  was  by  no  means  extinct 
at  that  time. 

About  A.  D.  640.  Chron.  Alex.  p. 
514. — Now  Josephus  also  relates  in  the 
eighteenth  book  of  Antiquities,  how  John 
the  Baptist,  that  holy  man,  was  beheaded 
on  account  of  Herodias,  the  wife  of  Philip, 
the  brother  of  Herod  himself ;  for  Herod 
had  divorced  his  former  wife,  who  was 
still  alive,  and  had  been  his  lawful  wife  : 
she  was  the  daughter  of  Aretas,  king  of 
the  Petreans.  When,  therefore,  Herod 
had  taken  Herodias  away  from  her  hus- 
band, while  he  was  yet  alive,  (on  whose 
account  he  slew  John  also,)  Aretas  made 
war  against  Herod,  because  his  daughter 
had  been  dishonourably  treated :  in  which 
war  he  says,  that  all  Herod's  army  was 
destroyed,  and  that  he  suffered  that 
calamity  because  of  the  wickedness  he 
had  been  guilty  of  against  John.  The 
same  Josephus  relates,  that  Herod  lost 
his  kingdom  on  account  of  Herodias,  and 
that  with  her  he  was  banished  to  Lyons, 

P.  526,  527.]— Now  that  our  Saviour 
taught  his  doctrines  -  three  years,  is  de- 
monstrated both  by  other  necessary  rea- 
sonings, as  also  out  of  the  holy  Gospels, 
and  out  of  Josephus's  writings,  who  was 
a  wise  man  among  the  Hebrews,  &c. 

P.  584,  586.] — Josephus  relates  in  the 
fifth  book  of  the  [Jewish]  war,  that  Jeru- 
salem was  taken  in  the  third  [second] 
year  of  Vespasian,  as  after  forty  years 
since  they  had  dared  to  put  Jesus  to 
death  :  in  which  time  he  says,  that  James 
the  brother  of  our  Lord,  and  bishop  of 
Jerusalem,  was  thrown  down  [from  the 
temple],  and  slain  of  them  by  stoning. 

About  A.  D.  740.  Anastasius  Abbas 
vim  lr.  Jud. — Now  Josephus,  an  author 
and  writer  of  your  own,  says  of  Christ, 
that  he  was  a  just  and  good  man,  showed 
and  declared  so  to  be  by  divine  grace, 
who  gave  aid  to  many  by  signs  and 
miracles. 

About  A.  D.  790.  Georgius  Syncel- 
lus  Chron.  p.  839. — These  miseries  befell 
the  Jews  by  way  of  revenge  for  James 
the  Just,  who  was  the  brother  of  Jesus 
that  was  called  Christ,  on  the  account 
that  they  had  slain  him  who  was  a  most 
righteous   person.      Now   as    Ananus,   a 


person  of  that  character,  thought  he  had 
a  proper  opportunity,  becaixse  Festus  was 
dead,  and  Albinuswas  but  upon  the  road, 
so  he  assembles  the  sanhedrim  of  judges, 
and  brings  before  them  James,  the  bro- 
ther of  Jesus,  who  was  called  Christ,  and 
some  of  his  companions;  and  when  he 
had  formed  an  accusation  against  them, 
as  breakers  of  the  laws,  he  delivered 
them  to  be  stoned ;  but  as  for  those  that 
seemed  the  most  equitable  of  the  citizens, 
and  those  that  were  the  most  uneasy  at  the 
breach  of  the  laws,  they  disliked  what 
was  done.  They  also  sent  to  the  king 
[Agrippa],  desiring  him  to  send  to  Ana- 
nus  that  he  should  act  so  no  more,  for 
that  what  he  had  already  done  could  not 
be  justified,  &c. 

About  A.  D.  850.  Johan.Malela  Chron. 
lib.  x. — From  that  time  began  the  des- 
truction of  the  Jews,  as  Josephus,  the 
philosopher  of  the  Hebrews,  hath  writ- 
ten ;  who  also  said  this,  that  from  the 
time  the  Jews  crucified  Christ,  who  was 
a  good  and  a  righteous  man,  (that  is,  if 
it  be  fit  to  call  such  an  one  a  man,  and 
not  a  God,)  the  land  of  Judea  was  never 
free  from  trouble.  These  things  the 
same  Josephus  the  Jew  has  related  in 
his  writings. 

About  A.  D.  860.  Photius  Cod.  lib. 
xlviii. — I  have  read  the  treatise  of  Jose- 
phus about  the  universe,  whose  title  I  have 
elsewhere  read  to  be,  Of  the  Substance 
of  the  Universe.  It  is  contained  in  two 
very  small  treatises.  He  treats  of  the 
origin  of  the  world  in  a  brief  manner. 
However,  he  speaks  of  the  divinity  of 
Christ,  who  is  our  true  God,  in  a  way 
very  like  to  what  we  use,  declaring  that 
the  same  name  of  Christ  belongs  to  him, 
and  writes  of  his  ineffable  generation  of 
the  Father  after  such  a  manner  as  cannot 
be  blamed ;  which  thing  may  perhaps 
raise  a  doubt  in  some,  whether  Josephus 
was  the  author  of  the  work,  though  the 
phraseology  does  not  at  all  differ  from 
this  man's  other  works.  However,  I  have 
found  in  some  papers,  that  this  discourse 
was  not  written  by  Josephus,  but  by  one 
Caius,  a  presbyter. 

Cod.  ccxxxvii.]  Herod,  the  tetrarch  of 
Galilee  and  of  Perea,  the  son  of  Herod 
the  Great,  fell  in  love,  as  Josephus  says, 
with  the  wife  of  his  brother  Philip,  whose 
name  was  Herodias,  who  was  the  grand- 
daughter of  Herod  the  Great,  by  his  son 
Aristobulus,  whom  he  had  slain.  Agrippa 
was  also  her  brother.     How  Herod  took 


DISSERTATION  I. 


457 


her  away  from  her  husband  and  married 
her.  This  is  he  that  slew  John  the 
Baptist,  that  great  man,  the  forerunner 
[of  .Christ],  being  afraid  (as  Josephus 
says)  lest  he  should  raise  a  sedition 
among  (he  people  ;  for  they  all  followed 
the  directions  of  John,  on  account  of  the 
excellency  of  his  virtue.  In  his  time  was 
the  passion  of  our  Saviour. 

Cod.  xxiii.]  I  have  read  the  Chronicle 
of  Justus  of  Tiberias.  He  omits  the 
greatest  part  of  what  was  most  necessary 
to  be  related  ;  but  as  infected  with  Jewish 
prejudices,  being  also  bimself  a  Jew  by 
birth,  he  makes  no  mention  at  all  of  the 
advent,  or  of  the  acts  done,  or  of  the 
miracles  wrought  by  Christ. 

The  time  uncertain.  Macarius  in  Actis 
sanctorum,,  torn.  v.  p.  149,  ap.  Fabric. 
Joseph,  p.  61. — Josephus,  a  priest  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  one  that  wrote  with  truth  the 
history  of  the  Jewish  affairs,  bears  witness 
that  Christ,  the  true  God,  was  incarnate 
and  crucified,  and  the  third  day  rose 
again ;  whose  writings  are  reposited  in 
the  public  library.  Thus  he  says  : — Now 
there  wras  about  this  time  Jesus,  a  wise 
man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man, 
for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonderful  works,  a 
teacher  of  such  men  as  received  the  truth 
with  pleasure ;  he  drew  over  to  him  both 
mauy  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the 
Gentiles  also  :  this  was  the  Christ.  And 
when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned 
him  to  the  cross,  those  that  loved  him 
at  the  fii-st  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he 
appeared  to  them  alive  again  the  third  day, 
as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold  these, 
and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things 
concerning  him.  And  still  the  tribe  of 
Christians,  so  named  from  him,  are  not 
extinct  at  this  day.  '  Since,  therefore, 
the  writer  of  the  Hebrews  had  engraven 
this  testimony  concerning  our  Lord  and 
Saviour  in  his  own  books,  what  defence 
can  there  remain  for  the  unbelievers  ? 

About  A.  D.  980.  Suidas  in  voce 
Jesous. — We  have  found  Josephus,  who 
hath  written  about  the  taking  of  Jerusa- 
lem, (of  whom  Eusebius  Pamphili  makes 
frequent  mention  in  his  ecclesiastical  his- 
tory,) saying  openly  in  his  memoirs  of 
the  captivity,  that  Jesus  officiated  in  the 
temple  with  the  priests.  This  we  have 
found  Josephus  saying,  a  man  of  ancient 
times,  and  not  very  long  after  the  apos- 
tles, &c. 

About  A.  D.  1060.       Ccdrenus   Com- 


pend.  HistOT.  p.  196. — Josephus  does  in- 
deed write  concerning  John  the  Baptist 
as  follows  : — Some  of  the  Jews  thought 
that  the  destruction  of  Herod's  army 
came  from  God,  and  that  ho  was  punished 
very  justly  for  what  punishment  he  had 
inflicted  on  John,  that  was  called  the 
Baptist}  for  Herod  slew  him,  who  was  a 
good  man,  and  commanded  the  Jews  to 
exercise  virtue,  both  by  righteousness 
toward  one  another,  and  piety  toward 
God,  and  so  to  come  to  baptism.  But  as 
concerning  Christ,  the  same  Josephus 
says,  that  about  that  time  there  was 
Jssus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call 
him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonder- 
ful works,  and  a  teacher  of  such  men 
as  receive  the  truth  with  pleasure,  for 
that  Christ  drew  over  many  even  from 
the  Gentiles;  whom  when  Pilate  had 
crucified,  those  who  at  first  had  loved  him 
did  not  leave  off  to  preach  concerning 
him,  for  he  appeared  to  them  the  third 
day  alive  again,  as  the  divine  prophets 
had  testified  and  spoken  these  and  other 
wonderful  things  concerning  him. 

About  A.  D.  1080.  Theophylact  in 
Joan.  lib.  xiii. — The  city  of  the  Jews  was 
taken,  and  the  wrath  of  God  was  kindled 
against  them  ;  as  also  Josephus  witnesses, 
that  this  came  upon  them  on  account  of 
the  death  of  Jesus. 

About  A.  D.  1120.  Zonarus  Annal. 
torn.  i.  p.  267. — Josephus,  in  the  eigh- 
teenth book  of  Antiquities,  writes  thus 
concerning  our  Lord  and  God  Jesus 
Christ : — Now  there  was  about  this  time 
Jesus,  a  wise  man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call 
him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonder- 
ful works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  re- 
ceive the  truth  with  pleasure.  He  drew 
over  to  him  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many 
of  the  Gentiles  :  he  was  the  Christ.  And 
when  Pilate,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
principal  men  among  us,  had  condemned 
him  to  the  cross,  those  that  had  loved  him 
at  first  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he  ap- 
peared to  them  the  third  day  alive  again, 
as  the  divine  prophets  had  said  these,  and 
ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things  con- 
cerning him  :  and  the  tribe  of  Christians, 
so  named  from  him,  are  not  extinct  at 
this  day. 

About  A.  D.  1120.  Glycas  Annal. 
p.  234. — Then  did  Philo,  that  wise  man, 
and  Josephus,  flourish.  This  last  was 
styled,  The  lover  of  truth,  because  he  com- 
mended John,  who  baptized  our  Lord ; 
and  because  he  bore  witness  that  Christ,  in 


458 


DISSERTATION  I. 


like  manner,  was  a  wise  man,  and  the 
doer  of  great  miracles ;  and  that  when  he 
was  crucified  he  appeared  the  third  day. 

About  A. D.  1170.  Gotfridus  Viterbiensis 
Citron,  p.  36G,  e  Vers.  Rufini. — Josephus 
relates  that  a  very  great  war  arose  between 
Aretas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  and  Herod, 
on  account  of  the  sin  which  Herod  had 
committed  against  John.  Moreover,  the 
same  Josephus  writes  thus  concerning 
Christ : — There  was  at  this  time  Jesus,  a 
wise  man,  if  at  least  it  be  lawful  to  call 
him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonder- 
ful works,  a  teacher  of  such  men  as  will- 
ingly hear  truth.  He  also  drew  over  to 
him  many  of  the  Jews,  and  many  of  the 
Gentiles  :  he  was  Christ.  And  when  Pi- 
late, at  the  accusation  of  the  principal  men 
of  our  nation,  had  decreed  that  he  should 
be  crucified,  those  that  had  loved  him  from 
the  beginning  did  not  forsake  him,  for  he 
appeared  to  them  the  third  day  alive  again, 
according  to  what  the  divinely  inspired 
prophets  had  foretold,  that  these  and  in- 
numerable other  miracles  should  come  to 
pass  about  him.  Moreover,  both  the 
name  and  sect  of  Christians,  who  were 
named  from  him,  continue  in  being  unto 
this  day. 

About  A.  D.  13G0.  Mcephorus  Gallis- 
tus  Hid.  Eccles.  lib.  i.  p.  90,  91. — Now  this 
[concerning  Herod  the  tetrarch]  is  attested 
to,  not  only  by  the  book  of  the  holy  Gos- 
pels, but  by  Josephus,  that  lover  of  truth; 
who  also  makes  mention  of  Herodias,  his 
brother's  wife,  whom  Herod  had  taken 
away  from  him,  while  he  was  alive,  and 
married  her,  having  divorced  his  former 
lawful  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Are- 
tas, king  of  the  Petrean  Arabians.  This 
Herodias  he  had  married,  and  lived  with 
her  :  on  which  account  also,  when  he  had 
slain  John,  he  made  war  with  Aretas, 
because  his  daughter  had  been  dishonour- 
ably used  ;  in  which  war  he  relates  that 
all  Herod's  army  was  destroyed,  and  that 
he  suffered  this  on  account  of  the  most 
unjust  slaughter  of  John.  He  also  adds 
that  John  was  a  most  righteous  man. 
Moreover,  he  makes  mention  of  his  bap- 
tism, agreeing  in  all  points  thereto  relat- 
ing with  the  Gospel.  He  also  informs  us 
that  Herod  lost  his  kingdom  on  account 
of  Herodias,  with  whom  also  he  was  con- 
demned to  be  banished  to  Vienna,  which 
was  their  place  of  exile,  and  a  city  bor- 
dering upon  Caul,  and  lying  near  the 
utmost  bounds  of  the  west. 

About   A.    D.    1450.       Hardmannus 


Schedelius  Chron.  p.  110. — Josephus  tl/e 
Jew,  who  was  called  Flavins,  a  priest,  and 
the  son  of  Matthias,  a  priest  of  that  na- 
tion, a  most  celebrated  historian,  and  very 
skilful  in  many  things :  he  was  certainly 
a  good  man,  and  of  an  excellent  character, 
who  had  the  highest  opinion  of  Christ. 

About  A.  D.  1480.  Platina  do  Vitis 
Pontificum  in  Christo. — I  shall  avoid 
mentioning  what  Christ  did  until  the  30th 
year  of  his  age,  when  he  was  baptized  by 
John,  the  son  of  Zacharias,  because  not 
only  the  Gospels  and  Epistles  are  full  of 
those  acts  of  his,  which  he  did  in  the 
most  excellent  and  most  holy  manner,  but 
the  books  of  such  as  were  quite  remote 
from  his  way  of  living  and  acting  and 
ordaining  are  also  full  of  the  same.  Fla- 
vius  Josephus  himself,  who  wrote  twenty 
books  of  Antiquities  in  the  Greek  tongue, 
when  he  had  proceeded  as  far  as  the  go- 
vernment of  the  Emperor  Tiberius,  says, 
there  was  in  those  days  Jesus,  a  certain 
wise  man,  if  at  least  it  be  lawful  to  call 
him  a  man,  for  he  was  a  doer  of  wonder- 
ful works,  and  a  teacher  of  men,  of  such 
especially  as  willingly  hear  the  truth.  On 
this  account  he  drew  over  to  him  many 
both  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles :  he  was 
Christ.  But  when  Pilate,  instigated  by 
the  principal  men  of  our  natiou,  had 
decreed  that  he  should  be  crucified,  yet 
did  not  those  that  loved  him  from  the  be- 
ginning forsake  him  :  and  besides,  he  ap- 
peared to  them  the  third  day  after  his 
death  alive,  as  the  divinely  inspired  pro- 
phets had  foretold,  that  these  and  innu- 
merable other  miracles  should  come  to 
pass  about  him.  And  the  famous  name 
of  Christians,  taken  from  him,  as  well  as 
their  sect,  do  still  continue  in  being. 

The  same  Josephus  also  affirms  that 
John  the  Baptist,  a  true  prophet,  and  on 
that  account  one  that  was  had  in  esteem 
by  all  men,  was  slain  by  Herod,  the  son 
of  Herod  the  Great,  a  little  before  the 
death  of  Christ,  in  the  castle  Macherus; 
not  because  he  was  afraid  for  himself  and 
his  kingdom,  as  the  same  author  says,  but 
because  he  had  incestuously  married  .He- 
rodias, the  sister  of  Agrippa,  and  the  wife 
of  that  excellent  person  his  brother  Philip. 

About  A.  D.  1480.  Triihemius  Abbas 
de  Scripior.  Eccles. — Josephus  the  Jew, 
although  he  continued  to  be  a  Jew,  did 
frequently  commend  the  Christians;  and, 
in  the  eighteenth  book  of  Antiquities, 
wrote  down  an  eminent  testimony  con- 
cerning our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 


DISSERTATION  I.  410 

OBSERVATIONS  FROM  THE  FOREGUlXd  EVIDENCE  AND  CITATIONS. 


I.  The  style  of  all  these  original  testi- 
monies belonging  to  Josephus  is  exactly 
the  style  of  the  same  Josephus,  and  espe- 
cially the  style  ahout  those  parts  of  his 
Antiquities  wherein  we  find  these  testi- 
monies. This  is  denied  by  nobody  as  to 
the  other,  concerning  John  the  Baptist 
and  James  the  Just,  and  is  now  become 
equally  undeniable  as  to  that  concerning 
Christ, 

II.  These  testimonies,  therefore,  being 
confessedly  and  undeniably  written  by  Jo- 
sephus himself,  it  is  next  to  impossible 
that  he  should  wholly  omit  some  testi- 
mony concerning  Jesus  Christ;  nay,  while 
his  testimonies  of  John  the  Baptist  and 
of  James  the  Just  are  so  honourable,  and 
give  them  so  great  characters,  it  is  also 
impossible  that  his  testimony  concerning 
Christ  should  be  other  than  very  honour- 
able, or  such  as  afforded  him  a  still  greater 
character  also.  Could  the  very  same 
author,  who  gave  such  a  full  and  advan- 
tageous character  of  John  the  Baptist,  the 
forerunner  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  all  whose 
disciples  were  by  him  directed  to  Jesus  of 
Nazareth,  as  to  the  true  Messias,  and  all 
of  whom  became  afterward  the  disciples 
of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  say  nothing  honour- 
able of  that  Jesus  of  Nazareth  himself; 
aud  this  in  a  history  of  those  very  times 
in  which  he  was  born  and  lived  and  died, 
and  that  while  the  writer  lived  but  a  little 
after  him  in  the  same  country  in  which 
he  was  born  aud  lived  and  died  ?  This  is 
almost  incredible.  And  further,  could 
the  very  same  author,  who  gave  such  an 
advantageous  character  of  James  the  Just, 
and  this  under  the  very  appellation  of 
James  the  brother  of  Jesus,  ich<>  was  called 
Christ,  which  James  was  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal disciples  or  apostles  of  this  Jesus 
Christ,  and  had  been  many  years  the  only 
Christian  bishop  of  the  believing  Jews  of 
Judea  and  Jerusalem,  in  the  very  days, 
and  in  the  very  country  of  this  writer; 
could  he,  I  say,  wholly  omit  any,  nay,  a 
very  honourable  account  of  Jesus  Christ 
himself,  whose  disciple  and  bishop  this 
James  most  certainly  was  ?  This  is  also 
almost  incredible.  Hear  what  Ittigius, 
one  of  the  wisest  and  learnedest  of  all 
those  who  have  lately  inclined  to  give  up 
the  testimony  concerning  Christ,  as  it 
stands  iu  our  copies,  for  spurious,  says 
upon  this  occasion: — "If  any  one  object 
to  me,  that  Josephus  hath   not  omitted 


John  the  Baptist,  the  forerunner  of  Christ, 
nor  James  the  disciple  of  Christ,  and  that 
therefore  he  could  not  have  done  the  part 
of  a  good  historian,  if  he  had  been  en- 
tirely silent  concerning  Christ,  I  shall 
freely  grant  that  Josephus  was  not  en- 
tirely silent  concerning  Christ;  nay,  1 
shall  further  grant,  that,  when  Josephus 
was  speaking  of  Christ,  he  did  not  abstain 
from  his  commendation;  for  we  are  not 
to  determine  from  that  inveterate  hatred 
which  the  modern  Jews  bear  to  Christ, 
what  was  the  behaviour  of  those  Jews, 
upon  whom  the  miracles  that  were  daily 
wrought  by  the  apostles  iu  the  name  of 
Christ  imprinted  a  sacred  horror." 

III.  The  famous  clause  in  this  testi- 
mony of  Josephus  coucernin^  Christ,  This 
was  Christ,  or  the  Christ,  did  not  mean 
that  this  Jesus  was  the  Christ  of  God,  '>r 
the  true  Messias  of  the  Jews,  but  that 
this  Jesus  was  distinguished  from  all 
others  of  that  name,  of  which  there  were 
not  a  few,  as  mentioned  by  Josephus 
himself,  by  the  addition  of  the  other 
name  of  Christ ;  or  that  this  person  was 
no  other  than  he  whom  all  the  world  knew 
by  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  his 
followers  by  the  name  of  Christians.  This 
I  esteem  to  be  a  clear  case,  and  that  from 
the  arguments  following. 

(1.)  The  Greeks  and  llomans,  for  whose 
use  Josephus  wrote  his  Antiquities,  could 
no  otherwise  understand  these  words. 
The  Jews  indeed,  aud  afterward  the 
Christians,  who  knew  that  a  great  Messias, 
a  person  that  was  to  be  Christ,  the  Anoint- 
ed of  God,  that  was  to  perform  the  office 
of  a  Kiny,  a  Priest,  and  a  Prophet,  to 
God's  people,  might  readily  so  understand 
this  expression;  but  Josephus,  as  I  have 
already  noted,  wrote  here,  not  to  Jews  or 
Christians,  but  to  Greeks  and.  llomans, 
who  knew  nothing  of  this,  but  knew  very 
well  that  an  eminent  person  lived  in 
Judea,  whose  name  was  Jesus  Chrst,  or 
Jesus  Christ,  had  founded  a  new  and  nu- 
merous sect,  which  took  the  latter  of 
those  names,  and  were  everywhere  from 
him  called  Chrestians,  or  Christians ;  in 
which  sense  alone  could  they  understand 
these  words  of  Josephus,  and  in  which 
sense  I  believe  he  desired  they  should 
understand  them  :  nor  does  Josephus  ever 
use  the  Hebrew  term  Messiah  in  any  of 
his  writings,  nor  the  Greek  term  Christ 
in  any  such  acceptation  elsewhere. 


460 


DISSERTATION  I. 


(2.) •  Josephus  himself  as  good  as  ex- 
plains his  own  meaning,  and  that  by  the 
last  clause  of  this  very  passage,  where  he 
says  the  Christians  were  named  from  this 
Christ,  without  a  syllable,  as  though  he 
really  meant  he  was  the  true  Messiah,  or 
Christ  of  God,  He  further  seems  to  me 
to  explain  this  his  meaning  in  that  other 
place,  where  alone  he  elsewhere  mentions 
this  name  of  Christ,  that  is,  when  upon 
occasion  of  the  mention  of  James,  when 
he  was  condemned  by  Ananus,  he  calls 
him  the  brother  of 'Jesus,  not  that  was 
the  true  Messiah,  or  the  true  Christ,  but 
only  that  was  called  Christ 

(3.)  It  was  quite  beside  the  purpose  of 
Josephus  to  declare  himself  here  to  be 
a  Christian,  or  a  believer  in  Jesus  as  the 
true  Messiah.  Had  he  intended  so  to 
do,  he  would  surely  have  explained  the 
meaning  of  the  word  Christ  to  his  Greek 
and  Roman  readers  :  he  would  surely  have 
been  a  great  deal  fuller  and  larger  in  bis 
accounts  of  Christ,  and  of  the  Christian 
religion  :  nor  would  such  a  declaration  at 
that  time  have  recommended  him,  or  his 
nation,  or  his  writings,  to  either  the 
Greeks  or  the  Romans ;  of  his  reputation 
with  both  which  people  he  is  known  to 
have  been,  in  the  writing  of  these  Antiqui- 
ties, very  greatly  solicitous. 

(4.)  Josephus's  usual  way  of  writing 
is  historical  and  declarative  of  facts,  and 
of  the  opinions  of  others,  and  but  rarely 
such  as  directly  informs  us  of  his  own 
opinion,  unless  we  prudently  gather  it 
from  what  he  says  historically,  or  as  the 
opinions  of  others.  This  is  very  observ- 
able in  the  writings  of  Josephus,  and  in 
particular  as  to  what  he  says  of  John  the 
Baptist  and  of  James  the  Just;  so  that 
this  interpretation  is  most  probable,  as 
most  agreeable  to  Josephus's  way  of  writ- 
ing in  parallel  cases. 

(5.)  This  seems  to  be  the  universal 
sense  of  all  the  ancients  without  exception, 
who  cite  this  testimony  from  him ;  and 
though  they  almost  everywhere  own  this 
to  be  the  true  reading,  yet  do  they  every- 
where suppose  Josephus  to  be  still  an 
unbelieving  Jew,  and  not  a  believing 
Christian  :  nay,  Jerom  appears  so  well 
assured  of  this  interpretation,  and  that 
Josephus  did  not  mean  to  declare  any 
more  by  these  words  than  a  common 
opinion,  that,  according  to  his  usual  way 
of  interpreting  authors,  not  to  the  words 
but  to  the  sense  (of  which  we  have,  I 
think,  two  more  instances  in  his  accounts 


out  of  Jesephus,  now  before  us,)  ho 
renders  this  clause,  credebatur  esse  Chris- 
tus,  i.  e.  he  was  believed  to  be  Christ. 
Nor  is  the  parallel  expression  of  Pilate  to 
be  otherwise  understood,  when  he  made 
that  inscription  upon  the  cross,  This  is 
Jesus  the  King  of  the  Jews;*  which  is 
well  explained  by  himself  elsewhere,  and 
corresponds  to  the  import  of  the  present 
clause,  What  shall  I  do  with  Jesus  who  is 
called  Christ  ?~\  And  we  may  full  as 
well  prove  from  Pilate's  inscription  upon 
the  cross,  that  he  hereby  declared  him- 
self a  believer  in  Christ,  for  the  real  king 
of  the  Jews,  as  we  can  from  these  words 
of  Josephus,  that  he  hereby  declared 
himself  to  be  a  real  believer  in  him,  as 
the  true  Messiah 

IV.  Though  Josephus  did  not  design 
here  to  delare  himself  openly  to  be  a 
Christian,  yet  could  he  not  possibly  be- 
lieve all  that  he  here  asserts  concerning 
Jesus  Christ,  unless  he  were  so  far  a 
Christian  as  the  Jewish  Nazarenes  or  Ebi- 
onites  then  were,  who  believed  Jesus  of 
Nazareth  to  be  the  true  Messiah,  without 
believing  he  was  more  than  a  man ;  who 
also  believed. the  necessity  of  the  obser- 
vation of  the  ceremonial  law  of  Moses  in 
order  to  salvation  for  all  mankind,  which 
were  the  two  main  articles  of  those  Jew- 
ish Christians'  faith,  though  in  opposition 
to  all  the  thirteen  apostles  of  Jesus  Christ 
in  the  first  century,  and  in  opposition  to 
the  whole  catholic  church  of  Christ  in 
the  following  centuries  also.  Accordingly, 
I  have  elsewhere  proved,  that  Josephus 
was  no  other,  in  his  own  mind  and  con- 
science, than  a  Nazarene  or  Ebionite 
Jewish  Christian  :  and  have  observed  that 
this  entire  testimony,  and  all  that  Jose- 
phus says  of  John  the  Baptist,  and  of 
James,  as  well  as  his  absolute  silence 
about  all  the  rest  of  the  apostles  and  their 
companions,  exactly  agrees  to  him  under 
that  character,  and  no  other.  And,  in- 
deed, to  me  it  is  most  astonishing,  that 
all  our  learned  men,  who  have  of  late 
considered  these  testimonies  of  Josephus, 
except  the  converted  Jew  Galatinus, 
should  miss  such  an  obvious  and  natural 
observation.  We  all  know  this  from  St. 
James'sJ  own  words,  that  so  many  ten 
thousands  of  Jews  as  believed  in  Christ, 
in  the  first  century,  were  all  zealous  of 
the  ceremonial  law,  or  were  no  other  than 


*  Matt,  xxvii.  31.  f  Matt,  xxvii.  17,  22. 

%  Acts  xxi.  20. 


DISSERTATION  I. 


4G1 


Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Christians;  and,  by 
consequence,  if  there  were  any  reason  to 
think  our  Josephus  to  be,  in  any  sense,  a 
believer  or  a  Christian,  as  from  all  these 
testimonies  there  were  very  great  ones, 
all  those  and  many  other  reasons  could 
not  but  conspire  to  assure  us  he  was  no 
other  than  a  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Chris- 
tian ;  and  this  I  take  to  be  the  plain  and 
evident  key  of  this  whole  matter. 

V.  Since,  therefore,  Josephus  appears 
to  have  been  in  his  own  heart  and  con- 
science no  other  than  a  Nazarene  or  Ebi- 
onite Christian,  and  by  consequence  with 
them  rejected  all  our  Greek  Gospels  and 
Greek  books  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
received  only  the  Hebrew  Gospel  of  the 
Nazarenes  or  Ebionites,  styled  by  them 
The  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  or 
according  to  the  twelve  apostles,  or  even 
according  to  Matthew,  we  ought  always 
to  have  that  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  Gospel, 
with  the  other  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  frag- 
ments in  view,  when  we  consider  any 
passages  of  Josephus  relating  to  Christ 
or  to  Christianity.  Thus,  since  that  Gos- 
pel omitted  all  that  is  in  the  beginning  of 
our  St.  Matthew's  and  St.  Luke's  Gospel, 
and  began  with  the  ministry  of  John 
the  Baptist :  in  which  first  parts  of  the 
gospel  history  are  the  accounts  of  the 
slaughter  of  the  infants,  and  of  the  enrol- 
ment or  taxation  under  Augustus  Caesar 
and  Herod,  it  is  no  great  wonder  that 
Josephus  has  not  taken  care  particularly 
and  clearly  to  preserve  those  histories  to 
us.  Thus,  when  we  find  that  Josephus 
calls  James  the  brother  of  Christ,  by  the 
the  name  of  James  the  Just,  and  describes 
him  as  a  most  just  or  righteous  man,  in 
an  especial  manner,  we  are  to  remember 
that  such  is  his  name  and  character  in 
the  Gospel  according  to  the  Hebrews,  and 
the  other  Ebionite  remains  of  Hege- 
sippus,  but  nowhere  else,  that  I  remem- 
ber, in  the  earliest  antiquity  ;  nor  are  we 
to  suppose  they  herein  referred  to  any 
other  than  that  righteousness  which  was 
by  the  Jewish  law,  wherein  St.  Paul,* 
before  he  embraced  Christianity,  pro- 
fesseth  himself  to  have  been  blameless. 
Thus  when  Josephus,  with  other  Jews, 
ascribed  the  miseries  of  that  nation  under 
Vespasian  and  Titus,  with  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  to  the  barbarous  murder 
of  James  the  Just,  we  must  remember, 
what  we  learn  from  the  Ebionite  fragments 


*  Philip,  iii.  4-6. 
30 


of  Hegesippus,  that  these  Ebionites  in- 
terpreted a  prophecy  of  Isaiah  as  fore- 
telling this  very  murder,  and  those  conse- 
quent miseries:  Let  us  take  away  /he 
just  one,  for  he  is  unprofitable  to  us; 
therefore  shall  tin//  rut  the  fruits  of  tht  ir 
own  ways*  Thus  when  Josephus  Bays, 
as  we  have  seen,  that  the  most  equitable 
citizens  of  Jerusalem,  and  those  that  were 
most  zealous  of  the  law,  were  very  un- 
easy at  the  condemnation  of  this  James 
and  some  of  his  friends  or  fellow  Chris- 
tians, by  the  high  priest  and  sanhedrim, 
about  A.  D.  62,  and  declares,  that  lie  him- 
self was  one  of  those  Jews  who  thought 
the  terrible  miseries  of  that  nation  effects 
of  the  vengeance  of  God  for  their  murder 
of  this  James,  about  A.  D.  6S,  we  may 
easily  see  those  opinions  could  only  be 
the  opinions  of  converted  Jews  or  Ebi- 
onites. The  high  priest  and  sanhedrim, 
who  always  persecuted  the  Christians,  and 
now  condemned  these  Christians,  and  the 
body  of  those  unbelieving  Jews,  who 
are  supposed  to  suffer  for  murdering  this 
James,  the  head  of  the  Nazarene  or 
Ebionite  Christians  in  Judea,  could  not, 
to  be  sure,  be  of  that  opinion ;  nor  could 
Josephus  himself  be  of  the  same  opinion, 
as  he  declares  he  was,  without  the  strong- 
est inclinations  to  the  Christian  religion, 
or  without  being  secretly  a  Christian  Jew, 
i.  e.  a  Nazarene  or  Ebionite  ;  which  thing 
is,  by  the  way,  a  very  great  additional 
argument  that  such  he  was,  and  no  other. 
Thus,  lastly,  when  Josephus  is  cited  in 
Suidas  as  affirming  that  Jesus  officiated 
with  the  priests  in  the  temple,  this  ac- 
count is  by  no  means  disagreeable  to  the 
pretensions  of  the  Ebionites.  Hegesip- 
pus affirms  the  very  same  of  James  the 
Just  also. 

VI.  In  the  first  citation  of  the  famous 
testimony  concerning  our  Saviour  from 
Tacitus,  almost  all  that  was  true  of  the 
Jews  is  directly  taken  by  him  out  of  Jose- 
phus, as  will  be  demonstrated  under  the 
third  Dissertation  hereafter. 

VII.  The  second  author  I  have  alleged 
for  it  is  Justin  Martyr,  one  so  nearly 
coeval  with  Josephus,  that  he  might  be 
born  about  the  time  when  he  wrote  his 
Antiquities,  appeals  to  the  same  Antiqui- 
ties by  that  very  name  :  and  though  he 
docs  not  here  directly  quote  them,  yet 
does  he  seem  to  me  to  allude  to  this  very 
testimony  in  them  concerning  our  Saviour, 


*  Isa.  iii.  10. 


462 


DISSERTATION  I. 


when  he  affirms  in  this  place  to  Trypho 
the  Jew,  That  his  nation  originally  knew 

tlmt  Jesus  was  vixen  from  the  dead,  and 
ascended  into  heaven,  as  the  prophecies  did 

for* till  was  to  happen.  Since  there  nei- 
ther now  is,  nor  probably  in  the  days  of 
Justin  was  any  other  Jewish  testimony 
extant,  which  is  so  agreeable  to  what  Jus- 
tin here  affirms  of  those  Jews,  as  is  this 
of  Josephus  the  Jew  before  us ;  nor  indeed 
does  he  seem  to  me  to  have  had  any 
thing  else  particularly  in  his  view  here, 
but  this  very  testimony,  where  Josephus 
says  that  Jesus  appeared  to  his  followers 
alive  the  third  day  after  his  crucifixion, 
as  the  divine  prophets  had  foretold  these, 
and  ten  thousand  other  wonderful  things 
concerning  him. 

VIII.  The  third  author  I  have  quoted 
for  Josephus's  testimonies  of  John  the 
Baptist,  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  and  of 
James  the  Just,  is  Origen,  who  is  indeed 
allowed  on  all  hands  to  have  quoted  him 
for  the  excellent  characters  of  John  the 
Baptist,  and  of  James  the  Just,  but  whose 
supposed  entire  silence  about  this  testi- 
mony concerning  Christ  is  usually  alleged 
as  the  principal  argument  against  its  being 
genuine,  and  particularly  as  to  the  clause, 
This  teas  the  Christ,  and  that,  as  we 
have  seen,  because  he  twice  assures  us, 
that,  in  his  opinion,  Josephus  did  not  him- 
self acknowledge  Jesus  for  Christ.  Now 
as  to  this  latter  clause,  I  have  already 
showed,  that  Josephus  did  not  here,  in 
writing  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  mean 
any  such  thing  by  those  words  as  Jews 
and  Christians  naturally  understand  by 
them  :  I  have  also  observed,  that  all  the 
ancients  allow  still,  with  Origen,  that 
Josephus  did  not,  in  the  Jewish  and  Chris- 
tian sense,  acknowledge  Jesus  for  the 
true  Messiah,  or  the  true  Christ  of  God, 
notwithstanding  their  express  quotation 
of  that  clause  in  Josephus  as  genuine  :  so 
that  unless  we  suppose  Origen  to  have 
had  a  different  notion  of  these  words  from 
all  the  other  ancients,  we  cannot  conclude 
from  this  assertion  of  Origen's,  that  he 
had  not  those  words  in  his  copy,  not  to 
say  that  it  is,  after  all,  much  more  likely 
that  his  copy  a  little  differed  from  the 
other  copies  in  this  clause,  or  indeed, 
omitted  it  entirely,  than  that  he,  on  its 
account,  must  be  supposed  not  to  have 
had  the  rest  of  this  testimony  therein, 
though  indeed  I  see  no  necessity  of  mak- 
ing any  such  supposal  at  all.  However, 
it  seems  to  me,  that  Origen  affords  us  four 


several  indications  that  the  main  parts  at 
least  of  this  testimony  itself  were  in  his 
copy. 

(1.)  When  Origen  introduces  Jose- 
phus's testimony  concerning  James  the 
Just,  that  he  thought  the  miseries  of  the 
Jews  were  an  instance  of  the  divine  ven- 
geance on  that  nation  for  putting  James 
to  death  instead  of  Jesus,  he  uses  an  ex- 
pression noway  necessary  to  his  purpose, 
nor  occasioned  by  any  words  of  Josephus 
there,  that  they  had  slain  that  Christ 
which  was  foretold  in  the  prophecies. 
Whence  could  this  expression  come  here 
into  Origen's  mind,  when  he  was  quoting 
a  testimony  of  Josephus's  concerning  the 
brother  of  Christ,  but  from  his  remem- 
brance of  a  clause  in  the  testimony  of  the 
same  Josephus  concerning  Christ  himself, 
that  the  prophets  had  foretold  his  death 
and  resurrection,  and  ten  thousand  other 
wonderful  things  concerning  him? 

(2.)  How  came  Origen  to  be  so  surprised 
at  Josephus's  ascribing  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem  to  the  Jews  murdering 
James  the  Just,  and  not  to  their  murder- 
ing of  Jesus,  as  we  have  seen  he  was,  if 
he  had  not  known  that  Josephus  had 
spoken  of  Jesus  and  his  death  before,  and 
that  he  had  a  very  good  opinion  of  Jesus, 
which  yet  he  could  learn  noway  so  au- 
thentically as  from  this  testimony  ?  Nor 
do  the  words  he  here  uses,  that  Josephus 
was  not  remote  from  the  truth,  perhaps 
allude  to  any  thing  else  but  to  this  very 
testimony  before  us. 

(3.)  How  came  the  same  Origen,  upon 
another  slight  occasion,  when  he  had  just 
set  down  that  testimony  of  Josephus  con- 
cerning James  the  Just,  the  brother  of 
Jesus  who  was  called  Christ,  to  say,  that 
it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  Jews 
thought  Jesus  to  be  a  man,  or  whether  they 
did  not  suppose  him  to  be  a  being  of  a 
divimrr  kind?  This  looks  so  very  like  to 
the  fifth  and  sixth  clauses  of  this  testi- 
mony in  Josephus,  that  Jesus  was  a  wise 
man,  if  it  be  lawful  to  call  him  a  man, 
that  it  is  highly  probable  Origen  thereby 
alluded  to  them  :  and  this  is  the  more  to 
be  depended  on,  because  all  the  unbeliev- 
ing Jews,  and  all  the  rest  of  the  Nazarene 
Jews,  esteemed  Jesus  with  one  consent  as 
a  mere  man,  the  son  of  Joseph  and  Mary ; 
and  it  is  not,  I  think,  possible  to  produce 
any  one  Jew  but  Josephus,  who  in  a  sort 
of  compliance  with  the  Romans  and  the  ca- 
tholic Christians,  who  thought  him  a  God, 
would  say  any  thing  like  his  being  a  God. 


L= 


DISSERTATION  I. 


403 


(4.)  How  came  Origen  to  affirm  twice, 
BO  expressly,  that  Josephus  did  not  him- 
self oicn,  in  the  Jewish  and  Christian 
sense,  that  Jesus  was  Christ,  notwithstand- 
ing his  quotations  of  such  eminent  testi- 
monies out  of  him  for  John  the  Baptist 
his  forerunner,  and  for  James  the  Just  his 
brother,  and  one  of  his  principal  disciples  ? 
There  is  no  passage  in  all  Josephus  so 
likely  to  persuade  Origen  of  this  as  is  the 
famous  testimony  before  us,  wherein,  as  he 
and  all  the  ancients  understood»it,  he  Avas 
generally  called  Christ,  indeed,  but  not 
any  otherwise  than  as  the  common  name 
whence  the  sect  of  Christians  was  derived, 
and  where  he  all  along  speaks  of  those 
Christians  as  a  sect  then  in  being,  whose 
author  was  a  wonderful  person,  and  his 
followers  great  lovers  of  him  and  of  the 
truth,  yet  as  such  a  sect  as  he  had  not 
joined  himself  to  ;  which  exposition,  asit  is 
a  very  natural  one,  so  was  it,  I  doubt,  but 
too  true  of  our  Josephus  at  that  time  ; 
uor  can  I  devise  any  other  reason  but  this, 
and  the  parallel  language  of  Josephus 
elsewhere,  when  he  speaks  of  James  as 
the  brother,  not  of  Jesus  who  was  Christy 
but  of  Jesus  who  xoas  called  Christ,  that 
could  so  naturally  induce  Origen  and 
others  to  be  of  that  opinion. 

IX.  There  are  two  remarkable  pas- 
sages in  Suidas  and  Theophylact,  already 
set  down,  as  citing  Josephus;  the  former 
that  Jesus  officiated  with  the  priests  in  the 
temple,  and  the  latter  that  the  destruction 
of  Jerusalem,  and  miseries  of  the  Jews, 
were  owing  to  their  putting  Jesus  to  death, 
which  are  in  none  of  our  present  copies, 
nor  cited  thence  by  any  ancienter  authors ; 
nor,  indeed,  do  they  seem  altogether  con- 
sistent with  the  other  more  authentic 
testimonies  :  however,  since  Suidas  cites 
his  passage  from  a  treatise  of  Josephus's 
called  Memoirs  of  the  Jcics'  Captivity,  a 
book  never  heard  of  elsewhere,  and  since 
both  citations  are  not  at  all  disagreeable 
to  Josephus's  character  as  a  Nazarene  or 
Ebionite,  I  dare  not  positively  conclude 
they  are  spurious,  but  must  leave  them 
in  suspense,  for  the  further  consideration 
of  the  learned. 

X.  As  to  that  great  critic  Photius,  in 
the  ninth  century,  who  is  supposed  not  to 
have  had  this  testimony  in  his  copy  of 
Josephus,  or  else  to  have  esteemed  it  spu- 
rious, because  in  his  extracts  out  of  Jose- 
phus's Antiquities  it  is  not  expressly  men- 
tioned ;  this  is  a  strange  thing  indeed  ! 
that  a  section  which  had  been  cited  out  of 


Josephus's  copies  all  along  before  the 
days  of  Photius,  as  well  as  it  has  been  all 
along  cited  out  of  them  since  his  days, 
should  be  supposed  not  to  be  in  his  copy, 
because  he  does  not  directly  mention  it 
in  certain  short  and  imperfect  extracts, 
noway  particularly  relating  to  such  mat- 
ters. Those  who  lay  a  stress  on  this 
silence  of  Photius  seem  little  to  have 
attended  to  the  nature  and  brevity  of 
those  extracts.  They  contain  little  or 
nothing,  as  he  in  effect  professes  at  their 
entrance,  but  what  concerns  Antipater, 
Herod  the  Great,  and  his  brethren  and 
family,  with  their  exploits,  till  the  days 
of  Agrippa,  jun.,  and  Cumanus,  the 
governor  of  Judca,  fifteen  years  after  the 
death  of  our  Saviour,  without  one  word 
of  Pilate,  or  what  happened  under  his 
government,  which  yet  was  the  only  pro- 
per place  in  which  this  testimony  could 
come  to  be  mentioned.  However,  since 
Photius  seems,  therefore,  as  we  have  seen, 
to  suspect  the  treatise  ascribed  by  some 
to  Josephus  of  the  Universe,  because  it 
speaks  very  high  things  of  the  eternal 
generation  and  divinity  of  Christ,  this 
looks  very  like  his  knowledge  and  belief 
of  somewhat  really  in  the  same  Josephus, 
which  spake  in  a  lower  manner  of  him, 
which  could  be  hardly  any  other  passage 
than  this. testimony  before  us.  And  since, 
as  we  have  also  seen,  when  he  speaks  of 
the  Jewish  history  of  Justus  of  Tiberias, 
as  infected  with  the  prejudices  of  the 
Jews,  in  taking  no  manner  of  notice  of 
the  advent,  of  the  acts,  and  of  the  mira- 
cles of  Jesus  Christ,  while  yet  he  never 
speaks  so  of  Josephus  himself,  this  most 
naturally  implies  also,  that  there  was  not 
the  like  occasion  here  as  there,  but  that 
Josephus  had  not  wholly  omitted  that 
advent,  those  acts,  or  miracles,  which 
yet  he  has  done  everywhere  else,  in  the 
books  seen  by  Photius,  as  well  as  Justus 
of  Tiberias,  but  in  this  famous  testimony 
before  us,  so  that  it  is  most  probable 
Photius  not  only  had  this  testimony  in  his 
copy,  but  believed  it  to  be  genuine  also. 

XI.  As  to  the  silence  of  Clement  of 
Alexandria,  who  cites  the  Antiquities  of 
Josephus,  but  never  cites  any  of  the  testi- 
monies now  before  us,  it  is  no  strange 
thing  at  all,  since  he  never  cites  Jose 
phus  but  once,  and  that  for  a  point  of 
chronology  only,  to  determine  how  many 
years  had  passed  from  the  days  of  Moses 
to  the  days  of  Josephus,  so  that  his 
silence    may  almost   as   well  be    alleged 


464 


DISSERTATION   II. 


against  a  hundred  other  remarkable  pas- 
seges  in  Josephus's  works  as  against  these 
before  us. 

XII.  Nor  does  the  like  silence  of 
Tertullian  imply  that  these  testimonies,  or 
any  of  them,  were  not  in  the  copies  of 
his  age.  Tertullian  never  once  hints  at 
any  treatises  of  Josephus's  but  those 
against  Apion,  and  that  in  general  only 
for  a  point  of  chronology  :  nor  does  it 
any  way  appear  that  Tertullian  ever  saw 
any  of  Josephus's  writings  besides,  and 
far  from  being  certain  that  he  saw  even 
those.  He  had  particular  occasion  in  his 
dispute  against  the  Jews  to  quote  Jose- 
phus,  above  any  other  writer,  to  prove  the 
completion  of  the  prophecies  of  the  Old 


Testament  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusa- 
lem, and  miseries  of  the  Jews  at  that 
time,  of  which  he  there  discourses,  yet 
does  he  never  once  quote  him  upon  that 
solemn  occasion  ;  so  that  it  seems  to  me, 
that  Tertullian  never  read  either  the 
Greek  Antiquities  of  Josephus,  or  his 
Greek  books  of  the  Jewish  wars;  nor  is 
this  at  all  strange  in  Tertullian,  a  Latin 
writer,  that  lived  in  Africa,  by  none  of 
which  African  writers  is  there  any  one 
clause,  theft  I  know  of,  cited  out  of  any  of 
Josephus's  writings :  nor  is  it  worth  my 
while,  in  such  numbers  of  positive  cita- 
tions of  these  clauses,  to  mention  the 
silence  of  other  later  writers,  as  being 
here  of  very  small  consequence. 


DISSERTATION    II. 


CONCERNING  GOD'S  COMMAND   TO  ABRAHAM   TO  OFFER  UP  ISAAC  HIS 

SON  FOR  A  SACRIFICE. 


Since  this  command  of  God  to  Abra- 
ham* has  of  late  been  greatly  mistaken 
by  some,  who  venture  to  reason  about 
very  ancient  facts  from  very  modern  no- 
tions, and  this  without  a  due  regard  to 
either  the  customs,  or  opinions,  or  circum- 
stances of  the  times  whereto  those  facts 
belong,  or  indeed  to  the  true  reasons  of 
the  facts  themselves ;  since  the  mistakes 
about  those  customs,  opinions,  circum- 
stances, and  reasons  have  of  late  so  far 
prevailed,  that  the  very  same  action  of 
Abraham's,  which  was  so  celebrated  by 
St.  Paul,f  St.  James,J  the  author  to  the 
Hebrews, §  Philo,|j  and  Josephus, ^[  in  the 
first  century,  and  by  innumerable  others 
since,  as  an  uncommon  instance  of  signal 
virtue,  of  heroic  faith  in  God,  and  piety 
toward  him ;  nay,  is  in  the  sacred  his- 
tory** highly  commended  by  the  divine 
angel  of tfie  covenant,  in  the  name  of  God 
himself,  and  promised  to  be  plentifully 
rewarded  ;  since  this  command,  I  say,  is 
now  at  last  in  the  eighteenth  century  be- 
come a  stone  of  stumbling,  and  a  rock  of 
offence  among  us,  and  that  sometimes  to 
persons  of  otherwise  good  sense,  and  of  a 
religious  disposition  of  mind  also,  I  shall 

'    Gen.  xxii.  f  Rom.  iv.  16-25.  v 

%  James  ii.  21-32.  \  Ileb.  xi.  17-19. 

||  Phil,  de  Gygant.  p.  294.  f  Jos.  Ant  b.  i.  c.  xiii. 
**  Gen.  xxii.  15-18. 


endeavour  to  set  this  matter  in  its  true, 
i.  e.,  in  its  ancient  and  original  light,  for 
the  satisfaction  of  the  inquisitive.  In 
order  whereto  we  are  to  consider, 

1.  That,  till  this  very  profane  age,  it 
has  been,  I  think,  universally  allowed  by 
all  sober  persons,  who  owned  themselves 
the  creatures  of  God,  that  the  Creator 
has  a  just  right  over  all  his  rational  crea- 
tures, to  protract  their  lives  to  what 
length  he  pleases;  to  cut  them  off  when 
and  by  what  instruments  he  pleases;  to 
afflict  them  with  what  sickness  he  pleases, 
and  to  remove  them  from  one  state  or 
place  in  this  his  great  palace  of  the  uni- 
verse to  another  as  he  pleases ;  and  that 
all  those  rational  creatures  are  bound  in 
duty  and  interest  to  acquiesce  under  the 
divine  disposal,  and  to  resign  themselves 
up  to  the  good  providence  of  God  in  all 
such  his  dispensations  toward  them.  I 
do  not  mean  to  intimate  that  God  may, 
or  ever  does  act  in  these  cases,  after  a 
mere  arbitrary  manner,  or  without  suffi- 
cient reason,  believing,  according  to  the 
whole  tenor  of  natural  and  revealed  re- 
ligion, that  he  hatcth  nothing  that  he  hath 
made;*  that  whatsoever  he  does,  how 
melancholy  soever  it  may  appear  at  first 
sight  to  us,  is  really  intended  for  the  good 

*  Wisd.  xi.  24. 


DISSERTATION    II. 


4G5 


of  bis  creatures,  and  at  the  upshot  of 
things  will  fully  appear  so  to  be ;  but 
that  still  he  is  not  obliged,  nor  does  in 
general  give  his  creatures  an  account  of 
the  particular  reasons  of  such  his  dispen- 
sations toward  them  immediately,  but 
usually  tries  and  exercises  their  faith  and 
patience,  their  resignation  and  obedience, 
in  their  present  state  of  probation,  and 
reserves  those  reasons  to  the  last  day,  the 
day  of  the  revelation  of  the  righteous  judg- 
ment of  God.* 

2.  That  the  entire  histories  of  the  past 
ages,  from  the  days  of  Adam  till  now, 
show,  that  Almighty  God  has  ever  exer- 
cised his  power  over  mankind,  and  that 
without  giving  them  an  immediate  account 
of  the  reasons  of  such  his  conduct ;  and 
that  withal  the  best  and  wisest  men  in  all 
ages,  heathens  as  well  as  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians, Marcus  Antoninus  as  well  as  the 
patriarch  Abraham  and  St.  Paul,  have 
ever  humbly  submitted  themselves  to  this 
conduct  of  divine  providence,  and  always 
confessed  that  they  were  obliged  to  the 
undeserved  goodness  and  mercy  of  God 
for  every  enjoyment,  but  could  not  de- 
mand any  of  them  of  his  justice,  no,  not 
so  much  as  the  continuance  of  that  life 
whereto  those  enjoyments  do  appertain. 
When  God  was  pleased  to  sweep  the 
wicked  race  of  men  away  by  a  flood,  the 
young  innocent  infants  as  well  as  the 
guilty  old  sinners;  when  he  was  pleased 
to  shorten  the  lives  of  men  after  the  flood, 
and  still  downward  till  the  days  of  David 
and  Solomon ;  when  he  was  pleased  to 
destroy  impure  Sodom  and  Gomorrah  by 
fire  aud  brimstone  from  heaven,  and  to 
extirpate  the  main  body  of  the  Amorites 
out  of  the  land  of  Cauaan,  as  soon  as  their 
iniquities  icere  futt,^  and  in  these  instances 
included  the  young  innocent  infants,  to- 
gether with  the  old  hardened  sinners; 
when  God  was  pleased  to  send  an  angel, 
and  by  him  to  destroy  185,000  Assyrians 
(the  number  attested  to  by  Berosus  the 
Chaldean,  as  well  as  by  our  own  Bibles,) 
in  the  days  of  Hezekhth,  most  of  which 
seem  to  have  had  no  other  peculiar  guilt 
upon  them  than  that  common  to  soldiers 
in  war,  of  obeying,  without  reserve,  their 
king  Sennacherib,  his  generals  and  cap- 
tains :  and  when  at  the  plague  of  Athens, 
London,  or  Marseilles,  &c,  so  many  thou- 
sand righteous  men  and  women,  with 
innocent   babes,   were  swept  away   on  a 


*  Horn.  ii.   5. 

Vol.  II.— 80 


f  Gen. 


16. 


sudden  by  a  fatal  contagion,  I  do  not  re- 
member that  sober  men  have  complained 
that  God  dealt  unjustly  with  such  his 
creatures,  in  those  to  us  seemingly  severe 
dispensations  :  nor  are  we  certain  when 
any  such  seemingly  severe  dispensations 
are  really  such,  nor  do  we  know  but 
shortening  the  lives  of  men  may  some- 
times be  the  greatest  blessing  to  them,  and 
prevent  or  put  a  stop  to  those  courses  of 
gross  wickedness  which  might  bring  them 
to  greater  misery  in  the  world  to  come  : 
nor  is  it  indeed  fit  for  such  poor,  weak, 
and  ignorant  creatures  as  we  are,  in  the 
present  state,  to  call  our  Almighty,  and 
All-wise,  and  All-good  Creator  and  Bene- 
factor, to  an  account  upon  any  such  occa- 
sions ;  since  we  cannot  but  acknowledge, 
that  it  is  he  that  hath  made  us,  and  not 
ice  ourselves;*  that  we  are  nothing,  and 
have  nothing  of  ourselves  independent  on 
him,  but  that  all  we  are,  all  we  have,  and 
all  we  hope  for,  is  derived  from  him,  from 
his  free  and  undeserved  bounty,  which, 
therefore,  he  may  justly  take  from  us  in 
what  way  soever,  and  whensoever  he 
pleases ;  all  wise  and  good  men  still  say- 
ing in  such  cases  with  the  pious  Psalmist, 
xxxix.  9,  "  I  was  dumb,  I  opened  not  my 
mouth,  because  thou  didst  it ;"  and  with 
patient  Job  i.  21,  ii.  10,  "Shall  we  re- 
ceive good  at  the  hand  of  God,  and  shall 
we  not  receive  evil  ?  The  Lord  gave,  and 
the  Lord  hath  taken  away,  blessed  be  the 
name  of  the  Lord."  If,  therefore,  this 
shortening  or  taking  away  the  lives  of  men 
be  no  objection  against  any  divine  com- 
mand for  that  purpose,  it  is  full  as  strong 
against  the  present  system  of  the  world, 
against  the  conduct  of  divine  providence 
in  general,  and  against  natural  religion, 
which  is  founded  on  the  justice  of  that 
providence,  and  is  noway  peculiar  to  re- 
vealed religion,  or  to  the  fact  of  Abraham, 
now  before  us :  nor  is  this  case  much 
different  from  what  was  soon  after  the 
days  of  Abraham  thoroughly  settled,  after 
Job's  and  his  friend's  debates,  by  the  in- 
spiration of  Alihu,  and  the  determination 
of  God  himself,  where  the  divine  pro- 
vidence was  at  length  thoroughly  cleared 
and  justified  before  all  the  world,  as  it 
will  be,  no  question,  more  generally  cleared 
and  justified  at  the  final  judgment. 

3.  That,  till  this  profane  age,  it  has 
also,  I  think,  been  universally  allowed  by 
all  sober  men,  that  a  command  of  God, 


*  Ps.  c.  3. 


466 


DISSERTATION  II. 


when  sufficiently  made  known  to  be  so,  is 
abundant  authority  for  the  taking  away 
the  life  of  any  person  whomsoever.  1 
doubt  both  ancient  and  modern  princes, 
generals  of  armies,  and  judges,  even  those 
of  the  best  reputation  also,  have  ventured 
to  take  many  men's  lives  away  upon  much 
less  authority  :  nor,  indeed,  do  the  most 
skeptical  of  the  moderns  care  to  deny 
this  authority  directly ;  they  rather  take 
a  method  of  objecting  somewhat  more 
plausible,  though  it  amount  to  much  the 
same  :  they  say,  that  the  apparent  disa- 
greement of  any  command  to  the  mora) 
attributes  of  God,  such  as  this  of  the 
slaughter  of  an  only  child  seems  plainly  to 
be,  will  be  a  greater  evidence  that  such  a 
command  does  not  come  from  God,  than 
any  pretended  revelation  can  be  that  it 
does.  But  as  to  this  matter,  although 
divine  revelations  have  so  long  ceased, 
that  we  are  not  well  acquainted  with  the 
manner  of  conveying  such  revelations  with 
certainty  to  men,  and  by  consequence  the 
apparent  disagreement  of  a  command  with 
the  moral  attributes  of  God  ought  at 
present,  generally,  if  not  constantly,  to 
deter  men  from  acting  upon  such  a  pre- 
tended revelation,  yet  was  there  no  such 
uncertainty  in  the  days  of  the  old  pro- 
phets of  God,  or  of  Abraham,  the  friend 
of  God*  who  are  ever  found  to  have  had 
an  entire  certainty  of  those  their  revela- 
tions :  and  what  evidently  shows  they 
were  not  deceived  is  this,  that  the  events 
and  consequences  of  things  afterward  al- 
ways corresponded,  and  secured  them  of 
the  truth  of  such  divine  revelations. 
Thus,  the  first  miraculous  voice  from 
heaven, "j"  calling  to  Abraham  not  to  exe- 
cute this  com  maud,  and  the  performance 
of  these  eminent  promises  made  by  the 
second  voiee,|  on  account  of  his  obedience 
to  that  command,  are  demonstrations  that 
Abraham's  commission  for  what  he  did 
was  truly  divine,  and  are  an  entire  justifi- 
cation of  his  conduct  in  this  matter.  The 
words  of  the  first  voice  from  heaven  will 
come  hereafter  to  be  set  down  in  a  fitter 
place,  but  the  glorious  promises  made  to 
Abraham's  obedience  by  the  second  voice 
•nust  here  be  produced  from  verses  15, 16, 
17,  18.  "And  the  angel  of  the  Lord 
called  unto  Abraham  out  of  heaven  the 
second  time,  and  said,  By  myself  have  I 
sworn,  saith  the  Lord,  for  because  thou 


*  Isa.  xli.  8. 


f  Gen.  xxii.  11,  12. 
X  Gen.  xxii.  17,  18. 


hast  done  this  thing,  and  hast  not  with- 
held thy  son,  thine  ouly  son.  from  me, 
that  in  blessing  I  will  bless  thee,  and  in 
multiplying  I  will  multiply  thy  seed  aa 
the  stars  of  heaven,  and  as  the  sand  which 
is  upon  the  seashore ;  and  thy  seed  shall 
possess  the  gate  of  his  enemies  :  and  in 
thy  seed  shall  all  the  nations  of  the  earth 
be  blessed,  because  thou  hast  obeyed  my 
voice."  Every  one  of  which  promises 
have  been  eminently  fulfilled ;  and,  what 
is  chiefly  remarkable,  the  last  and  princi- 
pal of  them,  that  in  Abraham's  seed  all 
the  nations  of  the  earth  should  be  blessed, 
was  never  promised  till  this  time.  It  had 
been  twice  promised  him,  chap.  xii.  ver. 
3,  and  xviii.  18,  that  in  himself  should  all 
the  families  of  the  earth  be  blessed  ;  but 
that  this  blessing  was  to  belong  to  future 
times,  and  to  be  bestowed  by  the  means  of 
one  of  his  late  posterity,  the  Messias,  that 
great  seed  and  son  of  Abraham  only,  was 
never  revealed  before,  but,  on  such  an 
amazing  instance  of  his  faith  and  obe- 
dience as  was  this  his  readiness  to  offer  up 
his  only  begotten  son  Isaac,  was  now  first 
promised,  and  has  been  long  ago  per- 
formed, in  the  birth  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
the  son  of  David,  the  son  of  Abraham,* 
which  highly  deserves  our  observation  in 
this  place :  nor  can  we  suppose  that  any 
thing  else  than  clear  conviction  that  this 
command  came  from  God,  could  induce 
so  good  a  man,  so  tender  a  father  as 
Abraham  was,  to  sacrifice  his  only  be- 
loved son,  and  to  lose  thereby  all  the 
comfort  he  received  from  him  at  present, 
and  all  the  expectation  he  had  of  a  nu- 
merous and  happy  posterity  from  him 
hereafter. 

4.  That,  long  before  the  days  of  Abra- 
ham, the  demons  or  heathen  gods  had 
required  and  received  human  sacrifices, 
and  particularly  that  of  the  offerer's  own 
children,  and  this  both  before  and  after 
the  deluge.  This  practice  had  been  in- 
deed so  long  left  off  in  Egypt,  and  the 
custom  of  sacrificing  animals  there  was 
confined  to  so  few  kinds  in  the  days  of 
Herodotus,  that  he  would  not  believe 
they  had  ever  offered  human  sacrifices  at 
all,  for  he  says  :f  "  That  the  fable,  as  if 
Hercules  was  sacrificed  to  Jupiter  in 
Egypt,  was  feigned  by  the  Greeks,  who 
were  entirely  unacquainted  with  the  nature 
of  the  Egyptians  and  their  laws;  for  how 
should  they  sacrifice  men,  with  whom  it 


*  Matt.  i.  1. 


f  Ap.  Marsh.  Chron.  p.  303. 


DISSERTATION   II. 


4G7 


is  unlawful  to  sacrifice  any  brute  beast? 
(boars,  and  bulls,  and  pure  calves,  and 
ganders,  only  excepted.")  However,  it 
is  evident  from  Sanchoniatho,  Manetho, 
Pausanias,  Diodorus  Siculus,  Philo,  Plu- 
tarch, and  Porphyry,  that  such  sacrifices 
were  frequent  both  in  Phoenicia  and 
Egypt,  and  that  long  before  the  days  of 
Abraham,  as  Sir  John  Marshani  and 
Bishop  Cumberland  have  fully  proved ; 
tfay,  that  in  other  places  (though  not  in 
Egypt)  this  cruel  practice  contiuued  long 
after  Abraham,  and  this  till  the  very 
third,  if  not  also  to  the  fifth  century  of 
Christianity,  before  it  was  quite  abolished. 
Take  the  words  of  the  original  authors  in 
English,  as  most  of  them  occur  in  their 
originals,  in  Sir  John  Marsham's  Chroni- 
cou,  p.  70-78,  300-30t. 

"  *  Cronus  offered  up  his  only  begotten 
son,  as  a  burnt-offering,  to  his  father 
Ouranus,  when  there  was  a  famine  and  a 
pestilence." 

"  -j-  Cronus,  whom  the  Phoenicians 
name  Israel  [it  should  be  77],  and  who 
was  after  his  death  consecrated  into  the 
star  Saturn,  when  he  was  king  of  the 
country,  and  had  by  a  nymph  of  that 
country,  named  Anobret,  an  only  begotten 
son,  whom,  on  that  account,  they  called 
Jeud,  (the  Phoenicians  to  this  day  calling 
an  only  begotten  son  by  that  name,)  he, 
in  his  dread  of  very  great  dangers  that 
lay  upon  the  country  from  war,  adorned 
his  son  with  royal  apparel,  and  built  an 
altar,  and  offered  him  in  sacrifice." 

u|  The  Phoenicians,  when  they  were 
in  great  dangers  by  war,  by  famine,  or 
by  pestilence,  sacrificed  to  Saturn  one 
of  the  dearest  of  their  people,  whom  they 
chose  by  public  suffrage  for  that  purpose  : 
and  Sauchoniatho's  Phoenician  history  is 
full  of  such  sacrifices."  [These  hitherto 
1  take  to  have  been  before  the  flood.] 

"  §  In  Arabia,  the  Dumatii  sacrificed  a 
child  every  year." 

"||  They  relate,  that  of  old  the  [Egyp- 
tian] kings  sacrificed  such  men  as  were 
of  the  same  colour  with  Typho,  at  the 
sepulchre  of  Osiris." 

"  ^[  Manetho  relates,  that  they  burnt 
Typhonean  men  alive  in  the  city  Idithyia 
[or  llithyia],  and  scattered  their  ashes 
like  chaff  that  is  winnowed;  and  this  was 


•  Philo.  Bib.  ex.  Sanchon.  p.  76. 

f  Philo.  Bib.  ex.  Sanchon.  p.  77. 

f  Porphyry,  p.  78.  §  Porphyry,  p.  77. 

|j  Diod.  p.  78.  \  Plutarch,  p.  78. 


done  publicly,  and  at  a  set  season,  in  the 
dog-days." 

"  *  The  barbarous  nations  did  a  long 
time  admit  of  the  slaughter  of  children, 
as  of  a  holy  practice,  and  acceptable  to 
the  gods.  And  this  thing  both  private 
persons,  and  kings,  aud  entire  nations 
practise  at  proper  seasons." 

"  f  The  human  sacrifices,  that  were 
enjoined  by  the  Dodonean  oracle,  men- 
tioned in  Pausanias's  Achaics,  iu  the 
tragical  story  of  Coresus  aud  Callirrhoe, 
sufficiently  intimate  that  the  Phoenician 
and  Egyptian  priests  had  set  up  this  Do- 
donean oracle  before  the  time  of  Amosis, 
who  destroyed  that  barbarous  practice  in 
Egypt" 

Isque  adytie  h<ec  tristia  dicta  reportat, 

Sanguine placastis  ventos,  it  oirgine  ccesa, 
Cum  primum  Uiacus  Danai  venittis  ad  oras ; 
Sanguine  quaerendi  redituu,  animaque  litandum 
Argolica.% 

He  from  the  gods  this  dreadful  answer  brought, 

0  Grecians,  when  the  Trojan  shores  you  sought, 
Your  passage  with  a  virgin's  bloo  1  was  bought; 
So  must  j'our  safe  return  be  bought  again, 
And  Grecian  blood  once  more  atone  the  main. 

DsYDBK. 

These  bloody  sacrifices  were,  for  certain, 
instances  of  the  greatest  degree  of  im- 
piety, tyranny,  and  cruelty  in  the  world, 
that  either  wicked  demons,  or  wicked 
men,  who  neither  made  nor  preserved 
mankind,  who  had  therefore  no  right  over 
them,  nor  were  they  able  to  make  them 
amends  in  the  next  world  for  what  they 
thus  lost  or  suffered  iu  this,  should,  after 
so  inhuman  a  manner,  command  the 
taking  away  the  lives  of  men,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  offerer's  own  children, 
without  the  commission  of  any  crime. 
This  was,  I  think,  an  abomination  derived 
from  him  who  was  a  murderer  from  ihe 
beginning  ;§  a  crime  truly  aud  properly 
diabolical. 

5.  That,  accordingly,  Almighty  God 
himself,  under  the  Jewish  dispensation, 
vehemently  condemned  the  pagans,  and 
sometimes  the  Jews  themselves,  for  this 
crime  ;  and  for  this,  among  other  heinous 
sins,  cast  the  idolatrous  nations  (nay, 
sometimes  the  Jews  too)  out  of  Pales- 
tine. Take  the  principal  texts  thereto  re- 
lating, as  they  lie  in  order  in  the  Old 
Testament. 

"||  Thou  shalt  not  let  any  of  thy  seed 
pass  through  the  fire  to  Molech. — Defile 


*  Xonnulli  ap.  Philon.  p.  76. 
f  Cumbcrl.  Sanchon.  p.  38. 
X  Virg.  iEneid.  b.  ii.  ver.  115. 


j!  Johu  viii.  44. 


Lev.  xviii.  21. 


468 


DISSERTATION   II. 


not  yourselves  in  any  of  these  things,  for 
in  all  these  the  nations  are  defiled,  which 
I  cast  out  before  you,"  &c. 

"  *  Whosoever  he  be  of  the  children  of 
Israel,  or  of  the  strangers  that  sojourn  in 
Israel,  that  giveth  any  of  his  seed  unto 
Molech,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death  : 
the  people  of  the  land  shall  stone  him 
with  stones." 

"  -j-Take  heed  to  thyself,  that  thou  be 
not  snared  by  following  the  nations,  after 
that  they  be  destroyed  from  before  thee  ; 
and  that  thou  inquire  not  after  their 
gods,  saying,  How  did  these  nations  serve 
their  gods  ?  even  so  will  I  do  likewise. 
Thou  shalt  not  do  so  unto  the  Lord  thy 
God  ;  for  every  abomination  of  the  Lord, 
which  he  hateth,  have  they  done  unto 
their  gods :  for  even  their  sons  and  their 
daughters  have  they  burnt  in  the  fire 
to  their  gods."  See  chap,  xviii.  9 ;  2 
Kings  xvii.  17. 

"  |  And  Ahaz  made  his  son  to  pass 
through  the  fire,  according  to  the  abo- 
minations of  the  heathen,  whom  the  Lord 
cast  out  before  the  children  of  Israel." 

"  §  Moreover,  Ahaz  burnt  incense  in 
the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hinnom,  and 
burnt  his  children  [his  son,  in  Josephus] 
in  the  fire,  after  the  abominations  of  the 
heathen,  whom  the  Lord  had  cast  out 
before  the  children  of  Israel." 

"  ||  And  the  Sepharvites  burnt  their 
children  in  the  fire  to  Adrammelech  and 
Anammelech,  the  gods  of  Sepharvaim, 
&c." 

"^[  And  Josiah  defiled  Topheth,  which 
is  in  the  valley  of  the  children  of  Hin- 
nom, that  no  one  might  make  his  son  or 
his  daughter  to  pass  through  the  fire  unto 
Molech." 

it  **  Yea,  they  sacrificed  their  sons  and 
their  daughters  unto  demons ;  and  shed 
innocent  blood,  the  blood  of  their  sons 
and  of  their  daughters,  whom  they  sa- 
crificed unto  the  idols  of  Canaan,  and 
the  land  was  polluted  with  blood."  See 
Isa.  lvii.  5. 

u  -j~j-  fpijg  children  of  Judah  hath  done 
evil  in  my  sight,  saith  the  Lord;  they 
have  set  their  abomination  in  the  house 
which  is  called  by  my  name,  to  pollute 
it :  and  they  have  built  the  high  places 
of  Tophet,  which  is  in  the  valley  of  the 
Bon  of  Hinnom,  to  burn  their  sous  and 


*  Lev.  xx.  2. 
J  2  Kings  xvi.  3. 
jl  2  Kings  xvii.  31. 
**  Ps.  cvi.  37,  33. 


t  Dcut.  xii.30,  31. 
§  2  Chron.  xxvii.  3. 
f  2  Kings  xxii.  10. 
•ft  Jer.  vii.  30-32. 


their  daughters  in  the  fire,  which  I  com- 
manded them  not,  nor  came  it  into  my 
heart." 

"♦Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts,  the 
God  of  Israel,  Behold,  I  will  bring  evil 
upon  this  place,  the  which  whosoever 
heareth,  his  ears  shall  tingle,  because  they 
have  forsaken  me,  and  have  estranged 
this  place,  and  have  burnt  incense  unto 
other  gods,  whom  neither  they  nor  their 
fathers  have  known,  nor  the  kings  of 
Judah,  and  have  filled  this  place  with  the 
blood  of  innocents.  They  have  built  also 
the  high  places  of  Baal,  to  burn  their  sons 
with  fire  for  burnt-offerings  unto  Baal, 
which  I  commanded  not,  nor  spake  it, 
neither  came  it  into  my  mind,"  &c. 

"  f  They  built  the  high  places  of  Baal, 
which  are  in  the  valley  of  the  son  of  Hin- 
nom, to  cause  their  sons  and  their  daugh- 
ters to  pass  through  the  fire  unto  Molech, 
which  I  commanded  them  not,  neither 
came  it  into  my  mind  that  they  should 
do  this  abomination  to  cause  Judah  to 
sin." 

"  |  Moreover,  thou  hast  taken  thy  sons 
and  thy  daughters,  whom  thou  hast  borne 
unto  me,  and  these  hast  thou  sacrificed 
unto  them  to  be  devoured.  Is  this  of  thy 
whoredoms  a  small  matter,  that  thou  hast 
slain  my  children,  and  delivered  them  to 
cause  them  to  pass  through  the  fire  for 
them  ?"   See  chap,  xx.;  1  Cor.  x.  20. 

"  §  Thou  hatest  the  old  inhabitants  of 
thy  holy  laud,  for  doing  most  odious 
works  of  witchcraft,  and  wicked  sacrifices; 
and  also  those  merciless  murderers  of 
children,  and  devourers  of  man's  flesh, 
and  feasts  of  blood,  with  their  priests,  out 
of  the  midst  of  their  idolatrous  crew,  and 
the  parents  that  killed  with  their  own 
hands  souls  destitute  of  help." 

6.  That  Almighty  God  never  permitted, 
in  any  one  instance,  that  such  a  human 
sacrifice  should  actually  be  offered  to  him- 
self, (though  he  had  a  right  to  have  re- 
quired it,  if  he  had  so  pleased,)  under  the 
whole  Jewish  dispensation,  which  yet  was 
full  of  many  other  kinds  of  sacrifices,  and 
this  at  a  time  when  mankind  generally 
thought  such  sacrifices  of  the  greatest  vir- 
tue for  the  procuring  pardon  of  sin,  and 
the  divine  favour.  This  the  ancient  re- 
cords of  the  heathen  world  attest.  Take 
their  notion  in  the  words  of  Philo  Byblius, 
the   translator    of   Sanchoniatho.       "  ||  It 


*  Jer.  xix.  8-5.  f  Jer.  xxxii.  35. 

X  Ezek.  xvi.  20,  21.  \  Wisd.  xii.  4-6. 

||  Ap.  Marsh,  p.  76,  77. 


DISSERTATION  II. 


469 


was  the  custom  of  the  ancients,  in  the 
greatest  calamities  and  dangers,  for  the 
governors  of  the  city  or  nation,  in  order 
to  avert  the  destruction  of  all,  to  devote 
their  beloved  son  to  be  slain,  as  a  price  of 
redemption  to  the  punishing  [or  avenging] 
demons;  and  those  so  devoted  were  killed 
after  a  mystical  manner."  This  the  his- 
tory of  the  king  of  Moab,*  when  he  was 
in  great  distress  in  his  war  against  Israel 
and  Judah,  informs  us  of;  who  then  took 
his  eldest  son,  that  should  have  reigned  in 
his  stead,  and  offered  him  for  a  burnt- 
offering  upon  the  city  irnll.  This  also  the 
Jewish  prophet  Micah-}"  implies,  when  he 
inquires,  "  Wherewith  shall  I  come  before 
the  Lord,  and  bow  myself  before  the  High 
God  ?  Shall  I  come  before  him  with 
burnt-offerings,  with  calves  of  a  year  old  ? 
Will  the  Lord  be  pleased  with  thousands 
of  rams,  with  ten  thousands  of  fat  kids  of 
the  goats  ?  Shall  I  give  my  firstborn  for 
my  transgression,  the  fruit  of  my  body 
for  the  sin  of  my  soul  V  No,  certainly, 
"for  he  hath  showed  thee,  0  man,  what  is 
good  ;  and  what  doth  the  Lord  require  of 
thee,  but  to  do  justly,  and  to  love  mercy, 
and  to  humble  thyself,  to  walk  with  thy 
God  ?" 

It  is  true,  God  did  here  try  the  faith  and 
obedience  of  Abraham  to  himself,  whether 
they  were  as  strong  as  the  pagans  ex- 
hibited to  their  demons  or  idols  ;  yet  did 
he  withal  take  effectual  care,  and  that  by 
a  miraculous  interposition  also,  to  prevent 
the  execution,  and  provided  himself  a 
ram  as  a  vicarious  substitute,  to  supply 
the  place  of  Isaac  immediately.  |  "And 
the  angel  of  the  Lord  called  unto  Abra- 
ham, and  said,  Abraham,  Abraham  ;  and 
he  said,  Here  am  I;  and  he  said,  Lay  not 
thine  hand  upon  the  lad,  neither  do  thou 
any  thing  unto  him  ;  for  now  I  know  that 
thou  fearest  God,  seeing  thou  hast  not 
withheld  thy  son,  thine  only  son,  from  me. 
And  Abraham  lifted  up  his  eyes  and 
looked,  and  behold  a  ram  caught  in  a 
thicket  by  his  horns;  and  Abraham  went 
and  took  the  ram,  and  offered  him  up  for 
a  burnt-offering  in  the  stead  of  his  son." 
Thus  though  Jeptha§  has  by  many  been 
thought  to  have  vowed  to  offer  up  hisonly 
daughter  and  child  for  a  sacrifice,  and  that 
as  bound  on  him,  upon  supposition  of  his 
vow.  by  a  divine  law,  Lev.  xxvii.  28,  29, 
of  which  opinion  I  was  once  myself;  yet 


*  2  Kings  iii.  27. 
J  Gen.  xxii.  11-13. 


f  Micah  vi.  6-8. 
§  Judg.  xi.  36-39. 


upon  more  mature  consideration  I  have, 
for  some  time,  thought  this  to  be  a  mis- 
take, and  that  his  vow  extended  only  to 
her  being  devoted  to  serve  God  at  the  ta- 
bernacle, or  elsewhere,  in  a  state  of  per- 
petual virginity;  and  that  neither  that 
law  did  enjoin  any  human  sacrifices,  nor 
do  we  meet  with  any  example  of  its  exe- 
cution in  this  sense  afterward.  Philo 
never  mentions  any  such  law,  no  more 
than  Josephus :  and  when  Josephus 
thought  that  Jeptha  had  made  such  a 
vow  and  executed  it,  he  is  so  far  from 
hinting  at  its  being  done  in  compliance 
with  any  law  of  God,  that  he  expressly 
condemns  him  for  it,  as  having  acted  con- 
trary thereto;  or,  in  his  own  words,  "  *as 
having  offered  an  oblation  neither  con- 
formable to  the  law,  nor  acceptable  to 
God,  nor  weighing  with  himself  what 
opinion  the  hearers  would  have  of  such  a 
practice." 

7.  That  Isaac  being  at  this  time,  ac- 
cording to  Josephus, f  who  is  herein  justly 
followed  by  Archbishop  Usher,J  no  less 
than  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  Abraham 
being,  by  consequence,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-five,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that 
Abraham  could  bind  Isaac,  in  order  to 
offer  him  in  sacrifice,  but  by  his  own  free 
consent ;  which  free  consent  of  the  party 
who  is  to  suffer  seems  absolutely  neces- 
sary in  all  such  cases;  and  which  free 
consent  St.  Clement,  as  well  as  Josephus, 
distinctly  takes  notice  of  on  this  occasion. 
St.  Clement  describes  it  thus: — §"  Isaac, 
being  fully  persuaded  of  what  he  knew 
was  to  come,  cheerfully  yielded  himself  up 
for  a  sacrifice."  And  for  Josephus, || 
after  introducing  Abraham  in  a  pathetic 
speech,  laying  before  Isaac  the  diviue 
command,  and  exhorting  him  patiently  and 
joyfully  to  submit  to  it,  he  tells  us,  that 
"Isaac  very  cheerfully  consented;"  and 
then  introduces  him,  in  a  short  but  very 
pious  answer,  acquiescing  in  the  proposal; 
and  adds,  that  "  he  then  immediately  and 
and  readily  went  to  the  altar  to  be  sacri- 
ficed." Nordid  Jeptha^"  perform  his  rash 
vow,  whatever  it  were,  till  his  daughter  had 
given  her  consent  to  it. 

8.  It  appears  to  me  that  Abraham  never 
despaired  entirely  of  the  interposition  of 
Providence  for  the  preservation  of  Isaac, 
although  in  obedience  to  the  command  ho 
prepared  to  sacrifice   him  to  God.     This 


*  Antiq.b.  v.  c.vii.  t  Antiq.  b.  i.  0.  xiii. 

t  Ush.  An.  ad  A.  M.  21.         £  Stem,  sect.  31. 
f  Antiq.  b.  i.  c.  xiii.  %  Judg.xi.  36,  37. 


470 


DISSERTATION  II. 


seems  tome  intimated  in  Abraham's  words 
to  bis  servants,  on  tbe  third  day,  when  he 
was  in  sight  of  the  mountain  on  which  he 
was  to  offer  his  son  Isaac  :  *  "  We  will  go 
and  worship,  and  we  will  come  again  to 
you."  As  also  in  his  answer  to  his  son, 
when  he  inquired,  "  Behold  the  fire  and 
tbe  wood,  but  wbere  is  the  lamb  for  a 
burnt-offering?  And  Abraham  said,  My 
son,  God  will  provide  himself  a  lamb  for 
a  burnt-offering."  Both  these  passages 
look  to  me  somewhat  like  such  an  expec- 
tation. 

9.  However,  it  appears  most  evident, 
that  Abraham,  and  I  suppose  Isaac  also, 
firmly  believed,  that  if  God  should  permit 
Isaac  to  be  actually  slain  as  a  sacrifice,  he 
would  certainly  and  speedily  raise  him 
again  from  the  dead.  This,  to  be  sure,  is 
supposed  in  the  words  already  quoted,  that 
both  he  and  his  son  would  go  and  worship, 
and  come  again  to  the  servants;  and  is 
clearly  and  justly  collected  from  this  his- 
tory by  the  author  to  the  Hebrews,  chap, 
xi.  17-19  :  "  By  faith  Abraham  when  he 
was  tried  offered  up  Isaac :  and  he  that 
had  received  the  promises  offered  up  his 
only  begotten,  of  whom  it  was  said,  that 
in  Isaac  shall  thy  seed  be  called,  account- 
ing or  reasoning  that  God  was  able  to  raise 
him  from  the  dead."  And  this  reasoning 
was  at  once  very  obvious,  and  wholly  un- 
deniable, that  since  God  was  truth  itself, 
and  had  over  and  over  promised  that  be 
wouldf  "  multiply  Abraham  exceedingly ; 
that  he  should  be  a  father  of  many  nations ; 
that  his  name  should  be  no  longer  Abram, 
but  Abraham,  because  a  father  of  many 
nations  God  had  made  him,  &c. ;  that 
Sarai  his  wife  should  be  called  Sarah,  that 
he  would  bless  her,  and  give  Abraham  a 
son  also  of  her;  and  that  he  would  bless 
him ;  and  she  should  become  nations,  and 
kings  of  people  should  be  of  her,"  &c, 
and  that  | "  in  Isaac  should  his  seed  be 
called."  And  since  withal  it  is  here  sup- 
posed that  Isaac  was  to  be  slain  as  a  sa- 
crifice, before  he  was  married,  or  had  any 
seed,  God  was,  for  certain,  obliged  by  his 
promises,  in  these  circumstances,  to  raise 
Isaac  again  from  the  dead,  and  this  was 
an  eminent  instance  of  that  fa  ith  whereby 
§  A  braham  believed  God,  and  it  was  im- 
puted to  him  for  righteousness,  viz.  that 
if  God  should  permit  Isaac  to  be  sacri- 
ficed, he  would  certainly  and  quickly  raise 


*  Gen.  xxii.  5,  7. 
%  Gen.  xxi.  12. 


f  Gen.  xvii.  2-C,  16. 
\  Gen.  xv.  6. 


him  up  again  from  the  dead,*  from  whence 
also  he  received  him  in  a  figure,  as  the  au- 
thor to  the  Hebrews  here  justly  observes. 

10.  That  the  firm  and  just  foundation 
of  Abraham's  faith  and  assurance  in  God 
for  such  a  resurrection  was  this,  besides 
the  general  consideration  of  the  divine  ve- 
racity, that  during  the  whole  time  of  his 
sojourning  in  strange  countries,  in  Ca- 
naan and  Egypt,  ever  since  he  had  been 
called  out  of  Chaldea  or  Mesopotamia,  at 
seventy-five  years  of  age,^  he  had  had 
constant  experience  of  a  special,  of  an 
overruling,  of  a  kind  and  gracious  Provi- 
dence over  him,  till  this  his  125th  year, 
which  against  all  human  views  had  con- 
tinually blessed  him  and  enriched  him, 
and  in  his  elder  age  had  given  him  first 
Ishmael  by  Hagar,  and  afterward  promised 
him  Isaac  to  "  J  spring  from  his  own  body 
now  dead,§  and  from  the  deadness  of  Sa- 
rah's womb,  when  she  was  past  age,  and 
when  it  ceased  to  be  with  Sarah  after  the 
manner  of  women, "||  and  had  actually 
performed  that  and  every  other  promise, 
how  improbable  soever  that  performance 
had  appeared,  he  had  ever  made  to  him, 
and  this  during  fifty  entire  years  together  ; 
so  that  although,  at  his  first  exit  out  of 
Chaldea  or  Mesopotamia,  he  might  have 
been  tempted  to  "  stagger  at  such  a  pro- 
mise of  God  through  unbelief,"^[  yet 
might  he  now  after  fifty  years  constant 
experience  be  justly  strong  in  faith,  giv- 
ing glory  to  God,  asbeing  fully  persuaded , 
that  what  God  had  promised,  the  resur- 
rection of  Isaac,  he  was  both  able  and  will- 
ing to  perform. 

11.  That  this  assurance,  therefore,  that 
God,  if  he  permitted  Isaac  to  be  slain, 
would  infallibly  raise  him  again  from  the 
dead,  entirely  alters  the  state  of  the  case 
of  Abraham's  sacrificing  Isaac  to  the  true 
God,  from  that  of  all  other  human  sacri- 
fices whatsoever  offered  to  false  ones,  all 
those  others  being  done  without  the  least 
promise  or  prospect  of  such  a  resurrec- 
tion; and  this,  indeed,  takes  away  all  pre- 
tence of  injustice  in  the  divine  command, 
as  well  as  of  all  inhumanity  or  cruelty  in 
Abraham's  obedience  to  it. 

12.  That,  upon  the  whole,  this  com- 
mand to  Abraham,  and  what  followed  upon 
it,  looks  so  very  like  an  intention  of  God 
to  typify  or  represent  beforehand  in  Isaac, 


■■■  Heb.  xi.  19. 
Horn.  iv.  19. 
Gen.  xviii.  11. 


f  Gen.  xii.  4. 
\  Heb.  xi.  11. 
\  Rom.  iv.  20,  21. 


DISSERTATION  II. 


471 


a  beloved  ox  only  begotten  son,  what  was  I 
to  happen  long  afterward  to  the  great  son 
and  seed  of  Abraham,  the  Messiah,  the  I 
beloved  and  the  "only  begotten   of    the 
Father,  whose  day  Abraham  saw  by  faith 
beforehand,    and    rejoiced    to   see    it,"*! 
viz.  that  he,  "  by  the  determinate  counsel 
and  foreknowledge  of  God  should  be  cru- 
ciiiid,    and     slaiu"t  as    a    sacrifice,    and 
should  he  raised  again  the  third  day,  and 
this  at  Jerusalem  also,   and  that,  in  the 
mean  time,  God  would  accept  of  the  sacri- 
fices of  rams,  and  the  like  animals,  at  the 
same  city  Jerusalem,  that  one  cannot  easily 
avoid   the    application.     This    seems  the 
reason  why  Abraham  was  obliged  to  go  to 
the  land  of  Moriah,  or  Jerusalem;    and 
why  it  is  noted,  that  it  was  the  third  day\ 
that  he  came  to  the  place,  which  implies 
that  the  return  back,  after  the  slaying  of 
the  sacrifice,  would  naturally  be  the  third 
day  also  j    and  why  this  sacrifice  was  not 
Ishmael    the   son    of  the  flesh    only,  but 
Isaac  the  son  by  promise,  the  beloved  son 
of  Abraham,  and  why  Isaac  was  styled  the 
only  son,  or  only   begotten  son§  of  Abra- 
ham, though  he  had  Ishmael  besides ;  and 
why  Isaac  himself  was  to  bear  the  icood\\ 
on  which  he  was  to  be  sacrificed ;  and  why 
the  place  was  no  other  than  the  land  of 
Moriah,^  or  vision,  i.  e.  most  probable  a 
place  where  the  Shecinah  or  Messiah  had 
been  seen,  and   God  by  him  worshipped, 
even   before  the  days  of   Abraham,  and 
where  lately  lived,  and  perhaps  now  lived, 
Melchisedeck,  the  grand  type  of  the  Mes- 
siah, (who  might  then  possibly  be  present 
at  the  sacrifice,)  and  why  this  sacrifice  was 
to  be  offered  either  on  the  mountain  called 
afterward   distinctly    Moriah,   where    the 
temple  stood,  and  where   all  the  Mosaic 
sacrifices  were  afterward  to  be  offered,  as 
Josephus**  and  the  generality  suppose,  or, 
perhaps,  as  others  suppose,  that  where  the 
Messiah    himself   was   to  be    offered,  its 
neighbour   mount  Calvary.     This   seems 
also  the  reason  why  the  ram  was  substi- 
tuted   as  a  vicarious  sacrifice   instead  of 
Isaac.      These  circumstances  seem  to  me 
very  peculiar  and  extraordinary,  and  to 
render  the  present  hypothesis  extremely 
probable.     Nor,  perhaps,  did  St.  Clement 
mean  any  thing  else,  when  in  his  forecited 
passage   he   says,  that   "  Isaac  was  fully 
persuaded  of  what  he  knew  was  to  come ;" 


•  John  viii.  56. 
+  Gen.  xxii.  2,  4. 
j|  Gen.  xxii.  6. 


Antiq.  b.  i.  c.  xiii. 


f  Acts  ii.  23. 
\  Heb.  xi.  17. 
\  John  xix.  17. 


and,  therefore,  "cheerfully  yielded  him- 
self up  for  a  sacrifice."     Nor,  indeed, 
that  name  of  this  place,  Jehovah  Jweh, 

which  continued  till  the  days  of  Moses, 
and  signified,  God  will  see,  or  rather,  God 
will  provide,  seem  to  be  given  it  by  Abra- 
ham on  any  other  account,  than  that  God 
would  there,  in  the  fulness  of  time,  "  pro- 
vide himself  a  lamb  [that  lamb  of  God, 
which  was  to  take  away  the  sins  of  the 
world]*  for  a  burnt-offering." 

But  if,  now  after  all,  it  be  objected,  that 
how  peculiar  and  how  typical  soever  the 
circumstances  of  Abraham  and  Isaac  might 
be  in  themselves,  of  which  the  heathens 
about  them  could  have  little  nut  inn,  yet 
such  a  divine  command  to  Abraham  for 
slaying  his  beloved  son  Isaac  must,  how- 
ever, be  of  very  ill  example  to  the  Gen- 
tile world,  and  that  it  probably  did  either 
first  occasion,  or,  at  least,  greatly  encou- 
rage their  wicked  practices  in  offering 
their  children  for  sacrifices  to  their  idols, 
I  answer  by  the  next  consideration. 

13.  That  this  objection  is  so  far  from 
truth,  that  God's  public  and  miraculous 
prohibition  of  the  execution  of  this  com- 
mand to  Abraham,  (which  command  itself 
the  Gentiles  would  not  then  at  all  be  sur- 
prised at,  because  it  was  so  like  to  their 
own  usual  practices,)  as  well  as  God's  sub- 
stitution of  a  vicarious  oblation,  seems  to 
have  been  the  very  occasion  of  the  immediate 
oblation  of  those  impious  sacrifices  by  Teth- 
mosis,  or  Amosis,  among    the  neighbour- 
ing Egyptians,  and  of  the  substitution  of 
more  inoffensive  ones  there  instead  of  them. 
Take  the  account  of  this  abolition,  which  we 
shall  presently  prove  was  about  the  time  of 
Abraham's  offering  up  his  son  Isaac,    as 
it  is  preserved  by  Porphyry,  from  Mane- 
tho,  the  famous  Egyptian  historian   and 
chronologcr,  which  is  also  cited  from  Por- 
phyry   by     Eusebius     and     Theodoret. 
"  Amosis,*!   says  Porphyry,  "abolished 
the  law  for  slaying  of  men  in  Ileliopolis 
of  Egypt,  as  Manetho  bears  witness,   in 
his  book  of  Anticpuity  and  Piety.     They 
were  sacrificed  to  Juno  and  were  examined, 
as   were  the  pure  calves,  that  were  also 
sealed   with  them  :  they    were   sacrificed 
three  in  a  day.     In  whose  stead  Amosis 
commanded  that  men  of  wax,  of  the  same 
number,  should  be  substituted." 

Now,  I  have  lately  shown,  that  these 
Egyptians  had  Abraham  in  great  venera- 
tion,   and   that  all   the  wisdom   of  those 


•  John  i.  29. 


■J-  Marsn.  p.  301. 


472 


DISSERTATION  III. 


Egyptians,  in  which  Moses  teas  afterward 
learned,  was  derived  from  no  other  than 
from  Abraham.  Now  it  appears  evidently, 
by  the  forecited  passage,  that  the  first  abo- 
lition of  these  human  sacrifices,  and  the 
substitution  of  waxen  images  in  their 
stead,  and  particularly  at  Heliopolis,  in 
the  north-east  part  of  Egypt,  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Beersheba,  in  the  south  of 
Palestine,  where  Abraham  now  lived,  at 
the  distance  of  about  one  hundred  and 
twenty  miles  only,  was  in  the  days,  and  by 
the  order  of  Tethmosis  or  Amosis,  who 
was  the  first  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  after 
the  expulsion  of  the  Phoenician  shepherds. 
Now,  therefore,  we  are  to  inquire  when 
this  Tethmosis  or  Amosis  lived,  and  com- 
pare his  time  with  the  time  of  the  sacri- 
fice of  Isaac.  Now,  if  we  look  into  my 
chronological  table,  published  A.  D.  1721, 
we  shall  find  that  the  hundred  and  twen- 


ty-fifth year  of  Abraham,  or  which  is  all 
one,  the  twenty-fifth  year  of  Isaac,  falls 
into  A.  M.  2573,  or  into  the  thirteenth 
year  of  Tethmosis  or  Amosis,  which  is  the 
very  middle  of  his  twenty-five  years  reign  ; 
so  that  this  abolition  of  human  sacrifices 
in  Egypt,  and  substitution  of  others  in 
their  room,  seems  to  have  been  occasioned 
by  the  solemn  prohibition  of  such  a  sacri- 
fice in  the  case  of  Abraham,  and  by  the 
following  substitution  of  a  ram  in  its 
stead  :  which  account  of  this  matter  not 
only  takes  away  the  groundless  suspicions 
of  the  moderns,  but  shows  the  great  sea- 
sonableness  of  the  divine  prohibition  of 
the  execution  of  this  command  to  Abra- 
ham, as  probably  the  direct  occasion  of 
putting  a  stop  to  the  barbarity  of  the 
Egyptians  in  offering  human  sacrifices, 
and  that  for  many,  if  not  for  all  genera- 
tions afterward. 


DISSERTATION   III. 


TACITUS'S  ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  JEWISH  NATION,  AND  OF 
THE  PARTICULARS  OF  THE  LAST  JEWISH  WAR  ;  THAT  THE  FORMER 
WAS  PROBABLY  WRITTEN  IN  OPPOSITION  TO  JOSEPHUS'S  ANTIQUI- 
TIES, AND  THAT  THE  LATTER  WAS  FOR  CERTAIN  ALMOST  ALL 
DIRECTLY  TAKEN  FROM  JOSEPHUS'S  HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWISH  WAR. 


Since  Tacitus,  the  famous  Roman  his- 
torian, who  has  written  more  largely  and 
professedly  about  the  origin  of  the  Jewish 
nation,  about  the  chorography  of  Judea, 
and  the  last  Jewish  war  under  Cestius, 
Vespasian,  and  Titus,  than  any  other  old 
Roman  historian ;  and  since  both  Jose- 
phus  and  Tacitus  were  in  favour  with 
the  same  Roman  emperors,  Vespasian, 
Titus,  and  P/omitian ;  and  since  Tacitus 
was  an  eminent  pleader  and  writer  of 
history  at  Rome,  during  the  time  or  not 
long  after  our  Josephus  had  been  there 
studying  the  Greek  language,  reading  the 
Greek  books,  and  writing  his  own  works 
in  the  same  Greek  language,  which  lan- 
guage was  almost  universally  known  at 
Rome  in  that  age;  and  since,  therefore, 
it  is  next  to  impossible  to  suppose  that 
Tacitus  could  be  unacquainted  with  the 
writings  of  Josephus,  it  cannot  but  be 
highly  proper  to  compare  their  accounts 
of  Judea,  of  the  Jews,  and  Jewish  affairs 
together.     Nor  is  it  other  than  a  very 


surprising  paradox  to  me,  how  it  has  oeen 
possible,  for  learned  men,  particularly  for 
the  several  learned  editors  of  Josephus 
and  Tacitus,  to  be  so  very  silent  about 
this  matter  as  they  have  hitherto  been, 
especially  when  not  only  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  authors  as  to  time  and 
place,  but  the  likeness  of  the  subject- 
matter  and  circumstances  is  so  very  often 
so  very  remarkable ;  nay,  indeed,  since 
many  of  the  particular  facts  belonged 
peculiarly  to  the  region  of  Judea,  and  to 
the  Jewish  nation,  and  are  such  as  could 
hardly  be  taken  by  a  foreigner  from  any 
other  author  than  from  our  Josephus,  this 
strange  silence  is  almost  unaccountable, 
if  not  inexcusable.  The  two  only  other 
writers  whom  we  know  of,  whence  such 
Jewish  affairs  might  be  supposed  to  be 
taken  by  Tacitus,  who  never  appears  to 
have  been  in  Judea  himself,  are  Justus 
of  Tiberias,  a  Jewish  historian,  contem- 
porary with  Josephus,  and  one  Autonius 
Juliauus,  once    mentioned   by    Minutiua 


DISSERTATION  III. 


473 


Felix  in  his  Octavius,  sect.  33,  as  having 
written  on  the  same  subject  with  Jose- 
phus, and  both  already  mentioned  by  me 
on  another  occasion,  Dissert.  I.  As  to 
Justus  of  Tiberias,  he  could  not  be  the 
historian  whence  Tacitus  took  his  Jewish 
affairs,  because,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
place  just  cited,  the  principal  passage  in 
Tacitus  of  that  nature,  concerning  Christ, 
and  his  sufferings  under  the  emperor 
Tiberius,  and  by  his  procurator  Pontius 
Pilate,  was  not  there,  as  we  know  from  the 
testimony  of  Photius,  Cod.  xxx.  And  as 
to  Antonius  Julianus,  his  very  name  shows 
him  to  have  been  not  a  Jew,  but  a  Ro- 
man. He  is  never  mentioned  by  Jose- 
phus,  and  so  probably  knew  no  more  of 
the  country  or  affairs  of  Judea  than  Taci- 
tus himself.  He  was,  I  suppose,  rather 
an  epitomizer  of  Josephus,  and  not  so 
early  as  Tacitus,  than  an  original  historian 
himself  before  him.  Nor  could  so  exact 
a  writer  as  Tacitus  ever  take  up  with  such 
poor  and  almost  unknown  historians  as 
these  were,  while  Josephus's  seven  books 
of  the  Jewish  war  were  then  so  common ; 
were  in  such  great  reputation  at  Rome  ; 
were  attested  to,  and  recommended  by 
Vespasian  and  Titus  the  emperors,  by 
King  Agrippa,  and  King  Archelaus,  and 
Herod,  king  of  Chalcis ;  and  he  was  there 
honoured  with  a  statue :  and  these  his 
books  were  reposited  at  the  public  library 
at  Rome,  as  we  know  from  Josephus 
himself,  from  Eusebius,  and  Jerom,  while 
we  never  hear  of  any  other  history  of 
the  Jews  that  had  then  and  there  any  such 
attestations  or  recommendations.  Some 
things,  indeed,  Tacitus  might  take  from 
the  Roman  records  of  this  war,  I  mean 
from  the  Commentaries  of  Vespasian, 
which  are  mentioned  by  Josephus  himself, 
in  his  own  Life,  sect.  65,  vol.  iv.,  and 


some  others  from  the  relations  of  Roman 
people,  where  the  affairs  of  Rome  were 
concerned  ;  as  also  other  affairs  might  be 
remembered  by  old  officers  and  soldiers 
that  had  been  in  the  Jewish  war.  Ac- 
cordingly, I  still  suppose  that  Tacitus  had 
some  part  of  his  information  these  ways, 
and  particularly  where  he  a  little  differs 
from  or  makes  additions  to  Josephus : 
but  then,  as  this  will  all  reach  no  further 
than  three  or  four  years  during  this  war, 
so  will  it  by  no  means  account  for  that 
abridgment  of  the  geography  of  the  coun- 
try, and  entire  series  of  the  principal 
facts  of  history  thereto  relating,  which 
are  in  Tacitus,  from  the  days  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes,  240  years  before  that 
war,  with  which  Antiochus  both  Jose- 
phus and  Tacitus  begin  their  distinct 
histories  of  the  Jews,  preparatory  to  the 
history  of  this  last  war.  Nor  could  Taci- 
tus take  the  greatest  part  of  those  earlier 
facts  belonging  to  the  Jewish  nation  from 
the  days  of  Moses,  or  to  Christ  and  the 
Christians  in  the  days  of  Tiberius,  from 
Roman  authors ;  of  which  Jewish  and 
Christian  affairs  those  authors  had  usually 
very  little  knowledge,  and  which  the 
heathen  generally  did  grossly  pervert  and 
shamefully  falsify  :  and  this  is  so  true 
as  to  Tacitus's  own  accounts  of  the  origin 
of  the  Jewish  nation,  that  the  reader  may 
almost  take  it  for  a  constant  rule,  that 
when  Tacitus  contradicts  Josephus's  Jew- 
ish Antiquities,  he  either  tells  direct 
falsehoods,  or  truths  so  miserably  dis- 
guised, as  renders  them  little  better  than 
falsehoods,  and  hardly  ever  lights  upon 
any  thing  relating  to  them  that  is  true 
and  solid,  but  when  the  same  is  in  those 
Autiquities  at  this  day  ;  of  which  matters 
more  will  be  said  in  the  notes  on  this 
history  immediately  following. 


HISTORY   OF    THE  JEWS. 
Book  V.  Chap.  II. 


Since  we  are  now  going  to  relate  the 
final  period  of  this  famous  city  [Jerusa- 
lem], it  seems  proper  to  give  an  account 
of  its  original.* — The  tradition  is,  that 
the  Jews  ran  away  from  the  island  of 
Crete,  and  settled  themselves  on  the  coast 
of   Libya,    and   this    at   the    time   when 


*  Most  of  these  stories  are  so  entirely  ground- 
less, and  so  contradictory  to  one  another,  that  they 
do  not  deserve  a  serious  confutation.  It  is  strange 
Tacitus  could  persuade  himself  thus  crudely  to  set 
them  down. 


Saturn  was  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  by 
the  power  of  Jupiter  :  an  argument  for  it 
is  fetched  from  their  name.  The  mountain 
Ida  is  famous  in  Crete ;  and  the  neigh- 
bouring inhabitants  are  named  Idsei, 
which,  with  a  barbarous  augment,  be- 
comes the  name  of  Judasi  [Jews].  Some 
say  they  were  a  people  that  were  very 
numerous  in  Egypt,  under  the  reign  of 
Isis,  and  that  the  Egyptians  got  free  from 
that    burden    by   sending   them  into  the 


474 


DISSERTATION  III. 


adjoining  countries,  under  their  captains 
Hierosplymus  and  Judas.  The  greatest 
part  say  they  were  those  Ethiopians  whom 
fear  and  hatred  obliged  to  change  their 
habitations  in  the  reign  of  King  Cepheus.* 
There  are  those  which  report  they  were 
Assyrians,  who,  wanting  lands,  got  toge- 
ther, and  obtained  part  of  Egypt,  and 
soon  afterward  settled  themselves  in  cities 
of  their  own,  in  the  lands  of  the  Hebrews, 
and  the  parts  of  Syria  that  lay  nearest  to 
them.f  Others  pretend  their  origin  to  be 
more  eminent,  and  that  the  Solymi,  a  peo- 
ple celebrated  in  Homer's  poems,  were  the 
founders  of  this  nation,  and  gave  this  their 
own  name  Hierosolyina  to  the  city  which 
they  built  there.  J 

Chap.  III.]  Many  authors  agree,  that 
when  once  an  infectious  distemper  was 
arisen  in  Egypt,  and  made  men's  bodies 
impure,  Bocchoris  their  king  went  to  the 
oracle  of  [Jupiter]  Hammon,  and  begged 
he  would  grant  him  some  relief  against 
this  evil,  and  that  he  was  enjoined  to 
purge  his  nation  of  them,  and  to  banish 
this  kind  of  men  into  other  countries,  as 
hateful  to  the  gods  :§  that  when  he  had 
sought  for,  and  gotten  them  all  together, 
they  were  left  in  a  vast  desert;  that  here- 
upon the  rest  devoted  themselves  to  weep- 
ing and  inactivity ;  but  one  of  those  exiles, 
Moses  by  name,  advised  them  to  look  for 
no  assistance  from  any  of  the  gods,  or 
from  any  of  mankind,  since  they  had  been 
abandoned  by  both,  but  bade  them  believe 
in  him,  as  in  a  celestial  leader, ||  by  whose 
help  they  had  already  gotten  clear  of  their 
present  miseries.  They  agreed  to  it;  and 
though  they  wereunacquaiuted  with  every 
thing,  they  began  their  journey  at  random  : 
but  nothing  tired  them  so  much  as  want 
of  water ;  and  now  they  laid  themselves 
down  on  the  ground  to  a  great  extent,  as 
just  ready  to  perish,  when  a  herd  of  wild 

*  One  would  wonder  how  Tacitus  or  any  hea- 
thens could  .suppose  the  African  Ethiopians,  under 
Cepheus,  who  are  known  to  be  blacks,  could  be 
the  parents  of  the  Jews,  who  are  known  to  be 
whites. 

f  This  account  comes  nearest  the  truth  ;  and  this 
Tacitus  might  have  from  Josephus,  only  disguised 
by  himself. 

\  This  Tacitus  might  have  out  of  Josephus, 
Antii|.  b.  vii.  c.  iii. 

£  Strange  doctrine  to  Josephus!  who  truly  ob- 
serves "ii  this  occasion,  that  the  gods  are  angry  not 
at  bodily  imperfections,  but  at  wicked  practices. 
Apioo,  b.  i. 

||  This  believing  in  Moses  as  in  a,cel<:xii<<l  leader, 
seems  a  blind  confession  of  Tacitus  that  Moses  pro- 
fessed to  have  his  laws  from  God. 


asses  came  from  feeding,  and  went  to  a 
rock  overshadowed  by  a  grove  of  trees. 
Moses  followed  them,  as  conjecturing  that 
there  was  [thereabout]  some  grassy  soil, 
and  so  he  opened  large  sources  of  water 
for  them.*  That  was  an  ease  to  them  ; 
and  when  they  had  journeyed  continually 
six  entire  days,  f  on  the  seventh  they  drove 
out  the  inhabitants,  and  obtained  those 
lands  wherein  their  city  and  temple  were 
dedicated. 

Chap.  IV.]  As  for  Moses,  in  order  to 
secure  the  nation  firmly  to  himself,  he 
ordained  new  rites,  and  such  as  were  con- 
trary to  those  of  other  men.  All  things 
are  with  them  profane  which  with  us  are 
sacred ;  and  again,  those  practices  are  al- 
lowed among  them  which  are  by  us  es- 
teemed most  abominable.  J 

They  place  the  image  of  that  animal  in 
their  most  holy  place,  by  whose  indication 
it  was  that  they  had  escaped  their  wan- 
dering condition  and  their  thirst. § 

They  sacrifice  rams,  by  way  of  reproach, 
to  [Jupiter  Hammon].  An  ox  is  also 
sacrificed,  which  the  Egyptians  worship 
under  the  name  of  ^>i's.|| 

They  abstain  from  swine's  flesh,  as  a 
memorial  of  .that  miserable  destruction 
which  the  mange,  to  which  that  creature 
is  liable,  brought  on  them,  and  with  which 
they  had  been  defiled. ^[ 

That  they  had  endured  a  long  famine, 
they  attest  still  by  their  frequent  fastings.** 
And  that  they  stole  the  fruits  of  the 
earth,  we  have  an  argument  from  the 
bread  of  the  Jews,  which  is  unlea- 
vened.ff 


*  This  looks  also  like  a  plain  confession  of  Taci- 
tus, that  Moses  brought  the  Jews  water  out  of  a 
rock  in  great  plenty,  which  he  might  have  from 
Josephus,  Antiq.  b.  iii.  c.  i. 

f  Strange  indeed,  that  600,000  men  should 
travel  above  200  miles  over  the  deserts  of  Arabia 
in  sis  days,  and  concpuer  Judea  the  seventh  ! 

X  This  is  not  true  in  general,  but  only  so  far, 
that  the  Israelites  were  by  circumcision  and  other 
rites  to  be  kept  separate  from  the  wicked  and  idol- 
atrous nations  about  them. 

#  This  strange  story  contradicts  what  the  same 
Tacitus  will  tell  us  presently,  that  when  Pompey 
went  into  the  holy  of  holies  he  found  no  image 
there. 

||  These  are  only  guesses  of  Tacitus  or  his  heathen 
authors,  but  no  more. 

^f  Such  memorials  of  what  must  have  been  very 
reproachful,  are  strangers  to  the  rest  of  mankind, 
nod  without  any  probability. 

**  The  Jews  had  but  one  solemn  fast  of  old  in 
the  whole  year,  the  great  day  of  expiation. 

ft  Unleavened  bread  was  only  used  at  the  pass- 
over. 


DISSERTATION   III. 


475 


It  is  generally  supposed  they  rest  on 
the  seventh  day,*  because  that  day  gave 
them  [the  first]  rest  from  their  labours. 
Besides  which,  they  are  idle  on  every 
seventh  year.f  as  being  pleased  with  a 
lazy  life.  Others  say,  that  they  do  honour 
thereby  to  Saturn  ;|  or,  perhaps,  the 
Idsei  gave  them  this  part  of  their  religion, 
■who  [as  we  said  above]  were  expelled  to- 
gether with  Saturn,  and  who,  as  we  have 
been  informed,  were  the  founders  of  this 
nation ;  or  else  it  was  because  the  star 
Saturn  moves  in  the  highest  orb,  and  of 
the  seven  planets  exerts  the  pr/n?ipal  part 
of  that  energy  whereby  mankind  are  go- 
verned :  and,  indeed,  that  most  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  exert  their  power,  and 
perform  their  courses,  according  to  the 
number  seven. § 

Chap.  V.]  These  rites,  by  what  man- 
ner soever  they  were  first  begun,  are 
supported  by  their  antiquity. ||  The  rest 
of  their  institutions  are  awkward, ^[  im- 
pure, and  got  ground  by  their  pravity  ; 
for  every  vile  fellow,  despising  the  rites 
of  his  forefathers,  brought  thither  their 
tribute  and  contributions,  by  which 
means  the  Jewish  commonwealth  was 
augmented.  And  because  among  them- 
selves there  is  an  unalterable  fidelity 
and  kindness  always  ready  at  hand,  but 
bitter  enmity  to  all  others,**  they  are  a 
people  separated  from  others  in  their 
food,  and  in  their  beds;  though  they  be 
the  lewdest  nation  upon  earth,    yet  will 


*  It  is  very  strange  that  Tacitus  should  not  know 
or  confess  that  the  Jews'  seventh  <l"y.  and  seventh 
year  of  rest,  were  in  memory  of  the  seventh,  or 
Sabbath-day's  rest,  after  the  six  days  of  creation. 
Every  Jew,  as  well  as  every  Christian,  could  have 
informed  him  of  those  matters. 

f  A  Btrange  hypothesis  of  the  origin  of  the  sab- 
batic year,  and  without  all  good  foundation.  Taci- 
tus probably  had  never  heard  of  the  Jews'  year  of 
jubilee,  so  he  says  nothing  of  it. 

J  As  if  the  Jews,  in  the  days  of  Moses,  or  long 
before,  knew  that  the  Greeks  and  Romans  would 
long  afterward  call  the  seventh  day  of  the  week 
Saturn's  day;  which  Dio  observes  was  not  so  called 
of  old  time;  and  it  is  a  question  whether,  before 
the  Jews  fell  into  idolatry,  they  ever  heard  of  such 
a  star  or  god  as  Saturn.  Amos  v.  25;  Acts 
vii.  43. 

$  That  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars  rule  over  the 
affairs  of  mankind,  was  a  heathen,  and  not  a  Jewish 
notion.  Neither  Jews  nor  Christians  were  permit- 
ted to  deal  in  astrology,  though  Tacitus  seems  to 
have  been  deep  in  it. 

|]  This  acknowledgment  of  the  antiquity  of  Moses, 
and  of  his  Jewish  settlement,  was  what  the  heathens 
cared  not  always  to  own. 

*  What  these  pretended  awkward  and  impure. 
Institutions  were,  Tacitus  does  not  inform  us. 

**  Josephus  shows  the  contrary,  as  to  the  laws 
of  Moses,  coutr.  Apion,  b.  ii. 


they  not  corrupt  foreign  women,  '  though 

nothing  In-  esteemed  unlawful  among 
themselves."}" 

They  have  ordained  circumcision  of  the 
parts  of  generation,  that  tiny  may  there- 
by be  distinguished  from  other  people  : 
the  proselytes|'  to  their  religion  have  the 
same  usage. 

They  are  taught  nothing  sooner  than 
to  despise  the  gods,  to  renounce  their 
country,  ami  to  have  their  parents,  chil- 
dren, and  brethren  in  the  utmost  con- 
tempt :§  but  still  they  take  care  to  increase 
and  multiply,  for  it  is  esteemed  utterly 
unlawful  to  kill  any  of  their  children. 

They  also  look  on  the  souls  of  those 
that  die  in  battle,  or  are  put  feo  death 
for  their  crimes,  as  eternal.  Hence 
comes  their  love  of  posterity  and  con- 
tempt of  death. 

They  derive  their  custom  of  burying, 
instead  of  burning,  their  dead,  from  the 
Egyptians  :||  they  have  also  the  same  care 
of  the  dead  with  them,  and  the  same  per- 
suasion about  the  invisible  world  below : 
but  of  the  gods  above,  their  opinion  is 
contrary  to  theirs.  The  Egyptians  wor- 
ship abundance  of  animals,  and  images  of 
various  sorts. 

The  Jews  have  no  notion  of  any  more 
than  one  divine  being,^[  and  that  known 
only  by  the  mind.  They  esteem  such  to 
be  profane  who  frame  images  of  gods,  out 
of  perishable  matter,  and  in  the  shape  of 
men.  That  this  being  is  supreme  and 
eternal,  immutable  and  unperishable,  is 
their  doctrine.  According!}-,  they  have 
no  images  in  their  cities,  much  less  in 
their  temples :  they  never  grant  this 
piece  of  flattery  to  kings,  or  this  kind  of 

*  A  high,  and,  I  doubt,  a  false  commendation 
of  the  Jews. 

f  An  entirely  false  character,  and  contrary  to 
their  many  laws  against  uncleanness.  Seo  Jose- 
phus,  Antiq.  b.  iii.  c.  xi. 

J  The  proselytes  of  justice  only,  not  the  prose- 
lyte- ni  tin-  gate. 

2  How  dues  this  agree  with  that  unalterable 
fidelity  and  kindness  which  Tacitus  told  us  the 
Jews  had  toward  one  another?  unless  ho  only 
means  that  they  preferred  the  divine  commands 
before  their  nearest  relations,  which  is  the  i 
degree  of. Jewish  and  Christian  piety. 

||  This  custom  is  at  least  as  old  anion";  the  He- 
brews as  the  days  of  Abraham,  and  the  cave  of 
Machpelah,  Long  before  the  Israelites  went  into 
Egypt     Gen.  xxiii.  1-20;  x.w.  8-10. 

•  These  are  valuable  concessions,  which  Tacitus 
here  makes,  as  to  the  unspotted  pietyofthe  Jewish 
nation,  in  the  worship  of  one  infinite,  invisible 
Cod,  and  absolute  rejection  id'  all  idolatry,  and  of 
all  worship  of  images,  nay.  of  the  image  of  tLo 
Emperor  Caius  himself,  or  of  affording  it  a  place  in 
their  temple. 


476 


DISSERTATION   III. 


honour  to  emperors.*  But  because  their 
priests,  when  they  play  on  the  pipe  and 
the  timbrels,  wear  ivy  round  their  head, 
and  a  golden  vinef  has  been  found  in 
their  temple,  some  have  thought  that 
they  worshipped  our  father  Bacchus,  the 
conqueror  of  the  East ;  whereas  the  cere- 
monies of  the  Jews  do  not  at  all  agree  with 
those  of  Bacchus ;  for  he  appointed  rites 
that  were  of  a  jovial  nature,  and  fit  for 
festivals,  while  the  practices  of  the  Jews 
are  absurd  and  sordid. 

Chap.  VI.]  The  limits  of  Judea  east- 
erly are  bounded  by  Arabia  :  Egypt  lies 
on  the  south  :  on  the  west  are  Phoenicia 
and  the  [great]  sea.  They  have  a  pros- 
pect of  Syria  on  their  north  quarter,  as 
at  some  distance  from  them. J 

The  bodies  of  the  men  are  healthy,  and 
such  as  will  bear  great  labours. 

They  have  not  many  showers  of  rain  : 
their  soil  is  very  fruitful :  the  produce  of 
their  land  is,  like  ours,  in  great  plenty. § 

They  have  also,  besides  ours,  two  trees 
peculiar  to  themselves,  the  balsam-tree  and 
the  palm-tree.  Their  groves  of  palms  are 
tall  and  beautiful.  The  balsam-tree  is  not 
very  large.  As  soon  as  any  branch  is 
swelled,  the  vines  quake  as  for  fear,  if  you 
bring  an  iron  knife  to  cut  them.  They 
are  to  be  opened  with  the  broken  piece  of 
a  stone,  or  with  the  shell  of  a  fish.  The 
juice  is  useful  in  physic. 

Libanus  is  their  principal  mountain,  and 
is  very  high,  and  yet,  what  is  very  strange 
to  be  related,  it  is  always  shadowed  with 
trees,-  and  never  free  from  snow.  The 
same  mountain  supplies  the  river  Jordan 
with  water,  and  affords  it  its  fountains  also. 
Nor  is  this  Jordan  earned  into  the  sea ; 
it  passes  through  one  and  a  second  lake 
undiminished,  but  it  is  stopped  by  the 
third.)  | 

This  third  lake  is  vastly  great  in  cir- 


*  All  these  concessions  were  to  be  learned  from 
Josephus,  and  almost  only  from  him  ;  out  of  whom, 
therefore,  I  conclude  Tacitus  took  the  finest  part 
of  his  character  of  the  Jews. 

f  This  particular  fact,  that  there  was  a  golden 
vine  in  the  front  of  the  Jewish  temple,  was  in  all 
probability  taken  by  Tacitus  out  of  Josephus  :  but 
as  tin-  Jewish  priests  were  never  adorned  with  ivy, 
the  signal  of  Bacchus,  how  Tacitus  came  to  ima- 
gine this,  I  cannot  tell. 

+  St:  the  chorography  of  Judea  in  Josephus,  Of 
the  War,  b.  iii. :  whence  most  probably  Tacitus 
framed  this  short  abridgment  of  it.  It  comes  in  both 
authors  naturally  before  Vespasian's  first  campaign. 

£  The  latter  branch  of  this  Tacitus  might  have 
from  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  c.  viii.  The 
other  is  not  in  the  present  copies. 

||  These  accounts  of  Jordan,  of  its  fountains  de- 
rived from  Mount  Libanus,  and  of  the  two  lakes  it 


cumference,  as  if  it  were  a  sea.*  It  is  of 
an  ill  taste,  and  is  pernicious  to  the  adjoin- 
ing inhabitants  by  its  strong  smell.  The 
wind  raises  no  waves  there,  nor  will  it 
maintain  either  fishes,  or  such  birds  as  use 
the  water.  The  reason  is  uncertain,  but 
the  fact  is  thus,  that  bodies  cast  into  it  are 
borne  up,  as  by  somewhat  solid.  Those 
who  can  and  those  who  cannot  swim  are 
equally  borne  up  by  it.f  At  a  certain  time 
of  the  yearj  it  casts  out  bitumen :  the 
manner  of  gathering  it,  like  other  arts, 
has  been  taught  by  experience.  The  li- 
quor is  of  its  own  nature  of  a  black  co- 
lour ;  and  if  you  pour  vinegar  upon  it,  it 
clings  together,  and  swims  on  the  top. 
Those  whose  business  it  is  take  it  in  their 
hands  and  pull  it  into  the  upper  parts  of 
the  ship,  after  which  it  follows,  without 
further  attraction,  and  fills  the  ship  full, 
till  you  cut  it  off:  nor  can  you  cut  it  off 
either  with  a  brass  or  an  iron  instrument, 
but  it  cannot  bear  the  touch  of  blood, 
or  of  a  cloth  wet  with  the  menstrual  pur- 
gations of  women,  as  the  ancient  authors 
say.  But  those  that  are  acquainted  with 
the  place  assure  us,  that  these  waves  of 
bitumen  are  driven  along,  and  by  the  hand 
drawn  to  the- shore;  and  that  when  they 
are  dried  by  the  warm  steams  from  the 
earth  and  the  force  of  the  sun,  they  are  cut 
in  pieces  with  axes  and  wedges,  as  timber 
and  stones  are  cut  in  pieces. 

Chap.  VII.]  Not  far  from  this  lake  are 
those  plains,  which  are  related  to  have  been 
of  old  fertile,  and  to  have  had  many§  ci- 
ties full  of  poople,  but  to  have  been  burnt 
up  by  a  stroke  of  lightning  :  it  is  also  said, 
that  the  footsteps  of  that  destruction  still 
remain,  and  that  the  earth  itself  appears  as 
burnt  earth,  and  has  lost  its  natural  fer- 
tility :  aud  that  as  an  argument  thereof, 
all  the  plants  that  grow  of  their  own  ac- 
cord, or  are  planted  by  the  hand,  whether 
they  arrive  at  the  degree  of  an   herb,  or 


runs  through,  and  its  stoppage  by  the  third,  are  ex- 
actly agreeable  to  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iii.  c.  x. 

*  No  less  than  580  furlongs  long  and  150  broad, 
in  Josephus,  Of  the  War,  b.  iv.  c.  viii. 

"f"  Strabo  says,  that  a  man  could  not  sink  into  the 
water  of  this  lake  so  deep  as  the  navel. 

J  Josephus  never  says  that  this  bitumen  was  cast 
out  at  a  certain  time  of  the  year  only,  and  Strabo  says 
the  direct  contrary,  but  Pliny  agrees  with  Tacitus. 

g  This  is  exactly  according  to  Josephus,  and 
must  have  been  taken  from  him  in  the  place  fore- 
cited,  and  that  particularly  because  it  is  peculiar  to 
him,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  all  antiquity.  The  rest 
thought  the  cities  were  in  the  very  same  place 
where  now  the  lake  is,  but  Jcsephus  and  Tacitus 
say  they  were  in  >ts  neighbourhood  only,  which  is 
Mr.  Reland's  opinioa  also. 


DISSERTATION    III. 


177 


of  a  flower,  or  at  complete  maturity,  be- 
come black  and  empty,  and,  as  it  were, 
vanish  into  ashes.  As  for  myself,  as  I  am 
willing  to  allow  that  these  once  famous 
cities  were  burnt  by  fire  from  heaven,  so 
would  I  suppose  that  the  earth  is  infected 
with  the  vapour  of  the  lake,  and  the  spirit 
or  air  that  is  over  it  thereby  corrupted; 
and  that  by  this  means  the  fruits  of  the 
earth,  both  corn  and  grapes,  rot  away, 
both  the  soil  and  the  air  being  equally  un- 
wholesome. 

The  river  Belus  does  also  run  into  the 
sea  of  Judea;  and  the  sands  that  are  col- 
leeted  about  its  mouth,  when  you  mix  ni- 
tre with  them,  are  melted  into  glass  :  this 
sort  of  shore  is  but  small,  but  its  sand, 
for  the  use  of  those  that  carry  it  off,  is  in- 
exhaustible. 

Chap.  VIII.]  A  great  part  of  Judea  is 
composed  of  scattered  villages ;  it  also  has 
larger  towns  :  Jerusalem  is  the  capital  city 
of  the  whole  nation.  In  that  city  there 
was  a  temple  of  immense  wealth ;  in  the 
first  parts  that  are  fortified  is  the  city  it- 
self; next  it  the  royal  palace.  The  tem- 
ple is  enclosed  in  its  most  inward  recesses. 
A  Jew  can  come  no  farther  than  thegates; 
all  but  the  priests  are  excluded  by  their 
threshold.  While  the  East  was  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Assyrians,  the  Medes, 
and  the  Persians,  the  Jews  were  of  all 
slaves  the  most  despicable.* 

f  After  the  dominion  of  the  Macedo- 
nians prevailed,  King  Antiochus  tried  to 
conquer  their  superstition,  and  to  intro- 
duce the  customs  of  the  Greeks;  but  he 
was  disappointed  of  his  design,  which  was 
to  give  this  most  profligate  nation  a  change 
for  the  better,  and  that  was  by  his  war 
with  the  Parthians,  for  at  this  time  Ar- 
saces  had  fallen  off  [from  the  Macedoni- 
ans]. Then  it  was  that  the  Jews  set  kings 
over  them,  because  the  Macedonians  were 
become  weak,  the  Parthians  were  not  yet 
very  powerful,  and  the  Romans  were  very 
remote  :  which  kings,  when  they  had  been 
expelled  by  the  mobility  of  the  vulgar, 
and  had  recovered  their  dominion  by  war, 
attempted  the  same  things  that  kings  used 
to  do,  I  mean  they  introduced  the  de- 
struction of  cities,  the  slaughter  of  bre- 


*  A  great  slander  against  the  Jews,  without  any- 
just  foundation.  Josephus  would  have  informed 
him  letter. 

f  Here  begins  Josephus's  and  Tacitus's  true  ac- 
counts of  the  Jews  preliminary  to  the  last  war.  See 
Of  tho  War,  prorcni. 

3P 


thren,  of  wives,  and  parents,  but  still  went 
on  in  their  superstition  ;  for  they  took  upon 
thorn  withal  the  honourable  dignity  of  the 
high-priesthood,  as  a  firm  secu.ity  to  their 
power  and  authority. 

CriAP.  IX.]  The  first  of  the  Romans 
that  conquered  the  Jews  was  Cneiua  Pom- 
peius,  who  entered  the  temple  by  right 
of  victory.  Thence  the  report  was  every- 
where divulged,  that  therein  was  no  image 
of  a  god,  but  an  empty  place,  and  myste- 
ries, most  secret  places  that  have  nothing 
in  them.  The  walls  of  Jerusalem  were 
then  destroyed,  but  the  temple  continued 
still.  Soon  afterward  arose  a  civil  war 
among  us;  and  when  therein  these  pro- 
vinces were  reduced  under  Marcus  Anto- 
nius, Pacorus,  king  of  the  Parthians,  got 
possession  of  Judea,  but  was  himself  slain 
by  Paulus  Ventidius,  and  the  Parthians 
were  driven  beyond  Euphrates;  and  for 
the  Jews,  Caius  Socius  subdued  them. 
Antonius  gave  the  kingdom  to  Herod; 
and  when  Augustus  conquered  Antonius, 
he  still  augmented  it. 

After  Herod's  death,  one  Simon,  with- 
out waiting  for  the  disposition  of  Caesar, 
took  upon  him  the  title  of  king,  who  was 
brought  to  punishment  by  [or  under] 
Quintilius  Varus,  when  he  was  president 
of  Syria.  Afterward  the  nation  was  re- 
duced, and  the  children  of  Herod  go- 
verned it  in  three  partitions. 

Under  Tiberius  the  Jews  had  rest. 
After  some  time  they  were  enjoined  to 
place  Caius  Caesar's  statue  in  the  temple; 
but  rather  than  permit  that,  they  took  up 
arms;*  which  sedition  was  put  an  end  to 
by  the  death  of  Caesar. 

Claudius,  after  the  kings  were  either 
dead  or  reduced  to  smaller  dominions, 
gave  the  province  of  Judea  to  Roman 
knights,  or  to  freedmen,  to  be  governed 
by  them.  Among  whom  was  Antonius 
Felix,  one  that  exercised  all  kind  of 
barbarity  and  extravagance,  as  if  he  had 
royal  authority,  but  with  the  disposition 
of  a  slave.  He  had  married  Drusilla, 
the  grand-daughter  of  Autonius,  so  that 
Felix  was  the  grand-daughter's  husband, 
and  Claudius  the  grandson  of  the  same 
Autonius. 


*  They  came  to  Petronius,  the  president  of 
Syria,  in  vast  numbers,  but  without  arms,  and  as 
humble  supplicants  only.  See  Tacitus  presently, 
where  ho  afterward  sets  this  matter  almost  right, 
according  to  Josephus,  and  by  way  of  correction, 
for  that  account  is  in  his  annals,  which  were 
written  alter  this,  which  is  in  his  histories. 


478 


DISSERTATION  III. 


AXXAL.     Book  XII. 


But  be  that  was  the  brother  of  Pallas, 
whose  surname  was  Felix,  did  not  act 
with  the  same  moderation  [as  did  Pallas 
himself].  He  had  been  a  good  while  ago 
■et  over  Judea,  and  thought  he  miaht 
be  guilty  of  all  sorts  of  wickedness  with 
impunity,  while  he  relied  on  so  sure  an 
authority. 

The  Jews  had  almost  given  a  specimen 
of  sedition  ;  and  even  after  the  death  of 
Caius  was  known,  and  they  had  not 
obeyed  his  command,  there  remained  a 
degree  of  fear,  lest  some  future  prince 
should  renew  that  command  [for  the  set- 
ting up  the  prince's  statue  in  their  tem- 
ple]. And  in  the  mean  time,  Felix,  by 
the  use  of  unseasonable  remedies,  blew 
up  the  coals  of  sedition  into  a  flame,  and 
was  imitated  by  his  partner  in  the  govern- 
ment, Ventidius  Cumanus;  the  country 
being  thus  divided  between  them,  that 
the  nation  of  the  Galileans  were  under 
Cumanus,  and  the  Samaritans  under  Felix, 
which  two  nations  were  of  old  at  vari- 
ance, but  now,  out  of  contempt  of  their 
governors,  did  less  restrain  their  hatred  ; 
they  then  began  to  plunder  one  another, 


to  send  in  parties  of  robbers,  to  lie  in 
wait,  and  sometimes  to  fight  battles,  and 
withal  to  bring  spoils  and  prey  to  the  pro- 
curators [Cumanus  and  Felix].  Where- 
upon these  procurators  began  to  rejoice  j 
yet  when  the  mischief  grew  considerable, 
soldiers  were  sent  to  quiet  them,  but  the 
soldiers  were  killed ;  and  the  province 
had  been  in  the  flame  of  war,  had  not 
Quadratus,  the  president  of  Syria,  afforded 
his  assistance.  Nor  was  it  long  in  dispute 
whether  the  Jews  who  had  killed  the 
soldiers  in  the  mutiny  should  be  put  to 
death:  it  was  agreed  they  should  die; 
ouly  Cumanus  and  Felix  occasioned  a 
delay ;  for  Claudius,  upon  hearing  the 
causes  as  to  this  rebellion,  had  given 
[Quadratus]  authority  to  determine  the 
case,  even  as  to  the  procurators  them- 
selves; but  Quadratus  showed  Felix  among 
the  judges,  and  took  him  into  his  seat  of 
judgment,  on  purpose  that  he  might  dis- 
courage his  accusers.  So  Cumanus  was 
condemned  for  those  flagitious  actions, 
of  which  both  he  and  Felix  had  been 
guilty,  and  peace  was  restored  to  the 
province.* 


HISTOR.     Book  V.  Chap.  X. 


However,  the  Jews  had  patience  till 
Gessius  Florus  was  made  procurator. 
Under  him  it  was  that  the  war  began. 
Then  CestiusGallus,  the  president  of  Syria, 
attempted  to  appease  it,  tried  several 
battles,  but  generally  with  ill  success. 

Upon  his  death,*  whether  it  came  by 
fate,  or  that  he  was  weary  of  his  life,  is 
uncertain,  Vespasian  had  the  good  fortune, 
by  his  reputation  and  excellent  officers, 
and  a  victorious  army,  in  the  space  of  two 
summers,  to  make  himself  master  of  all 
the  open  country,  and  of  all  the  cities, 
Jerusalem  excepted. 

[Flavius  Vespasianus,  whom  Nero  had 
chosen  for  his  general,  managed  the  Jew- 
ish war  with  three  legions.  Histor.  b.  i. 
c.  x.] 

The  next  year,  which  was  employed  in 
a  civil  war  at  [home],  so  far  as  the  Jews 
were  concerned,  passed  over  in  peace. 
When  Italy  was  pacified,  the  care  of 
foreign  parts  was  revived.  The  Jews 
were  the  only  people  that  stood  out,  which 

*  Josephus  says  nothing  of  the  death  of  Cestius  ' 
BO  Tacitus  seems  to  have  known  nothing  in  parti- 
cular about  it. 
452 


increased  the  rage  [of  the  Romans].  It 
was  also  thought  most  proper  that  Titus 
should  stay  with  the  army,  to  prevent  any 
accident  or  misfortune  which  the  new 
government  might  be  liable  to. 

[Vespasian  had  put  an  end  to  the  Jew- 
ish war :  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  was  the 
only  enterprise  remaining,  which  was  a 
work  hard  and  difficult,  but  rather  from 
the  nature  of  the  mountain,  and  the  obsti- 
nacy of  the  Jewish  superstition,  than 
because  the  besieged  had  strength  enough 
to  undergo  the  distresses  [of  a  siege]. 
We  have  already  informed  the  reader 
that  Vespasian  had  with  him  three  le- 
gions, well  exercised  in  war.  Histor. 
b.  ii.  c.  v.] 

When  Vespasian  was  a  very  young 
man,  it  was  promised  him  that  he  should 
arrive  at  the  highest  pitch  of  fame  :  but 
what  did  first  of  all  seem  to  confirm  the 
omen  was  his  triumphs  and  consulship, 
and  the  glory  of  his  victories  over  the 
Jews.     When  he  had  once  obtained  these, 


*  Here  seems  to  be  a  great  mistake  about  the 
Jewish  affairs  in  Tacitus.  See  Of  the  War,  b.  ii. 
c.  xii. 


DISSERTATION   in. 


470 


ho    believed    it   was    portended    that   he 
should  come  to  the  empire.* 

There  is  between  Judea  and  Syria  a 
mountain  and  a  god,  both  called  by  the 
same  name  of  Garmd,  though  our  pre- 
decessors have  informed  us  that  this  god 
had  no  image,  aud  no  temple,  and,  indeed, 
no  more  than  an  altar  and  solemn  wor- 
ship. Vespasian  was  once  offering  a  sacri- 
fice there,  at  a  time  when  he  had  some 
secret  thought  in  his  mind  :  the  priest, 
whose  name  was  Basilides,  when  he  over 
and  over  looked  at  the  entrails,  said, 
Vespasian,  whatever  thou  art  ahout,  whe- 
ther the  building  of  thy  house,  or  enlarge- 
ment of  thy  lands,  or  augmentation  of  thy 
slaves,  thou  art  granted  a  mighty  seat, 
very  large  bounds,  a  huge  number  of  men. 
These  doubtful  answers  were  soon  spread 
abroad  by  fame,  and  at  this  time  were 
explained:  nor  was  any  thing  so  much  in 
public  vogue ;  and  very  many  discourses 
of  that  nature  were  made  before  him,  and 
the  more  because  they  foretold  what  he 
expected. 

Mucianus  and  Vespasianus  went  away, 
having  fully  agreed  on  their  designs ;  the 
former  to  Antioch,  the  latter  to  Caesarea. 
Antioch  is  the  capital  of  Syria,  and  Cae- 
sarea the  capital  of  Judea.  The  com- 
mencement of  Vespasian's  advancement 
to  the  empire  was  at  Alexandria,  where 
Tiberius  Alexander  made  such  haste,  that 
he  obliged  the  legions  to  take  the  oath  of 
fidelity  to  him  on  the  calends  of  July, 
which  was  ever  after  celebrated  as  the 
day  of  his  inauguration,  althoughf  the 
army  in  Judea  had  taken  the  oath  on  the 
fifth  of  the  nones  of  July,  with  that 
eagerness  that  they  would  not  stay  for 
his  son  Titus,  who  was  then  on  the  road, 
returning  out  of  Syria,  c.  lxxix.  Ves- 
pasian delivered  over  the  strongest  part 
of  his  forces  to  Titus,  to  enable  him  to 
finish  what  remained  of  the  Jewish  war. 
Hist.  b.  iv.  c.  li. 

During  those  months  in  which  Vespa- 


*  Josephus  takes  notice  in  general  of  those  many 
omens  of  Vespasian's  advancement  to  the  empire, 
and  distinctly  adds  his  own  remarkable  prediction 
of  it  also.     Antiq.  b.  iii.  c.  viii. 

f  This  although  seems  to  imply  that  Vespasian 
was  proclaimed  emperor  in  Judea  before  he  was 
bo  proclaimed  at  Alexandria,  as  the  whole  history 
of  Josephus  implies,  and  the  place  where  now 
Vespasian  was,  which  was  no  other  than  Judea, 
requires  also,  though  the  inauguration  day  might 
bo  celebrated  afterward  from  his  first  proclamation 
at  the  great  city  Alexandria,  only  then  the  nones 
or  ides  in  Tacitus  and  Suetonius  must  be  of  June, 
and  not  of  July. 


sian  continued  at  Ah  sandria,  waiting  for 
the  usual  set  time  of  the  summer  gal 

wind,  and  stayed  fur  settled  fair  weather 
at  sea,  many  miraculous  events  happened, 
by  which  the  good-will  of  heaven,  and  a 
kind  of  inclination  of  the  Deity  in  his 
favour,  was  declared. 

A  certain  man  of  the  vulgar  sort  at 
Alexandria,  well  known  for  the  decay  of 
his  eyes,  kneeled  down  by  him,  and 
groaned,  and  begged  of  him  the  cure  of 
his  blindness,  as  by  the  admonition  of 
Serapis,  that  god  which  this  superstitions 
nation  worships  above  others.  lie  also 
desired  that  the  emperor  would  be  pleased 
to  put  some  of  his  spittle  upon  the  balls 
of  his  eyes.  Another  infirm  man  there, 
who  was  lame  of  his  hand,  prayed  Caesar, 
as  by  the  same  god's  suggestion,  to  tread 
upon  him  with  his  foot.  Vespasian  at 
first  began  to  laugh  at  them,  and  to  reject 
them  ;  and  when  they  were  instant  with 
him,  he  sometimes  feared  he  should  have 
the  reputation  of  a  vain  person,  and  some- 
times upon  the  solicitation  of  the  infirm, 
he  flattered  himself,  and  others  flattered 
him,  with  the  hopes  of  succeeding.  At 
last  he  ordered  the  physicians  to  give 
their  opinion,  wdiether  this  sort  of  blind- 
ness and  lameness  were  curable  by  the 
art  of  man  or  not?  The  physicians  an- 
swered uncertainly,  that  the  one  had  not 
his  visual  faculty  utterly  destroyed,  and 
that  it  might  be  restored,  if  the  obstacles 
were  removed ;  that  the  other's  limbs 
were  disordered,  but  if  a  healing  virtue 
were  made  use  of,  they  were  capable  of 
being  made  whole.  Perhaps,  said  they, 
the  gods  are  willing  to  assist,  and  that  the 
emperor  is  chosen  by  divine  interposition  : 
however,  they  said  at  last,  that  if  the 
cures  succeeded,  Ctusar  would  have  the 
glory,  if  not,  the  poor  miserable  objects 
would  only  be  laughed  at.  Whereupon 
Vespasian  imagined  that  his  good  fortuue 
would  be  universal,  and  that  nothing  on 
that  account  could  be  incredible;  bo  he 
looked  cheerfully,  and  in  the  sight  of  the 
multitude,  who  stood  in  great  expectation, 
he  did  what  they  desired  him :  upon 
which  the  lame  hand  was  recovered,  and 
the  blind  man  saw  immediately.  Doth 
these  cures*  are  related  to  this  day  by 
those  that  were  present,  and  when  speak- 
ing falsely  will  get  no  reward. 

*  The  miraculous  cures  done  by  Vespasia  i  are 
attested  to  both  by  Suetonius  in  Vespasian,  sect. 
7,  and  by  Dio,  p.  217,  and  seem  to  me  well  attested. 
Our  Saviour  Beems  to  have  overruled  the  heathen 


480 


DISSERTATION  III. 


BookY.  Chap.  I. 


At  the  beginning  of  the  same  year, 
Titus  Caesar,  who  was  pitched  upon  by 
his  father  to  finish  the  conquest  of  Judea, 
and,  while  both  he  and  his  father  were 
private  persons,  was  celebrated  for  his 
martial  conduct,  acted  now  with  greater 
vigour  and  hopes  of  reputation,  the  kind 
inclinations  both  of  the  provinces  and  of 
the  armies  striving  one  with  another  who 
should  most  encourage  him.  He  was 
also  himself  in  a  disposition  to  show  that 
he  was  more  than  equal  to  his  fortune; 
and  when  he  appeared  in  arms,  he  did  all 
things  after  such  a,  ready  and  graceful 
way,  treating  all  after  such  an  affable 
manner,  and  with  such  kind  words,  as 
invited  the  good-will  and  good  wishes  of 
all.  He  appeared  also  in  his  actions  and 
in  his  place  in  the  troops  ;  he  mixed  with 
the  common  soldiers,  yet  without  any 
stain  to  his  honour  as  a  general.*  He 
was  received  in  Judea  by  three  legions, 
the  fifth  and  the  tenth,  and  the  fifteenth, 
who  were  Vespasian's  old  soldiers^  Syria 
also  afforded  him  the  twelfth,  and  Alex- 
andria soldiers  out  of  the  twenty-second 
and  twenty-third  legions.  Twenty  cohorts"!' 
of  auxiliaries  accompanied  him,  as  also 
eight  troops  of  horse. 

King  Agrippa  also  was  there,  and  King 
Sohemus,  and  the  auxiliaries  of  King 
Antiochus,  and  a  strong  body  of  Arabians, 
who,  as  is  usual  in  nations  that  are  neigh- 
bours to  one  another,  went  with  their 
accustomed  hatred  against  the  Jews,  with 
many  others  out  of  the  city  of  Rome,  as 
every  one's  hopes  led  him  of  getting 
early  into  the  general's  favour,  before 
others  should  prevent  them. 

oracle  of  Serapis  to  procure  tho  divine  approbation 
to  Vespasian's  advancement  to  the  empire  of 
Rome,  as  he  suggested  the  like  approbation  to  the 
advancement  both  of  Vespasian  and  Titus  to  Jose- 
phus.  which  two  were  to  be  his  chosen  instruments 
in  bringing  on  that  terrible  destruction  upon  the 
Jewish  nation,  which  he  had  threatened  to  execute 
by  those  Rinnan  armies.  Nor  could  any  other 
Roman  generals  than  Vespasian  and  Titus,  at  that 
time,  in  human  probability,  have  prevailed  over  the 
Jew-',  and  destroyed  Jerusalem,  as  this  whole  his- 
tory in  Josephus  implies.  Josephus  also  every- 
where supposes  Vespasian  and  Titus  raised  up  to 
command  against  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  and  to 
govern  the  Roman  empire  by  divine  providence, 
and  not  in  the  ordinary  way;  as  also,  he  always 
supposes  this  destruction  a  divine  judgment  on  the 
Jews  fur  their  sins. 

*  This  character  of  Titus  agrees  exactly  with 
the  history  of  Josephus  upon  all  occasions. 

y  These  twenty  cohorts  and  eight  troops  of  horse 
are  not  directly  enumerated  by  Josephus,  Antiq. 
b.  v.  e.  i. 


He  entered  into  the  borders  of  the 
enemies'  country  with  these  forces,  in  ex- 
act order  of  war  :  and  looking  carefully 
about  him,  and  being  ready  for  battle,  he 
pitched  his  camp  not  far  from  Jerusalem 

Chap.  X.]  When,  therefore,  he  had 
pitched  his  camp,  as  we  said  just  now, 
before  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  he  pomp- 
ously showed*  his  legions  ready  for  an 
engagement. 

Chap.  XI.]  The  Jews  formed  their 
camp  under  the  very  wallsf  [of  the  city], 
and  if  they  succeeded,  they  resolved  to 
venture  farther,  but  if  they  were  beaten 
back,  that  was  their  place  of  refuge. 
When  a  body  of  cavalry  J  were  sent  against 
them,  and  with  them  cohorts,  that  were 
expedite  and  nimble,  the  fight  was  doubt- 
ful ;  but  soon  afterward  the  enemies  gave 
ground,  and  on  the  following  days  there 
were  frequent  skirmishes  before  the  gates, 
till  after  many  losses  they  were  driven 
into  the  city.  The  Romans  then  betook 
themselves  to  the  siege,  for  it  did  not 
seem  honourable  to  stay  till  the  enemies 
were  reduced  by  famine. §  The  soldiers 
were  very  eager  to  expose  themselves  to 
dangers,  part  of  them  out  of  true  valour, 
many  out  of  a  brutish  fierceness,  and 
others  out  of  a  desire  of  rewards. 

Titus  had  Rome,  and  the  riches  and 
pleasures  of  it  before  his  eyes,  all  which 
seemed  to  be  too  long  delayed,  unless 
Jeruselam  could  be  soon  destroyed. 

The  city||  stood  on  a  high  elevation, 
and  it  had  great  works  and  ramparts  to 
secure  it,  such  indeed  as  were  sufficient 
for  its  fortification,  had  it  been  on  plain 
ground ;  for  there  were  two  hills,  of  a 
vast  height,  which  were  enclosed  by  walls 
made  crooked  by  art,  or  [naturally]  bend- 


*  This  word  in  Tacitus,  pompously  shoired  his 
legions,  looks  as  if  that  pompous  show,  which  was 
some  months  afterward  in  Josephus,  ran  in  his 
mind.  Antiq.  b.  v.  e.  ix. 

f  These  first  bickerings  and  battles  near  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  are  at  large  in  Josephus,  Antiq. 
b.  v.  c.  ii. 

|  Josephus  distinctly  mentions  these  horsemen 
or  cavalry,  600  in  number,  among  whom  Titus  had 
like  to  have  been  slain  or  taken  prisoner,  Antiq. 

b.  v.  c.  ii. 

§  Such  a  deliberation  and  resolution,  with  this 
very  reason,  that  it  would  be  dishonourable  to 
stay  till  the  Jews  were  starved  out  by  famine,  is 
in  Josephus,  Antiq.  b.  v.  c.  xii. 

j|  This  description  of  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  its 
two  hills,  its  three  walls,  and  four  towers,  <fcc,  are 
in  this  place  at   large  in  Josephus,  Antiq.   b.    v. 

c.  iv.     See  also  Pompey's  siege,  b.  xiv.  c.  iv. 


DISSERTATION  III. 


481 


ing  inward,  that  tbcy  might  flank  the 
besiegers,  and  casts  darts  on  them  side- 
way.  The  extreme  parts  of  the  rock  were 
craggy,  and  the  towers,  when  they  had 
the  advantage  of  the  ground,  were  60 
feet  high  :  when  they  were  built  on  the 
plain  ground  they  were  not  built  lower 
than  120  feet:  they  were  of  uncommon 
beauty,  and  to  those  who  looked  at  them 
at  a  great  distance,  they  seemed  equal. 
Other  walls  there  were  beneath  the  royal 
palace,  besides  the  tower  of  Antonia,  with 
its  top  particularly  conspicuous.  It  was 
called  so  by  Herod,  in  honour  of  Marcus 
Antonius. 

Chap.  XII.]  The  temple  was  like  a 
citadel,  having  walls  of  its  own,  which 
had  more  labour  and  pains  bestowed  on 
them  than  the  rest.  The  cloisters  where- 
with the  temple  was  enclosed  were  an 
excellent  fortification. 

They  had  a  fountain  of  water  that  ran 
perpetually ;  and  the  mountains  were 
hollowed  under  ground ;  they  had  more- 
over pools*  and  cisterns  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  rain-water. 

They  that  built  this  city  foresaw,  that, 
from  the  difference  of  their  conduct  of 
life  from  their  neighbours,  they  should 
have  frequent  wars ;  thence  it  came  to 
pass  that  they  had  provisions  for  a  long 
siege.  After  Pompey's  conquest  also 
their  fear  and  experience  had  taught  them 
generally  what  they  should  want.j- 

Moreover,  the  covetous  temper  that 
prevailed  under  Claudius  gave  the  Jews 
an  opportunity  of  purchasing  for  money 
leave!  to  fortify  Jerusalem;  so  they  built 
walls  in  time  of  peace,  as  if  they  were 
going  to  war,  they  being  augmented  in 
number  by  those  rude  multitudes  of  peo- 
ple that  retired  thither  on  the  ruin  of  the 
other  cities;    for   every  obstinate   fellow 


*  Of  these  pools,  see  Josephus,  b.  v.  c.  xi.  The 
cisterns  are  not  mentioned  by  him  here,  though 
they  be  mentioned  by  travellers.  See  Iceland's 
Palestine,  torn.  i.  p.  304. 

f  This  is  Taeitus's  or  the  Romans'  own  hypo- 
thesis, unsupported  by  Josephus. 

\  This  sale  of  leave  for  the  Jews  to  build  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem  for  money  is  also  Taeitus's  or 
the  Romans' own  hypothesis,  unsupported  by  Jose- 
phus. Nor  is  Josephus's  character  of  Claudius 
near  so  bad,  as  to  other  things  also,  as  it  is  in 
Tacitus  and  Suetonius.  Dio  says,  he  was  far  from 
covetousness  in  particular.  The  others  seem  to 
have  misrepresented  his  meek  and  quiet  temper 
and  learning,  but  without  ambition,  and  his  great 
kindness  to  the  Jews,  as  the  most  contemptible 
folly.  See  Antiq.  b.  xix.  c.  iv.  He  was,  in- 
deed, much  ruled  at  first  by  a  very  bad  minister, 
Pallas  ;  and  at  last  was  ruled  and  poisoned  by  a 
very  bad  wife,  Agrippina. 
Vol.  II.— 31 


ran  away  thither,  and  there  became  more 
seditious  than  before. 

There  were  three  captains,  and  as  many 
armies.  Simon  had  the  remotest  and 
largest  part  of  the  walls  under  him.  John, 
who  was  also  called  Bar  Gtioras  [the  boo 
of  Gioras],  had  the  middle  parts  of  the 
city  under  him  ;  and  Eleazar  had  fortified 
the  temple  itself.  John  and  Simon  were 
superior  in  multitude  and  strength  of 
arms,  Eleazar  was  superior  by  Lis  situa- 
tion; but  battles,  factions,  and  burnings 
were  common  to  them  all ;  and  a  great 
cmautity  of  corn  was  consumed  by  fire. 
After  a  while  John  sent  some  who,  under 
the  pretence  of  offering  sacrifice,  might 
slay  Eleazar  and  his  body  of  troops,  which 
they  did,  and  got  the  temple  under  their 
power.  So  the  city  now  was  parted  into 
two  factions,  until,  upon  the  coming  of 
the  Romans,  this  war  abroad  produced 
peace  between  these  that  were  at  home. 

Chap.  XIII.]  Such  prodigies*  had 
happened  as  this  nation,  which  is  super- 
stitious enough  in  its  own  way,  would  not 
agree  to  expiate  by  the  ceremonies  of 
the  Roman  religion,  nor  would  they  atone 
the  gods  by  sacrifices  and  vows,  as  these 
used  to  do  on  the  like  occasions.  Annies 
were  seen  to  fight  in  the  sky,  and  their 
armour  looked  of  a  brigh*.  red  colour,  and 
the  temple  shone  with  sudden  flashes  of 
fire  out  of  the  clouds.  The  doors  of  the 
temple  were  opened  on  a  suddeu,  and  a 
voice  greater  than  human  was  heard,  that 
the  gods  were  retiring ;  and  at  the  same 
time  was  there  a  great  motion  perceived, 
as  if  they  were  going  out  of  it,  which 
some  esteemed  to  be  causes  of  terror.  The 
greater  part  had  a  firm  belief  that  it  was 
contained  in  the  old  sacerdotal  books,  that 
at  this  very  time  the  east  would  prevail 
and  that  some  that  came  out  of  Judea 
should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world, 
which  obscure  oracle  foretold  Vespasian 
and  Titus;  but  the  generality  of  the  com- 
mon people,  as  usual,  indulged  their  own 
inclinations,  and  when  they  had  once  in- 
terpreted all  to  forebode  grandeur  to  them- 
selves, adversity  itself  could  not  persuade 
them  to  change  their  minds,  though  it  were 
from  falsehood  to  truth.")" 

We  have  been  informed  that  the  num- 
ber of  the  besieged,  of  every  age,  and  of 
both    sexes,   male   and   female,    was    six 


*  Theso  prodigies,  and  more,  are  at  large  in  Jo- 
sephus, Antiq.  b.  vi.  c.  v. 

f  This  interpretation  and  reflections  are  in  Jose- 
phus, Antiq.  b.  vi.  c.  v. 


482 


DISSERTATION  III. 


hundred  thousand.*  There  were  weapons 
for  all  that  could  carry  them,  and  more 
than  could  be  expected,  for  their  number 
were  bold  enough  to  do  so.  The  men 
and  the  women  were  equally  obstinate ; 
and  when  they  supposed  they  were  to  be 
carried  captive,  they  were  more  afraid  of 
life  than  of  death. 

Against    this    city    and    nation    Titus 


Crcsar  resolved  to  fight  by  ramparts  and 
ditches,  since  the  situation  of  the  place 
did  not  admit  of  taking  it  by  storm  or 
surprise.  He  parted  the  duty  among  the 
legions;  and  there  were  no  further  en- 
gagements, until  whatever  had  been  in- 
vented for  the  taking  of  cities  by  the  an- 
cients, or  by  the  ingenuity  of  the  moderns, 
was  got  ready. 


ANNAL.    Book  XV. 


Nero,  in  order  to  stifle  the  rumour  [as 
if  he  had  himself  set  Rome  on  fire],  as- 
cribed it  to  those  people  who  were  hated 
for  their  wicked  practices,  and  called  by 
the  vulgar  Christians;  these  he  punished 
exquisitely.  The  author  of  this  name 
was  Christ,  who,  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius, 
was  brought  to  punishment  by  Pontius 
Pilate,  the  procurator.-}-  For  the  present 
this  pernicious  superstition  was  in  part 
suppressed,  but  it  brake  out  again,  not 
only  over  Judea,  whence  this  mischief  first 
sprang,  but  in  the  city  of  Rome  also,  whi- 
ther do  run  from  every  quarter  and  make 
a  noise,  all  the  flagrant  and  shameful  enor- 
mities. At  first,  therefore,  those  were 
seized  who  confessed,  afterward  a  vast 
multitude  were  detected  by  them,  and 
were  convicted,  not  so  much  as  really 
guilty  of  setting  the  city  on  fire,  but  as 
hating  all  mankind ;  nay,  they  made  a 
mock  of  them  as  they  perished,  and  de- 
stroyed them  by  putting  them  into  the 
skins  of  wild  beasts,  and  setting  dogs  upon 
them  to  tear  them  to  pieces.  Some  were 
nailed  to  crosses,  and  others  flamed  to 
death  ;  they  were  also  used  in  the  night- 
time instead  of  torches,  for  illumination. 


Nero  had  offered  his  own  gardens  for  this 
spectacle.  He  also  gave  them  Circensian 
games,  and  dressed  himself  like  a  driver 
of  a  chariot,  sometimes  appearing  among 
the  common  people,  sometimes  in  the 
circle  itself;  whence  a  commiseration  arose, 
though  the  punishments  were  levelled  at 
guilty  persons,  and  such  as  deserve  to  be 
made  the  most  flagrant  examples,  as  if 
these  people  were  destroyed,  not  for  the 
public  advantage,  but  to  satisfy  the  bar- 
barous humour  of  one  man. 

iV.  B.  Since  I  have  set  down  all  the 
vile  calumnies  of  Tacitus  upon  the  Chris- 
tians as  well  as  the  Jews,  it  will  be  proper, 
before  I  come  to  my  observations,  to  set 
down  two  heathen  records  in  their  favour, 
and  those  hardly  inferior  in  antiquity,  and 
of  much  greater  authority  than  Tacitus,  I 
mean  Pliny's  epistle  to  Trajan,  when  he 
was  proconsul  of  Bithynia,  with  Trajan's 
answer  or  rescript  to  Pliny,  cited  by  Ter- 
tullian,  Eusebius,  and  Jerom.  These 
are  records  of  so  great  esteem  with 
Havcrcamp,  the  last  editor  of  Josephus, 
that  he  thinks  they  not  only  deserve  to 
be  read,  but  almost  to  be  learned  by  heart 
also. 


PLINY'S  EPISTLE   TO  TRAJAN. 
About  A.  D.  112. 


Sir,  it  is  my  constant  method  to  apply 
myself  to  you  for  the  resolution  of  all  my 
doubts,  for  who  can  better  govern  my 
dilatory  way  of  proceeding,  or  instruct  my 


*  The  number  G00.O00  for  the  besieged  is  no- 
where in  Josephus,  but  is  there  for  the  poor  buried 
at  the  public  charge,  Antiq.  1).  v.  c.  xii.,  which 
might  be  about  the  number  of  the  besieged  under 
Cestius  Gallus,  though  they  were  many  more  after- 
ward at  Titus's  siege,  as  Josephus  implies,  Antiq. 
b.  vi.  c.  ix. 

f  This  passage  seems  to  have  been  directly  taken 
from  Josephus's  famous  testimony  concerning 
Christ,  and  the  Christians,  Antiq.  b.  xviii.  c.  iii.,  of 
which  Disser).  I.  before. 


ignorance  ?  I  have  never  been  present  at  the 
examination  of  the  Christians  [by  others], 
on  which  account  I  am  unacquainted  with 
what  uses  to  be  inquired  into,  and  what 
and  how  far  they  used  to  be  punished : 
nor  are  my  doubts  small,  whether  there 
be  not  a  distinction  to  be  made  between 
the  ages  [of  the  accused],  and  whether 
tender  youth  ought  to  have  the  same  pu- 
nishment with  strong  men  ?  whether  there 
be  not  room  for  pardon  upon  repentance  ?* 

*  Till  now  it  seems  repentance  was  not  commonly 
allowed  those  that  had  been  once  Christians,  but 
though  they  recanted,  and  returned  to  idolatry,  yet 


DISSERTATION'  III. 


483 


or  whether  it  may  not  he  an  advantage  to 
one  that  had  been  a  Christian,  that  he  has 
forsaken  Christianity  ?  whether  the  bare 
name,*  without  any  crimes  besides,  or  the 
crimes  adhering  to  that  name,  be  to  be 
punished  ?  In  the  mean  time,  I  have 
taken  this  course  about  those  who  have 
been  brought  before  me  as  Christians  : — 
T  asked  them  whether  they  were  Chris- 
tians or  not  ?  If  they  confessed  that  they 
were  Christians,  I  asked  them  again,  and 
a  third  time,  intermixing  threatenings 
with  the  questions  :  if  they  persevered  in 
their  confession,  I  ordered  them  to  be 
executed  ;y  for  I  did  not  doubt  but,  let 
their  confession  be  of  any  sort  whatsoever, 
this  positiveness  and  inflexible  obstinacy 
deserved  to  be  punished.  There  have 
been  some  of  this  mad  sect  whom  I  took 
notice  of  in  particular  as  Roman  citizeus, 
that  they  might  bo  sent  to  that  city.t 
After  some  time,  as  is  usual  in  such  ex- 
aminations, the  crime  spread  itself,  and 
many  more  cases  came  before  me.  A  libel 
was  sent  me,  though  without  an  author, 
containing  many  names  [of  persons  ac- 
cused]. These  denied  that  they  were 
Christians  now,  or  ever  had  been.  They 
called  upon  the  gods,  and  supplicated  to 
your  image,§  which  I  caused  to  be  brought 
to  me  for  that  purpose,  with  frankincense 
and  wine  :  they  also  cursed  Christ  :||  none 
of  which  things,  as  it  is  said,  can  any  of 
those  that  are  really  Christians  be  com- 
pelled to  do ;  so  I  thought  fit  to  let  them 
go.  Others  of  them,  that  Were  named  in 
the  libel,  said  they  were  Christians,  but 
presently  denied  it  again ;  that,   indeed, 


were  they  commonly  put  to  death.  This  was  per- 
secution in  perfection. 

*  This  was  the  just  and  heavy  complaint  of  the 
ancient  Christians,  that  they  commonly  suffered  for 
that  bare  name,  without  the  pretence  of  any 
crimes  they  could  prove  against  them.  This  was 
also  persecution  in  perfection  ! 

f  Amazing  doctrine  !  that  a  firm  and  fixed  reso- 
lution of  keeping  a  good  conscience  should  lie 
thought  without  dispute  to  deserve  death,  and  this 
by  such  comparatively  excellent  heathens  as  Pliny 
and  Trajan  ! 

X  This  was  the  case  of  St.  Paul,  who,  being  a 
citizen  of  Rome,  was  allowed  to  appeal  unto  Ccesar, 
and  was  sent  to  J!<ia<:  accordingly.  Acts  xxii. 
25-29  ;  xxv.  25  ;  xxvi.  32  ;   xxvii."  ' 

J  Amazing  stupidity!  that  the  emperor's  image, 
even  while  he  was  alive,  should  he  allowed  capable 
of  divine  worship,  even  by  such  comparatively  ex- 
cellent heathens  as  Pliny  and  Trajan. 

||  Take  here  a  parallel  account  out  of  the  martyr- 
dom of  Polyearp,  sect.  9.  The  proconsul  said — "Re- 
proach Christ.*'  Polyearp  replied — "  Eighty  and 
six  years  have  I  now  served  Christ,  and  lie  has 
never  done  me  the  hast  wrong;  how  then  can  I 
blaspheme  my  King  and  my  Saviour  V 


they  had  been  Christians,  hut  had  i 

to  be  so,  some   three  years,  Borne  many 

more;  and  one  there  was  that  Baid  he  had 
not  been  so  these  twenty  years.  All  these 
worshipped  your  image,  and  the  images 
of  our  gods:  these  also  cursed  Christ. 
However,  they  assured  me,  that  the  main 
of  their  fault,  or  of  their  mistake  was 
this, — that  they  were  wont,  on  a  stated 
day,  to  meet  together  before  it  was  light, 
and  to  sing  a  hymn  to  Christ,  as  a  god, 
alternately;  and  to  oblige  themselves  by 
a  sacrament  [or  oath],  not  to  do  any  thing 
that  was  ill,  but  that  they  would  commit 
no  theft,  or  pilfering,  or  adultery )  that 
they  would  not  break  their  promises,  or 
deny  what  was  deposited  with  them,  when 
it  was  re<|uired  back  again  :  after  which 
it  was  their  custom  to  depart,  and  to  meet 
again  at  a  common  but  innocent  meal,* 
which  yet  they  had  left  off  upon  that 
edict  which  I  published  at  your  command, 
and  wherein  I  had  forbidden  any  such 
conventicles.  These  examinations  made 
me  think  it  necessary  to  inquire,  by  tor- 
ments, what  the  truth  was,  which  I  did  of 
two  servant-maids,  which  were  called 
deaconesses;  but  still  I  discovered  no 
more,  than  that  they  were  addicted  to  a 
bad  and  an  extravagant  superstition. 
Hereupon  I  have  put  off  any  further  ex- 
aminations, and  have  recourse  to  you;  for 
the  affair  seems  to  be  well  worth  consulta- 
tion, especially  on  account  of  the  number 
of  those  that  are  in  danger  ;f  for  there  are 
many  of  every  age,  of  every  rank,  and  of 
both  sexes,  which  are  now  and  hereafter 
likely  to  be  called  to  account,  and  to  be  in 
danger ;  for  this  superstition  is  spread 
like  a  contagion,  not  only  into  cities  and 
towns,  but  into  country  villages also,which 
yet  there  is  reason  to  hope  may  be  stop- 
ped and  corrected.  To  be  sure,  the  tem- 
ples, which  were  almost  forsaken,  begin 
already  to  be  frequented;  and  the  holy 
solemnities,  which  were  long  intermitted, 
begin  to  be  revived.  The  sacrifices  begin 
to  sell  well  everywhere,  of  which  very 
few  purchasers  had  of  late  appeared ; 
whereby  it  is  easy  to  suppose  how  great  a 
multitude  of  men  may  be  amended,  if 
place  for  repentance  be  admitted. 


'■'  This    must,   most  probably,  be    the  feast   of 
charity. 

me  of  late  are  very  loath  to  believe  that  the 
Christians  wore  numerous  in  the  second  century ; 
but    this   is   such   an   evidence  that    they  were  very 
numerous,  at  least  in  Bithynia,  even   in  the  I 
ning  of  that  century,  as  is  wholly  undeniable. 


484 


DISSERTATION  III. 


TRAJAN'S  EPISTLE  TO  PLINY. 


My  Pliny — You  have  taken  the  me- 
thod which  you  ought,  in  examining  the 
causes  of  those  that  had  been  accused  as 
Christians ;  for,  indeed,  no  certain  and 
general  form  of  judging  can  be  ordained 
in  this  case.     These  people  are  not  to  be 


himself  to  be  a  Christian,  and  makes  it 
plain  that  he  is  not  so  by  supplicating  tc 
our  gods,  although  he  had  been  so  for- 
merly, may  be  allowed  pardon,  upon  his 
repentance.  As  for  libels  sent  without 
an  author,  they  ought  to  have  no  place 


sought  for ;  but  if  they  be  accused,  and  ;  in  any  accusation  whatsoever,  for  that 
convicted,  they  are  to  be  punished,  but  would  be  a  thing  of  very  ill  example,  and 
with    this   caution,  that   he    who    denies  i  not  agreeable  to  my  reign. 

OBSERVATIONS  UPON  THE  PASSAGES  TAKEN  OUT  OF  TACITUS. 


I.  We  see  here  what  great  regard  the 
best  of  the  Roman  historians  of  that  age, 
Tacitus,  had  to  the  history  of  Josephus, 
while,  though  he  never  names  him,  as  he 
very  rarely  names  any  of  those  Roman 
authors  whence  he  derives  other  parts  of 
his  history,  yet  does  it  appear  that  he 
refers  to  his  seven  books  of  the  Jewish 
Wars  several  times  in  a  very  few  pages, 
aud  almost  always  depends  on  his  accounts 
of  the  affairs  of  the  Romans  and  Partis- 
ans, as  well  as  of  the  Jews,  during  no 
fewer  than  240  years,  to  which  those 
books  extend. 

II.  Yet  does  it  appear  that  when  he 
now  and  then  followed  other  historians 
or  reports  concerning  the  Romans,  the 
Parthians,  or  the  Jews,  during  that  long 
interval,  he  was  commonly  mistaken  in 
them,  and  had  better  have  kept  close  to 
Josephus,  than  hearken  to  any  of  his 
other  authors  or  informers. 

III.  It  also  appears  highly  probable 
that  Tacitus  had  seen  the  Antiquities  of 
Josephus,  and  knew  that  the  most  part 
of  the  accounts  he  produced  of  the  origin 
of  the  Jewish  nation  entirely  contradicted 
those  Antiquities.  He  also  could  hardly 
avoid  seeing  that  those  accounts  contra- 
dicted one  another  also,  and  were  child- 
ish, absurd,  and  supported  by  no  good 
evidence  whatsoever :  as  also,  he  could 
hardly  avoid  seeing  that  Josephus's  ac- 
counts in  those  Antiquities  were  authentic, 
substantial,  and  thoroughly  attested  to 
by  the  ancient  records  of  that  nation, 
and  of  the  neighbouring  nations  also, 
which,  indeed,  no  one  can  now  avoid  see- 
ing, that  carefully  peruses  and  considers 
them. 

IV.  Tacitus,  therefore,  in  concealing 
the  greatest  part  of  the  true  ancient  his- 
tory of  the  Jewish  nation,  which  lay  be- 
fore him  in  Josephus,  and  producing  such 
fabulous,    ill-grounded,  aud    partial    his- 


tories, which  he  had  from  the  heathens, 
acted  a  most  unfair  part ;  and  this  pro- 
cedure of  his  is  here  the  more  gross,  in 
regard  he  professed  such  great  impartial- 
ity, Hist.  b.  i.  c.  i.,  and  is  allowed  to  have 
observed  that  impartiality  in  the  Roman 
affairs  also. 

V.  Tacitus's  hatred  and  contempt  of 
God's  peculiar  people,  the  Jews,  and  his 
attachment  to  the  grossest  idolatry,  su- 
perstition, and  astral  fatality  of  the  Ro- 
mans, were,  therefore,  so  strong  in  him, 
as  to  overbear  all  restraints  of  sober  reason 
and  equity  in  the  case  of  those  Jews, 
though  he  be"  allowed  so  exactly  to  have 
followed  them  on  other  occasions  relating 
to  the  Romans. 

VI.  Since,  therefore,  Tacitus  was  so 
bitter  against  the  Jews,  and  since  he 
knew  that  Christ  was  a  Jew  himself,  and 
that  his  apostles  and  first  followers  were 
Jews,  and  also  knew  that  the  Christian 
religion  was  derived  into  the  Roman  pro- 
vinces from  Judea,  it  is  no  wonder  that 
his  hatred  and  contempt  of  the  Jews  ex- 
tended itself  to  the  Christians  also,  whom 
the  Romans  usually  confounded  with  the 
Jews :  as,  therefore,  his  hard  words  of 
the  Jews  appear  to  have  been  generally 
groundless,  and  hurt  his  own  reputation, 
instead  of  theirs,  so  ought  we  to  esteem 
his  alike  hard  words  of  the  Christians  to 
be  blots  upon  his  own  character,  and  not 
theirs. 

VII.  Since,  therefore,  Tacitus,  soon 
after  the  publication  of  Josephus's  An- 
tiquities, and  in  contradiction  to  them,  was 
determined  to  produce  such  idle  stories 
about  the  Jews,  and  since  one  of  those 
idle  stories  is  much  the  same  as  that  pub- 
lished in  Josephus  against  Apion,  from 
Manetho  and  Lysimachus,  and  nowhere 
else  met  with  so  fully  in  all  antiquity, 
it  is  most  probable  that  those  Antiqui- 
ties of  Josephus  were  the  very  occasion 


DISSERTATION  III. 


185 


of  Tacitus  giving  us  these  stories,  as 
we  know  from  Josephus  himself,  contr. 
Apion,  b.  i.  s.  1,  that  the  same  Antiqui- 
ties were  the  very  occasion  of  Apion's 
publication  of  his  equally  scandalous 
stories  about  them,  and  which  Josephus 
so  thoroughly  confuted  in  his  two  books 
written  agaiust  them.  And  if  Tacitus,  as 
I  suppose,  had  also  read  those  two  books, 
his  procedure  in  publishing  such  stories, 
after  he  had  seen  so  thorough  a  confuta- 
tion of  them,  was  still  more  highly  crimi- 
nal. Nor  will  Tacitus' s  fault  be  much 
less,  though  we  suppose  he  neither  saw 
the  Antiquities,  nor  the  books  against 
Apion,  because  it  was  so  very  easy  for 
him,  then  at  Kome,  to  have  had  more  au- 
thentic accounts  of  the  origin  of  the 
Jewish  nation,  and  of  the  nature  of  the 
Jewish  and  Christian  religions,  from  the 
Jews  and  Christians  themselves,  which, 
he  owns,  were  very  numerous  there  in  his 
days  ;  so  that  his  publication  of  such  idle 
stories  is  still  utterly  inexcusable. 

VIII.  It  is,  therefore,  very  plain,  after 
all,  that  notwithstanding  the  encomiums 
of  several  of  our  learned   critics   upon 


Tacitus,  and  hard  suspicions  upon  Jose- 
phus, that  all  the  (involuntary)  mistakes 
of  Josephus,  in  all  his  large  works  put 
together,  their  quality,  as  well  as  quantity, 
considered,  do  not  amount  to  near  so 
great  a  sum,  as  do  these  gross  errors  and 
misrepresentations  of  Tacitus  about  the 
Jews  amount  to  in  a  few  pages;  so  little 
reason  have  some  of  our  later  and  lesser 
critics  to  prefer  the  Greek  and  Roman 
profane  historians  and  writers  to  the  Jew- 
ish, and  particularly  to  Josephus.  Such 
later  and  lesser  critics  should  have  learned 
more  judgment  and  modesty  from  their 
great  father  Joseph  Scaligcr,  when,  as  we 
have  seen,  after  all  his  deeper  inquiries,  he 
solemnly  pronounces,  Be  Emend.  T<  mp. 
Prolegom.  p.  17, — that  "Josephus  was 
the  most  diligent  and  the  greatest  lover 
of  truth  of  all  writers;"  and  is  not  afraid 
to  affirm,  that  "  it  is  more  safe  to  believe 
him,  not  only  as  to  the  affairs  of  the 
Jews,  but  also  as  to  those  that  are  foreign 
to  them,  than  all  the  Greek  and  Latin 
writers,  and  this  because  his  fidelity  and 
compass  of  learning  are  everywhere  con- 
spicuous." 


END   OF   THE   DISSERTATIONS. 


TABLE  OF  JEWISH  WEIGHTS  AND  MEASURES, 

PARTICULARLY  OF  THOSE   MENTIONED  IN  JOSEPHUS'S  WORKS. 


Of  the  Jewish  31easures  of  Length. 

Inches. 

Cubit,  the  standard 21  

Zereth,  or  large  span 10.5       

Small  span 7  

Palm,  or  hand's  breadth 3.5        

Inch,  or  thumb's  breadth 1.16     

Digit,  or  finger's  breadth 0.875   

Orgyia,  or  fathom 84  

Ezekiel's  Cannek,  or  reed 126  

Arabian  Cannah,  or  pole 168  

Schoenus,  line  or  chain 1,680  

Sabbath-day's  journey 42,000  

Jewish  mile 84,000  

Stadium,  or  furlong 8,400  

Parasang 252,000  


Feet. 
1 

0 
0 
0 
0 
0 
7 

10 

14 

140 

3,500 

7,000 

700 

21,000 


Inches. 

9 
10* 

7 

3* 

1.16 

0.875 

0 

6 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 

0 


Of  the  Jewish  Measures  of  Capacity. 


Cub.  Inches. 


Corus,  or  Chomer 8,072.74 

Seah,  or  Saton.... 269.091 

Ditto,  according  to  Josephus 828.28 

Hin 134.54 

Hin,  according  to  Josephus 414 .  12 

Omer,  or  Assaron 80 .  722 

Cab 44.859 

Log 11.21 

Metretes,  or  Syrian  firkin 207 


Pints  or  Pounds. 


BathorEpha 807.274  27.83 


278.3 

9.266 
28.3 


4. 
14 

2, 
1. 

0, 

7, 


4633 

3 

78 

544 

39 

125 


Of  the  Jewish  Weights  and  Coins. 

£  8.  d. 

Stater,  Siclus,  or  shekel  of  the  sanctuary,  the  standard 0  2  6 

Tyrian  coin,  equal  to  the  shekel 0  2  6 

Bekah,  half  of  the  shekel 0  13 

Drachma  Attica,  one-fourth 0  0  7£ 

Drachma  Alexandrina,  or  Darchon,  or  Adarchon,  one-half.           0  1  3 

Gerah,  or  Obolus,  one-twentieth 0  0  1J 

Maneh,  or  Mna — 100  shekels  in  weight,  21,900  grains  Troy 

Manch,  Mna,  or  Mina,  as  a  coin — 60  shekels 7  10  0 

Talent  of  silver— 3000  shekels 375  0  0 

Drachma  of  gold,  not  more  than 0  11 

Shekel  of  gold,  not  more  than 0  4  4 

Daric  of  gold , 10  4 

Talent  of  gold,  not  more  than 648  0  0 

486 


TABLE  OF  THE  JEWISH  MONTHS. 


487 


Table  of  the  Jewish  Months  in  Joscphus  and  others,  toith  the  Syro- Macedonian 
names  Joscphus  gives  them,  and  the  names  of  the  Julian  or  Roman  Months 
corresponding  to  them: 


Hebrew  Names. 

(1.)  Nisan. 
(2.)  Jyar. 
(3.)  Sivan. 

Tamuz. 

Ab. 

Elul. 

Tisri. 

Marchesvan. 

Casleu. 

Tebeth. 

Shebat. 

Adar. 


(4-) 
(5.) 
(6.) 

(7-) 

(8.) 

(9.) 
(10.) 
(11.) 
(12.) 
(13.)  Veadar,  or  the 


Syro-Macedonian  Names. 

Xanthicus. 
Artemisius. 
Dsesius. 
Panemus. 
Lous. 
Gorpiaeus. 
Hyperberetaeus. 
Dius. 
Apellaaus. 
Andynaeus. 
Peritius. 
Dystrus. 
Second  Adar,  intercalated. 


Roman  Names. 

March  and  April, 
April  and  May. 
May  and  June. 
June  and  July. 
July  and  August. 
August  and  September 
September  and  October. 
October  and  November. 
November  and  December. 
December  and  January. 
January  and  February. 
February  and  March. 


THE  END. 


llljS1  Hi 


Date  Due 


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BS1197  J83A23  1857  v.2 
The  works  of  Flavius  Josephus 

Princeton  Theological  Seminary-Speer  Library 


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